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斯隆技术系列
THE SLOAN TECHNOLOGY SERIES
《黑暗之日：氢弹的制造》，作者：理查德·罗兹
Dark Sun: The Making of the Hydrogen Bomb by Richard Rhodes
《梦想收割者：一位老派发明家在高科技、高风险的现代农业世界中的故事》，作者：克雷格·卡宁
Dream Reaper: The Story of an Old-Fashioned Inventor in the High-Tech, High-Stakes World of Modern Agriculture by Craig Canine
《动荡的天空：商业航空史》，作者：托马斯·A·赫彭海默
Turbulent Skies: The History of Commercial Aviation by Thomas A. Heppenheimer
《电视机：电视的发明》，作者：大卫·E·费舍尔和马歇尔·乔恩·费舍尔
Tube: The Invention of Television by David E. Fisher and Marshall Jon Fisher
改变世界的发明《世界：一小群雷达先驱如何赢得第二次世界大战并开启一场技术革命》，作者：罗伯特·布德里
The Invention That Changed the World: How a Small Group of Radar Pioneers Won the Second World War and Launched a Technological Revolution by Robert Buderi
《计算机：信息机器的历史》，作者：马丁·坎贝尔-凯利和威廉·阿斯普雷
Computer: A History of the Information Machine by Martin Campbell-Kelly and William Aspray
《赤裸裸的骨头：二十世纪的医学影像学》（作者：贝蒂安·凯夫勒斯）
Naked to the Bone: Medical Imaging in the Twentieth Century by Bettyann Kevles
血液中的骚动：一个世纪以来利用免疫系统对抗癌症和其他疾病作者：斯蒂芬·S·霍尔
A Commotion in the Blood: A Century of Using the Immune System to Battle Cancer and Other Diseases by Stephen S. Hall
超越工程：关于技术的新思考方式，作者：罗伯特·普尔
Beyond Enginering: A New Way of Thinking About Technology by Robert Pool
《最佳方法：弗雷德里克·温斯洛·泰勒与效率之谜》，作者：罗伯特·卡尼格尔
The One Best Way: Frederick Winslow Taylor and the Enigma of Efficiency by Robert Kanigel
《水晶之火：信息时代的诞生》，作者：迈克尔·里奥丹和莉莲·霍德森
Crystal Fire: The Birth of the Information Age by Michael Riordan and Lillian Hoddeson
技术是将科学、工程和工业组织应用于创造人类世界的过程。在发达国家，它使人们的生活水平达到了百年前难以想象的程度。然而，这一过程并非一帆风顺；技术的本质决定了它会给社会带来变革，并动摇传统。它几乎影响着人类活动的方方面面：私人和公共机构、经济体系、通信网络、政治结构、国际关系、社会组织以及人类生活状况都受到技术的影响。这种影响并非单向的；正如技术改变社会一样，社会结构、态度和习俗也会影响技术。但或许正因为技术被如此迅速且彻底地吸收，现代历史上技术与其他社会活动之间深刻的相互作用尚未得到充分认识。
Technology is the application of science, engineering, and industrial organization to create a human-built world. It has led, in developed nations, to a standard of living inconceivable a hundred years ago. The process, however, is not free of stress; by its very nature, technology brings change in society and undermines convention. It affects virtually every aspect of human endeavor: private and public institutions, economic systems, communications networks, political structures, international affiliations, the organization of societies, and the condition of human lives. The effects are not one-way; just as technology changes society, so too do societal structures, attitudes, and mores affect technology. But perhaps because technology is so rapidly and completely assimilated, the profound interplay of technology and other social endeavors in modern history has not been sufficiently recognized.
斯隆基金会长期致力于加深公众对现代科技、其起源及其对我们生活影响的理解。本书是斯隆科技系列丛书的一部分，旨在向普通读者讲述现代科技的故事。本系列丛书旨在展现二十世纪关键技术的发展历程。其目标是兼顾技术的技术和人文层面：既包括技术研发过程中所蕴含的发明创造和努力，也包括这些技术给当代生活带来的便利与压力。随着世纪的临近尾声，我们希望本系列丛书能够揭示一段历史，为我们理解当今时代提供新的视角。着眼当下，展望未来。
The Sloan Foundation has had a long-standing interest in deepening public understanding about modern technology, its origins, and its impact on our lives. The Sloan Technology Series, of which the present volume is a part, seeks to present to the general reader the stories of the development of critical twentieth-century technologies. The aim of the series is to convey both the technical and human dimensions of the subject: the invention and effort entailed in devising the technologies and the comforts and stresses they have introduced into contemporary life. As the century draws to an end, it is hoped that the Series will disclose a past that might provide perspective on the present and inform the future.
基金会在杰出顾问委员会的指导下，成功开发了斯隆科技系列丛书。我们对此深表感谢。致约翰·阿姆斯特朗、西蒙·迈克尔·贝西、塞缪尔·Y·吉本、托马斯·P·休斯、维克多·麦克尔亨尼、罗伯特·K·默顿、埃尔廷·E·莫里森（已故）和理查德·罗兹。该基金会的代表是拉尔夫·E·戈莫里。小亚瑟·L·辛格、赫希·G·科恩和多伦·韦伯。
The Foundation has been guided in its development of the Sloan Technology Series by a distinguished advisory committee. We express deep gratitude to John Armstrong, Simon Michael Bessie, Samuel Y. Gibbon, Thomas P. Hughes, Victor McElheny, Robert K. Merton, Elting E. Morison (deceased), and Richard Rhodes. The Foundation has been represented by Ralph E. Gomory, Arthur L. Singer, Jr., Hirsch G. Cohen, and Doron Weber.
阿尔弗雷德·P·斯隆基金会
Alfred P. Sloan Foundation
1997年2月
February 1997
威廉·肖克利当时情绪极度激动。1947年12月23日清晨，他驾车飞驰在纽瓦克西部的霜冻山丘上，几乎没有注意到通往贝尔电话实验室的狭窄乡村道路上寥寥无几的车辆。他心事重重。
William Shockley was extremely agitated. Speeding through the frosty hills west of Newark on the morning of December 23, 1947, he hardly noticed the few vehicles on the narrow country road leading to Bell Telephone Laboratories. His mind was on other matters.
肖克利七点刚过就到了，他把他的MG敞篷车停在公司停车场，然后一口气跑上了两层楼梯。他匆匆穿过空荡荡的走廊，赶往自己的办公室。那天下午，他的研究团队要向他的老板展示一种很有前途的新型电子设备。他必须做好准备。他知道，基于半导体的放大器可能会引发一场革命。肖克利身材精瘦，鹰钩鼻，鬓角已花白，稀疏的头发从他骄傲而突出的额头上向后梳得一丝不苟。他一直梦想着发明这样一种东西。他为此设备工作了近十年。现在，他的梦想即将实现。
Arriving just after seven, Shockley parked his MG convertible in the company lot, bounded up two flights of stairs, and rushed through the deserted corridors to his office. That afternoon his research team was to demonstrate a promising new electronic device to his boss. He had to be ready. An amplifier based on a semiconductor, he knew, could ignite a revolution. Lean and hawk-nosed, his temples graying and his thinning hair slicked back from a proud, jutting forehead, Shockley had dreamed of inventing such a device for almost a decade. Now his dream was about to come true.
大约一小时后，约翰·巴丁和沃尔特·布拉顿抵达了位于新泽西州默里山的这座现代化研究园区，这里距离纽约市20英里。作为肖克利固态物理研究小组的成员，他们在一周前取得了关键性的突破。他们仅仅利用了一小块毫不起眼的锗元素薄片，他们用一块薄塑料楔子和一条闪亮的金箔条，将电信号增强了近百倍。
About an hour later, John Bardeen and Walter Brattain pulled up at this modern research campus in Murray Hill, New Jersey, twenty miles from New York City. Members of Shockley’s solid-state physics group, they had made the crucial breakthrough a week before. Using little more than a tiny, nondescript slab of the element germanium, a thin plastic wedge, and a shiny strip of gold foil, they had boosted an electrical signal almost a hundredfold.
巴丁说话轻声细语，思维缜密，他提出了关键的想法，而和蔼可亲的布拉坦迅速而巧妙地将这些想法付诸实践。布拉坦是一位性格粗犷、头发花白的老人，他喜欢摆弄设备，几乎和喜欢聊天一样。在之前的大部分时间里，他们并肩工作。除了星期天，他们日复一日、月复一月地终于让这个外形奇特的装置运转起来。
Soft-spoken and cerebral, Bardeen had come up with the key ideas, which were quickly and skillfully implemented by the genial Brattain, a salty, silver-haired man who liked to tinker with equipment almost as much as he loved to gab. Working shoulder to shoulder for most of the prior month, day after day except on Sundays, they had finally coaxed their curious-looking gadget into operation.
星期二早上，巴丁在办公室里做着一些计算时，布拉坦正和一位技术人员在他的实验室里，对他们的放大器进行最后的检查。他在一个三角形塑料楔子的一侧粘上了一小条金箔，并小心翼翼地……他用剃须刀片沿着边缘划开一道口子。然后，他用一个用回形针做成的简易弹簧，将楔子和箔片一起压入暗灰色的锗表面。这个精致的装置不到一英寸高，笨拙地用一块U形塑料片夹住，塑料片竖直地放在它的一个臂上。两根铜线焊接在箔片的边缘，分别连接到电池、变压器等设备。示波器，以及为该设备供电和评估其性能所需的其他设备。
That Tuesday morning, while Bardeen completed a few calculations in his office, Brattain was over in his laboratory with a technician, making last-minute checks on their amplifier. Around one edge of a triangular plastic wedge, he had glued a small strip of gold foil, which he carefully slit along this edge with a razor blade. He then pressed both wedge and foil down into the dull-gray germanium surface with a makeshift spring fashioned from a paper clip. Less than an inch high, this delicate contraption was clamped clumsily together by a U-shaped piece of plastic resting upright on one of its two arms. Two copper wires soldered to edges of the foil snaked off to batteries, transformers, an oscilloscope, and other devices needed to power the gadget and assess its performance.
布拉坦偶尔会停下来点燃一支烟，透过百叶窗望向他那间干净整洁、设备齐全的实验室。他抚摸着胡须，眺望着窗外，越过宽敞的乡村校园里的棒球场，望向沃特昌山脉林木葱郁的山脊——这与那间狭小、尘土飞扬的实验室截然不同。战前他曾占领过纽约市。灰蓝色的云层一直延伸到地平线。开始下起了小雨。
Occasionally, Brattain paused to light a cigarette and gaze through blinds on the window of his clean, well-equipped lab. Stroking his mustache, he looked out across a baseball diamond on the spacious rural campus to a wooded ridge of the Watchung Mountains—worlds apart from the cramped, dusty laboratory he had occupied in New York City before the war. Slate-colored clouds stretched off to the horizon. A light rain began to fall.
现年四十五岁的布拉坦，早已摆脱了当年在哥伦比亚河流域长大的那个粗犷少年形象。少年时期，他枪法如神，在华盛顿州托纳斯基特（靠近加拿大边境）的家族农场里，他帮父亲种玉米、养牛。他经常开玩笑说： “跟着三匹马和一台耙子在尘土中奔跑，才让我成为了一名物理学家。”
At forty-five, Brattain had come a long way from his years as a roughneck kid growing up in the Columbia River basin. As a sharpshooting teenager, he helped his father grow corn and raise cattle on the family homestead in Tonasket, Washington, close to the Canadian border. “Following three horses and a harrow in the dust,” he often joked, “was what made a physicist out of me.”
布拉坦对这个领域的兴趣源于惠特曼学院的两位教授，惠特曼学院是位于该州东南角的一所小型文理学院。这份兴趣引领他先后在俄勒冈州和明尼苏达州攻读研究生，并于1929年进入贝尔实验室工作，此后他一直留在那里——他很乐意在那里工作。在世界上最好的工业研究实验室。
Brattain’s interest in the subject was sparked by two professors at Whitman College, a small liberal-arts college in the southeastern corner of the state. It carried him through graduate school at Oregon and Minnesota to a job in 1929 at Bell Labs, where he had remained—happy to be working at the best industrial research laboratory in the world.
巴丁是一位39岁的理论物理学家，与此截然不同。他常常陷入沉思，给人的印象是十分腼腆和自我中心。他说话极其吝啬，语调轻柔而刻意单调，仿佛每句话都是珍贵的宝石，不容浪费。“低语约翰”他的朋友们都给他打电话。但每当他开口说话，他们都会认真倾听。对许多人来说，他就像一位先知。
Bardeen, a thirty-nine-year-old theoretical physicist, could hardly have been more different. Often lost in thought, he came across as very shy and self-absorbed. He was extremely parsimonious with his words, parceling them out softly in a deliberate monotone as if each were a precious gem never to be squandered. “Whispering John” some of his friends called him. But whenever he spoke, they listened. To many, he was an oracle.
巴丁出身于一个书香门第的家族，是威斯康星大学医学院院长的次子，从小就展现出过人的才智。他成长于州府麦迪逊市中心附近门多塔湖畔，那里常春藤环绕的宿舍和错落有致的兄弟会会所之间。进入……十五岁时，他进入大学，获得了两个电气工程学位，并在工业界工作了几年，然后于 1933 年前往普林斯顿大学攻读物理学博士学位。
Raised in a large academic family, the second son of the dean of the University of Wisconsin medical school, Bardeen had been intellectually precocious. He grew up among the ivied dorms and the sprawling frat houses lining the shores of Lake Mendota near downtown Madison, the state capital. Entering the university at fifteen, he earned two degrees in electrical engineering and worked a few years in industry before heading off to Princeton in 1933 to pursue a Ph.D. in physics.
20 世纪 50 年代，位于新泽西州默里山的贝尔电话实验室。1947 年，巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利在前景右侧的大楼里工作。
Bell Telephone Laboratories in Murray Hill, New Jersey, as it appeared in the 1950s. In 1947 Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley worked in the large building in the foreground at right.
1945年秋，巴丁在贝尔实验室找到了一份工作。当时，贝尔实验室正在逐步结束战时研究项目，并为战后电子行业的预期繁荣做准备。他最初与布拉坦共用一间办公室，布拉坦当时……他从20世纪30年代初就开始研究半导体，很快就被这些奇特的材料深深吸引，当时人们对它们的电学特性才刚刚开始了解。尽管性格迥异，两人却很快成了好朋友，经常在周末一起去当地乡村俱乐部打高尔夫球。
In the fall of 1945, Bardeen took a job at Bell Labs, then winding down its wartime research program and gearing up for an expected postwar boom in electronics. He initially shared an office with Brattain, who had been working on semiconductors since the early 1930s, and soon became intrigued by these curious materials, whose electrical properties were just beginning to be understood. Poles apart temperamentally, the two men became fast friends, often playing a round of golf together at the local country club on weekends.
在十二月一个潮湿的日子里，午饭后不久，巴丁来到布拉坦的实验室。外面，雨变成了雪，雪开始积起来。大约十分钟后，肖克利到了，陪同他的是他的老板，声学专家哈维·弗莱彻，以及贝尔的研究主管拉尔夫·鲍恩——一个身材高大、肩膀宽阔、喜欢穿昂贵西装和系精致领结的男人。
Shortly after lunch that damp December day, Bardeen joined Brattain in his laboratory. Outside, the rain had changed to snow, which was beginning to accumulate. Shockley arrived about ten minutes later, accompanied by his boss, acoustics expert Harvey Fletcher, and Bell’s research director, Ralph Bown—a tall, broad-shouldered man fond of expensive suits and fancy bow ties.
“那些黄铜，”巴丁带着几分轻蔑地想，这是他在战时工作中学到的一个词。海军。当然，这两位高管他们会欣赏这台设备的商业前景。但他们真的能理解那块闪亮的锗片内部究竟发生了什么吗？肖克利或许乐于与高层觥筹交错、谈笑风生，但巴丁更愿意从事他所热爱的物理研究。
“The Brass,” thought Bardeen a little contemptuously, using a term he had picked up from wartime work with the Navy. Certainly these two executives would appreciate the commercial promise of this device. But could they really understand what was going on inside that shiny slab of germanium? Shockley might be comfortable rubbing elbows and bantering with the higher-ups, but Bardeen would rather be working on the physics he loved.
简单解释几句后，布拉坦启动了他的设备。其他人看着示波器屏幕上快速移动的光点随着他用拨动开关将那个奇怪的装置接入或断开电路而剧烈地跳动和落下。从光点跳动的高度，他们很容易看出，每当它被接入电路时，输入信号都会被放大很多倍。然而，整个电路中竟然没有一个真空管！
After a few words of explanation, Brattain powered up his equipment. The others watched the luminous spot that was racing across the oscilloscope screen jump and fall abruptly as he switched the odd contraption in and out of the circuit using a toggle switch. From the height of the jump, they could easily tell it was boosting the input signal many times whenever it was included in the loop. And yet there wasn’t a single vacuum tube in the entire circuit!
然后，布拉坦效仿贝尔家族的惯例，对着麦克风即兴说了几句话。他们看到鲍恩戴着眼镜，听到耳机里传来布拉坦沙哑的声音，脸上露出惊讶的表情。鲍恩把耳机递给弗莱彻，弗莱彻戴上后不久，也疑惑地摇了摇头。
Then, borrowing a page from the Bell history books, Brattain spoke a few impromptu words into a microphone. They watched the sudden look of surprise on Bown’s bespectacled face as he reacted to the sound of Brattain’s gravelly voice booming in his ears through the headphones. Bown passed them to Fletcher, who shook his head in wonder shortly after putting them on.
对于贝尔电话实验室来说，它这是一个典型的时刻。七十多年前，在马萨诸塞州波士顿一家寄宿公寓的阁楼里，也发生过类似的事情，当时亚历山大·格雷厄姆·贝尔说道：“沃森先生，过来。我需要你。”
For Bell Telephone Laboratories, it was an archetypal moment. More than seventy years earlier, a similar event had occurred in the attic of a boardinghouse in Boston, Massachusetts, when Alexander Graham Bell uttered the words, “Mr. Watson, come here. I want you.”
然而，在接下来的几周里 ，肖克利却饱受矛盾情绪的折磨。晶体管的发明，以及巴丁和布拉坦的固态放大器，很快便改变了肖克利的命运 。这项成果后来被人们称为“圣诞礼物”，对他的团队，尤其是对一直以来坚定支持他们基础研究项目的贝尔实验室来说，更是如此。但他却懊恼自己没有直接参与到这项关键突破中。“团队的成功固然令我欣喜，但我却并非发明者之一，”多年后他回忆道，“我感到沮丧，因为我的个人贡献无法弥补这一遗憾。”八年多前就开始的努力，并没有让我自己做出任何重大的创造性贡献。
IN THE WEEKS that followed, however, Shockley was torn by conflicting emotions. The invention of the transistor, as Bardeen and Brattain’s solid-state amplifier soon came to be called, had been a “magnificent Christmas present” for his group and especially for Bell Labs, which had staunchly supported their basic research program. But he was chagrined to have had no direct role in this crucial breakthrough. “My elation with the group’s success was tempered by not being one of the inventors,” he recalled many years later. “I experienced frustration that my personal efforts, started more than eight years before, had not resulted in a significant inventive contribution of my own.”
比尔·肖克利在帕洛阿尔托和好莱坞长大，是富裕的矿业工程师和斯坦福大学毕业生妻子的独子。他从小就被教育要与众不同——要成为领导者，而不是追随者。斯坦福大学激发了他童年时期对科学的兴趣。一位住在附近的教授。他的学术生涯在加州理工学院蓬勃发展，在那里他主修物理学，之后于1932年前往东部，在麻省理工学院攻读博士学位。在那里，他全身心投入到量子力学的奇妙世界中，在这个世界中，粒子像波一样运动，波也像粒子一样运动。他开始探索电子流如何在晶体材料中流动。例如普通的食盐。四年后，贝尔实验室摆脱了大萧条时期的困境。由于新员工招聘受到限制，这位傲慢的加州年轻人成了公司聘用的第一位新物理学家。
Growing up in Palo Alto and Hollywood, the only son of a well-to-do mining engineer and his Stanford-educated wife, Bill Shockley had been raised to consider himself special—a leader of men, not a follower. His interest in science was stimulated during his boyhood by a Stanford professor who lived in the neighborhood. It flowered at Cal Tech, where he majored in physics before heading east in 1932 to seek a Ph.D. at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. There he dived headlong into the Wonderland world of quantum mechanics, where particles behave like waves and waves like particles, and began to explore how streams of electrons trickle through crystalline materials such as ordinary table salt. Four years later, when Bell Labs lifted its Depression-era freeze on new employees, the cocky young Californian was the first new physicist hired.
在当时贝尔公司的研究主管默文·凯利的鼓励下，肖克利开始寻找制造坚固耐用的固态器件的方法，以取代电话设备中常用的笨拙、不可靠的开关和放大器。他对奇异的量子世界的熟悉，使他在这项探索中占据了明显的优势。1939 年末，他自认为想出了一个好主意——将一小块风化的铜网嵌入一块半导体中。尽管布拉坦对此持怀疑态度，但还是在第二年初帮助他制作了这个简陋的装置。结果证明，它彻底失败了。
With the encouragement of Mervin Kelly, then Bell’s research director, Shockley began seeking ways to fashion a rugged solid-state device to replace the balky, unreliable switches and amplifiers commonly used in phone equipment. His familiarity with the weird quantum world gave him a decided advantage in this quest. In late 1939 he thought he had come up with a good idea—to stick a tiny bit of weathered copper screen inside a piece of semiconductor. Although skeptical, Brattain helped him build this crude device early the next year. It proved a complete failure.
我们需要对固体的微妙特性有更深入的了解——而且半导体材料的纯度也更高。二战中断了肖克利的研究，但战时的研究为战后电子和通信领域的重大突破奠定了基础。凯利接任贝尔实验室副总裁后，敏锐地意识到这些独特的机遇，组建了一个固态物理研究小组，并任命他这位雄心勃勃的得意门生担任联合负责人。
Far better insight into the subtleties of solids was needed—and much purer semiconductor materials, too. World War II interrupted Shockley’s efforts, but wartime research set the stage for major breakthroughs in electronics and communications once the war ended. Stepping in as Bell Labs vice president, Kelly recognized these unique opportunities and organized a solid-state physics group, installing his ambitious protégé as its co-leader.
返回后不久1945年初，肖克利来到实验室，提出了……他设计了另一种半导体放大器，但仍然失败了。他百思不得其解。沮丧之下，他转而研究其他项目，把这个难题留给了巴丁和布拉坦。在他们近两年的研究中，他们偶然发现了一种不同的、并且成功制造这种放大器的方法。
Soon after returning to the Labs in early 1945, Shockley came up with another design for a semiconductor amplifier. Again, it didn’t work. And he couldn’t understand why. Discouraged, he turned to other projects, leaving the conundrum to Bardeen and Brattain. In the course of their research, which took almost two years, they stumbled upon a different—and successful—way to make such an amplifier.
1948 年的巴丁、肖克利和布拉坦。
Bardeen, Shockley, and Brattain in 1948.
他们的发明迅速激发了肖克利的创作热情。他因被抢了风头而恼怒，接下来的一个多月里，他满脑子想的都是半导体。他几乎把所有空闲时间都用来尝试设计一款更优秀的固态放大器，一款更容易制造和使用的放大器。他没有像其他人那样为此欢呼雀跃，而是全身心投入到半导体的研究中。在芝加哥参加两场会议期间，他与科学家和工程师们进行了交流。新年夜，他把自己关在酒店房间里，拿着笔记本和几支铅笔，一直工作到凌晨，研究他的另一个想法。
Their invention quickly spurred Shockley into a bout of feverish activity. Galled at being upstaged, he could think of little else besides semiconductors for over a month. Almost every moment of free time he spent on trying to design an even better solid-state amplifier, one that would be easier to manufacture and use. Instead of whooping it up with other scientists and engineers while attending two conferences in Chicago, he spent New Year’s Eve cooped up in his hotel room with a pad and a few pencils, working into the early morning hours on yet another of his ideas.
到1948年1月下旬，肖克利已经弄清楚了他自己设计的关键细节，并在他的实验记录本上写满了一页又一页。他的方法只需要一小条胶带。他用半导体材料（硅或锗）制作了一个器件，两端各连接一根导线，中间连接一根导线。他摒弃了巴丁和布拉坦笨重装置中脆弱的“点接触”（包裹在塑料楔子上的狭缝金箔边缘）。他认为，这些点接触会增加制造难度，并导致器件性能不稳定。基于边界或“连接点”由于放大器内部结构集成在半导体材料中，因此更容易大规模生产，而且可靠性更高。
By late January 1948 Shockley had figured out the important details of his own design, filling page after page of his lab notebook. His approach would use nothing but a small strip of semiconductor material—silicon or germanium—with three wires attached, one at each end and one in the middle. He eliminated the delicate “point contacts” of Bardeen and Brattain’s unwieldy contraption (the edges of the slit gold foil wrapped around the plastic wedge). Those, he figured, would make manufacturing difficult and lead to quirky performance. Based on boundaries or “junctions” to be established within the semiconductor material itself, his amplifier should be much easier to mass-produce and far more reliable.
但贝尔实验室的其他科学家花了两年多的时间才完善了生长具有合适特性的锗晶体的技术，使其能够作为晶体管并放大电信号。而这种“结型晶体管”又过了几年才得以问世。可以批量生产。与此同时，贝尔公司的工程师们继续稳步推进，基于巴丁和布拉坦笨拙的发明，开发出点接触晶体管。到那十年中期，价值数百万美元的基于这种器件的新设备即将投入电话系统使用。
But it took more than two years before other Bell scientists perfected the techniques needed to grow germanium crystals with the right characteristics to act as transistors and amplify electrical signals. And not for a few more years could such “junction transistors” be produced in quantity. Meanwhile, Bell engineers plodded ahead, developing point-contact transistors based on Bardeen and Brattain’s ungainly invention. By the middle of that decade, millions of dollars in new equipment based on this device was about to enter the telephone system.
然而，肖克利仍然坚信他的路口策略最终会奏效。他对这一点有着近乎盲目的自信。他极力推崇自己的想法，而且几乎从不放过任何机会向巴丁和布拉坦炫耀，这导致巴丁和布拉坦与这位脾气暴躁的老板的关系迅速恶化。1951年，巴丁在怒火中烧之下离开了贝尔实验室，前往伊利诺伊大学任教。布拉坦则悄悄地将自己调到了实验室的其他岗位，以便能够独立开展研究。三人之后再次相遇。在斯德哥尔摩，他们因发明晶体管而共同获得了1956年诺贝尔物理学奖。此后，紧张局势有所缓解，但并未完全消除。
Still, Shockley had faith that his junction approach would eventually win out. He had a brute confidence in the superiority of his ideas. And rarely did he miss an opportunity to tell Bardeen and Brattain, whose relationship with their abrasive boss rapidly soured. In a silent rage, Bardeen left Bell Labs in 1951 for an academic post at the University of Illinois. Brattain quietly got himself reassigned elsewhere within the labs, where he could pursue research on his own. The three men crossed paths again in Stockholm, where they shared the 1956 Nobel prize in physics for their invention of the transistor. The tension eased a bit after that—but not much.
到20世纪50年代中期 ，物理学家和电气工程师或许已经认识到晶体管的重要性，但普通大众仍然几乎完全不了解它。当时生产的数百万台收音机、电视机和其他电子设备…… 每年，通用电气、菲尔科、RCA 和 Zenith 等美国工业巨头生产的晶体管都装在笨重的大盒子里，由运转不畅的真空管驱动，需要大约一分钟的预热时间才能工作。1954 年，晶体管在很大程度上被视为昂贵的实验室奇物，只有助听器和军事通信等少数特殊用途。
BY THE MID-1950S physicists and electrical engineers may have recognized the transistor’s significance, but the general public was still almost completely oblivious. The millions of radios, television sets, and other electronic devices produced every year by such grayflannel giants of American industry as General Electric, Philco, RCA, and Zenith came in large, clunky boxes powered by balky vacuum tubes that took a minute or so to warm up before anything could happen. In 1954 the transistor was largely perceived as an expensive laboratory curiosity with only a few specialized applications such as hearing aids and military communications.
但那一年，情况开始发生剧变。一家位于达拉斯的小型创新公司开始生产用于便携式收音机的结型晶体管，并以49.95美元的价格在美国上市。令人费解的是，德州仪器竟然放弃了这个市场，眼睁睁地看着它被一家名不见经传的日本小公司索尼垄断。可以装进口袋的晶体管收音机很快就成了小众产品。电视机是美国郊区青少年群体的象征。20世纪60年代索尼开始生产晶体管电视机后，美国在消费电子领域的领先地位开始衰落。
But that year things started to change dramatically. A small, innovative Dallas company began producing junction transistors for portable radios, which hit U.S. stores at $49.95. Texas Instruments curiously abandoned this market, only to see it cornered by a tiny, little-known Japanese company called Sony. Transistor radios you could carry around in your shirt pocket soon became a minor status symbol for teenagers in the suburbs sprawling across the American landscape. After Sony started manufacturing TV sets powered by transistors in the 1960s, U.S. leadership in consumer electronics began to wane.
最终，在旧金山南部一个偏僻的山谷里，遍布杏园，人们将积累巨额财富。1955年，肖克利离开贝尔实验室前往加利福尼亚，决心在那里大展拳脚。他认为自己理应获得数百万美元，于是创立了硅谷第一家半导体公司。他从贝尔公司和其他公司挖走了顶尖的科学家和工程师，这些雄心勃勃的人和他一样，很快就跳槽去创办自己的公司。后来闻名世界的硅谷，正是从肖克利半导体实验室开始的，它孕育了数百家类似的公司，其中许多公司……他们远比其他人成功得多。
Vast fortunes would eventually be made in an obscure valley south of San Francisco then filled with apricot orchards. In 1955 Shockley left Bell Labs for California, intent on making the millions he thought he deserved, founding the first semiconductor company in the valley. He lured top-notch scientists and engineers away from Bell and other companies, ambitious men like himself who soon jumped ship to start their own firms. What became famous around the world as Silicon Valley began with Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory, the progenitor of hundreds of companies like it, many of them far more successful.
晶体管的确正如肖克利富有远见地称之为信息时代的“神经细胞”。如今，几乎所有电子设备都离不开它。成千上万甚至数百万个晶体管，与其他微小元件一起，被封装在被称为微处理器（也称微芯片）的薄片硅晶体上。到1961年，晶体管已成为价值数十亿美元的半导体产业的基石，其销售额几乎每年翻一番。三十多年后，曾经需要堆满笨重电子设备才能实现的计算能力，如今可以轻松地集成到可以放在桌面上、装在公文包里，甚至握在手中的设备中。文字、数字和图像在周围闪现。通过晶体管卫星、光纤网络、手机和传真机，几乎瞬间即可将信息传递给全世界。
The transistor has indeed proved to be what Shockley so presciently called the “nerve cell” of the Information Age. Hardly a unit of electronic equipment can be made today without it. Many thousands—and even millions—of them are routinely packed with other microscopic specks onto slim crystalline slivers of silicon called microprocessors, better known as microchips. By 1961 transistors were the foundation of a billion-dollar semiconductor industry whose sales were doubling almost every year. Over three decades later, the computing power that had once required rooms full of bulky electronic equipment is now easily loaded into units that can sit on a desktop, be carried in a briefcase, or even rest in the palm of one’s hand. Words, numbers, and images flash around the globe almost instantaneously via transistor-powered satellites, fiber-optic networks, cellular phones, and telefax machines.
通过他们具有里程碑意义的努力，巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利点燃了席卷全球的伟大科技之火的第一缕火花。本世纪剩余时间里，这种趋势几乎没有减弱的迹象。基于晶体管的廉价、便携且可靠的设备。如今，几乎世界各地的每个村庄和小镇都能找到它的身影。这项小小的发明让世界变得比以往任何时候都更小、更亲近。
Through their landmark efforts, Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley had struck the first glowing sparks of a great technological fire that has raged through the rest of the century and shows little sign of abating. Cheap, portable, and reliable equipment based on transistors can now be found in almost every village and hamlet in the world. This tiny invention has made the world a far smaller and more intimate place than ever before.
1948年6月30日，拉尔夫·鲍恩在贝尔实验室位于西街的老旧总部举行的新闻发布会上宣布了这项新发明。贝尔实验室总部面向哈德逊河，与熙熙攘攘的市中心隔河相望。当时，谁也无法预料到即将到来的革命 。 霍博肯渡轮。“我们把它叫做晶体管，”他一边慢慢拼写着这个名字一边说道，“因为它是一种电阻器或半导体器件，可以放大通过它的电信号。”他将晶体管与当时几乎所有电路中都使用的笨重真空管进行了比较，并告诉记者，晶体管也能做到这一点。完成这些壮举，而且做得更好，浪费的能量也少得多。
NOBODY COULD HAVE forseen the coming revolution when Ralph Bown announced the new invention on June 30, 1948, at a press conference held in the aging Bell Labs headquarters on West Street, facing the Hudson River opposite the bustling Hoboken Ferry. “We have called it the Transistor,” he began, slowly spelling out the name, “because it is a resistor or semiconductor device which can amplify electrical signals as they are transferred through it.” Comparing it to the bulky vacuum tubes that served this purpose in virtually every electrical circuit of the day, he told reporters that the transistor could accomplish the very same feats and do them much better, wasting far less power.
但那天夏日酷暑，鲍恩和他的工作人员正在演示一个细小的圆柱体，里面伸出两根纤细的电线，媒体对此却鲜有关注。没有一个记者怀疑，在这个看似无害的金属管里，悄无声息地进行着某种物理过程。这个金属管的尺寸甚至比两端的橡皮擦还要小。他们的铅笔将彻底改变他们的世界。
But the press paid little attention to the small cylinder with two flimsy wires poking out of it that was being demonstrated by Bown and his staff that sweltering summer day. None of the reporters suspected that the physical process silently going on inside this innocuous-looking metal tube, hardly bigger than the rubber erasers on the ends of their pencils, would utterly transform their world.
《纽约时报》的编辑们对这项突破很感兴趣，在7月1日刊登了相关报道，但他们把这条新闻放在了第46页的“广播新闻”栏目里。在提到《我们的布鲁克斯小姐》将在那个夏天取代哥伦比亚广播公司（CBS）周一晚间的常规节目《广播剧场》之后，他们用了几个段落来介绍这款新的扩音器。
Editors at the New York Times were intrigued enough to mention the breakthrough in the July 1 issue, but they buried the story on page 46 in “The News of Radio.” After noting that Our Miss Brooks would replace the regular CBS Monday-evening program Radio Theatre that summer, they devoted a few paragraphs to the new amplifier.
“一种名为文章开头写道：“昨天，贝尔电话实验室首次展示了晶体管，这种晶体管在无线电领域有着多种应用，可以替代通常使用的真空管。”文章还指出，晶体管已被应用于收音机、电话系统和电视机中。“晶体管呈小型金属圆柱体形状，大约半英寸长，内部没有真空管、栅极等部件。”“用板或玻璃罩隔绝空气，”专栏文章继续写道。“它的作用是瞬时的，因为不像真空管那样会产生热量，所以没有预热延迟。”
“A device called a transistor, which has several applications in radio where a vacuum tube ordinarily is employed, was demonstrated for the first time yesterday at Bell Telephone Laboratories,” began the piece, noting that it had been employed in a radio receiver, a telephone system, and a television set. “In the shape of a small metal cylinder about a half-inch long, the transistor contains no vacuum, grid, plate or glass envelope to keep the air away,” the column continued. “Its action is instantaneous, there being no warm-up delay since no heat is developed as in a vacuum tube.”
或许是那天闷热的星期四早晨，其他新闻铺天盖地而来。纽约地铁的旋转闸门，在午夜之前总是发出镍币沉闷的碰撞声，现在却只剩下硬币的叮当声了。地铁通勤者们对此表示无奈。艾德怀尔德机场前一天才在布鲁克林东部的一片沼泽草地上正式启用。它取代拉瓜迪亚机场，成为纽约国际航班的主要目的地。而且，令人憎恶的红袜队以7比3击败了世界冠军洋基队。
Perhaps too much other news was breaking that sultry Thursday morning. Turnstiles on the New York subway system, which until midnight had always droned to the dull clatter of nickels, now marched only to the music of dimes. Subway commuters responded with resignation. Idlewild Airport opened for business the previous day in the swampy meadowlands just east of Brooklyn, supplanting La Guardia as New York’s principal destination for international flights. And the hated Red Sox had beaten the world-champion Yankees 7 to 3.
那周早些时候，冷战的阴云在欧洲上空急剧加深。在苏联占领东德的部队拒绝盟军车队向西柏林运送任何物资后，美国和英国以大规模空运回应了这一封锁。数百架运输机运送了数千吨食品和燃料，以满足超过200万被困市民的日常需求。全世界的目光都聚焦在柏林。“飞机不间断的轰鸣声——《时代》周刊报道：“典型的、可怕的20世纪之声，一种冰冷、机械的愤怒之声，充斥着这座城市的每一个人。”在那一周，一个即将囊括世界近一半人口的帝国，对一个饱受战争蹂躏的大陆而言，显得格外具有威胁性。
Earlier that week, the gathering clouds of the Cold War had darkened dramatically over Europe after Soviet occupation forces in eastern Germany refused to allow Allied convoys to carry any more supplies into West Berlin. The United States and Britain responded to this blockade with a massive airlift. Hundreds of transport planes brought the thousands of tons of food and fuel needed daily by the more than 2 million trapped citizens. All eyes were on Berlin. “The incessant roar of the planes—that typical and terrible 20th Century sound, a voice of cold, mechanized anger—filled every ear in the city,” reported Time. An empire that soon encompassed nearly half the world’s population seemed awfully menacing that week to a continent weary of war.
对于几乎所有了解晶体管的人来说，包括它的两位发明者在内，晶体管只是真空管的一种紧凑、高效、坚固的替代品。巴丁和布拉坦都没有预料到它将在计算机领域扮演如此关键的角色，尽管肖克利对此有所察觉。战后时期，电子数字计算机的数量屈指可数，它们占据着巨大的机房，需要大量工作人员时刻关注并更换数千个过热真空管中烧毁的元件。只有……军队、联邦政府和大型企业有能力建造和运营这种庞大、耗电量巨大的设备。
To almost everyone who knew about it, including its two inventors, the transistor was just a compact, efficient, rugged replacement for vacuum tubes. Neither Bardeen nor Brattain foresaw what a crucial role it was about to play in computers, although Shockley had an inkling. In the postwar years electronic digital computers, which could then be counted on the fingers of a single hand, occupied large rooms and required teams of watchful attendants to replace the burned-out elements among their thousands of overheated vacuum tubes. Only the armed forces, the federal government, and major corporations could afford to build and operate such gargantuan, power-hungry devices.
五十年后，同样的计算能力可以轻松地集成到一台售价约10美元的袖珍计算器中，这主要归功于微芯片及其所基于的晶体管。贝尔实验室在1947-1948年发现的放大作用实际上需要晶体管仅需放置在一小片半导体材料中，而且与真空管截然不同，它几乎不产生任何热量。因此，晶体管非常容易实现持续的小型化和成本大幅降低，使得数字计算机几乎人人都能使用。如果没有晶体管，个人计算机将无法想象，信息技术也将无法发展。它所孕育的时代绝不可能存在。
Five decades later the same computing power is easily crammed inside a pocket calculator costing around $10, thanks largely to microchips and the transistors on which they are based. For the amplifying action discovered at Bell Labs in 1947–1948 actually takes place in just a microscopic sliver of semiconductor material and—in stark contrast to vacuum tubes—produces almost no wasted heat. Thus the transistor has lent itself readily to the relentless miniaturization and the fantastic cost reductions that have put digital computers at almost everybody’s fingertips. Without the transistor, the personal computer would have been inconceivable, and the Information Age it spawned could never have happened.
计算机与全球通信网络相连，而晶体管的出现本身也带来了翻天覆地的变化，计算机正在彻底改变我们获取和分享信息的方式。我们的父母通过阅读报纸杂志或收听爱德华·R·默罗的低沉嗓音来了解世界，而我们现在可以……只需轻点鼠标，我们就能获取更多信息，而且信息来源也更加广泛。我们甚至可以在舒适的客厅里，目睹苏联解体等惊天动地的事件，往往是事件发生的瞬间，而且无需任何解读。
Linked to a global communications network that has itself undergone a radical transformation due to transistors, computers are now revolutionizing the ways we obtain and share information. Whereas our parents learned about the world by reading newspapers and magazines or by listening to the baritone voice of Edward R. Murrow on their radios, we can now access far more information at the click of a mouse—and from a far greater variety of sources. Or we witness earthshaking events like the fall of the Soviet Union amid the comfort of our living rooms, often the moment they occur and without interpretation.
虽然俄罗斯不再像冷战时期那样构成迫在眉睫的威胁，那些已经接受基于信息技术的新技术的国家晶体管和微芯片技术蓬勃发展。日本及其周边东亚发展中国家日益成为世界通信标准的制定者，并生产了大量必要的设备。电视信号通过卫星覆盖全球越来越多的地区。银行通过遍布全球电子网络的海量二进制代码（0和1）进行资金交换。男孩通过网络认识了女孩。
While Russia is no longer the looming menace it was during the Cold War, nations that have embraced the new information technologies based on transistors and microchips have flourished. Japan and its retinue of developing East Asian countries increasingly set the world’s communications standards, manufacturing much of the necessary equipment. Television signals penetrate an ever-growing fraction of the globe via satellite. Banks exchange money via rivers of ones and zeroes flashing through electronic networks all around the world. And boy meets girl over the Internet.
毫无疑问，一项革命性发明的诞生往往在日常琐事的喧嚣中被人忽视。半个世纪以来，晶体管——其作用仅仅是放大电信号——重新定义了权力的含义，如今的权力不仅建立在钢铁或石油之上，更建立在信息的控制和交换之上。这场席卷全球的变革的核心在于……全球变革就像巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利发明的微型固态放大器。他们在战后焦虑岁月里点燃的这团变革之火，彻底重塑了世界及其居民的日常生活方式。
No doubt the birth of a revolutionary artifact often goes unnoticed amid the clamor of daily events. In half a century’s time, the transistor, whose modest role is to amplify electrical signals, has redefined the meaning of power, which today is based as much upon the control and exchange of information as it is on iron or oil. The throbbing heart of this sweeping global transformation is the tiny solid-state amplifier invented by Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley. The crystal fire they ignited during those anxious postwar years has radically reshaped the world and the way its inhabitants now go about their daily lives.
罗斯·布拉顿和他的新娘奥蒂莉倚在格伦斯克号蒸汽船的右舷栏杆上，望着北美大陆渐渐消失在地平线下。他们正横渡太平洋，向西前往日本和中国。罗斯将在厦门的廷文学院教授科学和数学，这是一所专门为中国富裕男孩设立的私立学校。两人在惠特曼学院相识。大学毕业后不久，他们于1901年5月结婚，尽管奥蒂莉的父亲竭力阻止他们的恋情。这次航行，乘坐一艘满载煤炭的货轮，煤炭散落在船头船尾的甲板上，将成为他们的蜜月之旅。
Ross Brattain and his bride, Ottilie, leaned over the starboard railing of the steamship Glenesk, watching the North American continent slip below the horizon. They were headed west across the Pacific to Japan and China, where Ross was to teach science and math at the Ting-Wen Institute, a private school for wealthy Chinese boys on the island of Amoy. Having met at Whitman College, they married shortly after graduating in May 1901, despite the efforts of Ottilie’s father to end their liaison. This voyage, on a freighter so laden with coal that it littered the decks fore and aft, would be their honeymoon.
罗斯和奥蒂莉都来自十九世纪开拓美国西部地区的家族。他们的父母是探矿者、牧场主、农民。还有磨坊主——他们虽然成功，但绝非富裕。布拉坦家族从殖民时期居住的卡罗来纳州一路迁徙到田纳西州、伊利诺伊州和爱荷华州，直到1852年，罗斯的父亲威廉和祖父保罗穿越大平原，最终定居在俄勒冈州的威拉米特河谷。奥蒂莉的父亲约翰·豪瑟从德国来到美国，于1854年抵达加利福尼亚州，寻求……他的财富全部来自黄金。1866年，他抵达华盛顿，最终在斯内克河的一条支流上开办了一个养牛场并建造了一座面粉厂。
Both Ross and Ottilie came from families that had pioneered the American West during the nineteenth century. Their parents were prospectors, ranchers, farmers, and millers—successful but by no means affluent. The Brattains roamed from the Carolinas, where they had lived during colonial times, to Tennessee, Illinois, and Iowa before Ross’s father William and grandfather Paul crossed the Great Plains in 1852 to settle in Oregon’s Willamette Valley. Ottilie’s father, John Houser, had come to the United States from Germany, reaching California in 1854 to seek his fortune in gold. He arrived in Washington in 1866, eventually starting a cattle ranch and building a flour mill on a tributary of the Snake River.
到了20世纪初，美国所谓的“边疆”已延伸至太平洋彼岸。在不久前与西班牙的战争中取得胜利的美国，刚刚控制了菲律宾和关岛。其商人和传教士正帮助打开这片古老的土地。中国和日本帝国受到西方影响。罗斯·布拉顿欣然接受了在这场战斗中佩剑的机会。十字军东征。怀着他们第一个孩子的奥蒂莉也跟随他们前往。
In the 1900s, any American “frontier” now lay across the Pacific Ocean. Victorious in its recent war with Spain, the United States had just taken control of the Philippines and Guam. Its merchants and missionaries were helping to pry open the ancient empires of China and Japan to Western influence. Ross Brattain jumped at the opportunity to bear a sword in this crusade. Pregnant with their first child, Ottilie followed.
航程一路顺风，直到船只驶过阿留申群岛，一场猛烈的风暴从白令海袭来。罗斯回忆说，整整六天，“无论我们往哪个方向看，都能看到水淹没在视野中。” 船长为了保持航向，船不得不全速前进。由于暴风雪的影响，煤炭储备告急。于是船长放弃了原定航线，艰难地驶入日本北部的北海道岛补充燃料。罗斯和奥蒂莉看着一群当地人仅凭绳索和芦苇篮，就徒手将煤炭吊入“格伦斯克号”的煤仓。
The voyage went smoothly until the ship passed the Aleutians, where a severe storm bore down from out of the Bering Sea. For six days, Ross recalled, “we could see water above our vision whichever way we looked.” The captain had to maintain full steam just to stay on course. Because of the storm, the coal supply was dangerously low. So the captain abandoned his planned route and limped into the northern Japanese island of Hokkaido to refuel. Ross and Ottilie watched as a swarm of natives hoisted the coal into the Glenesk’s bunkers by hand, using little more than ropes and reed baskets.
七月下旬抵达厦门布拉坦一家很快在邻近的小岛上找到了一栋两层砖房，开始安顿下来。他们雇了一名厨师、一名管家和几名苦力，负责购买食物、取水、打扫房屋、照料花园以及清理粪便。奥蒂莉雇了一位阿嬷，一位年长的中国妇女，帮忙接生；罗斯则开始准备他的课程。
Reaching Amoy in late July, the Brattains soon found a two-story brick house on an adjacent island and began settling in. They hired a cook, a butler, and several coolies to buy food, bring water, clean house, tend the garden, and carry out the “night soil.” Ottilie retained an amah, an older Chinese woman to help with the birth; Ross set about preparing to teach his classes.
孩子于二月的早晨抵达。1902年10月10日，奥蒂莉在家中由保姆和一位荷兰医生接生。罗斯为了减轻她的阵痛，给她注射了氯仿，她当时还昏昏沉沉的，这时才知道她生的是个男孩。“太好了，爸爸，”她只能勉强挤出这么一句。
The child arrived on the morning of February 10, 1902, delivered at home with the aid of the amah and a Dutch doctor. Still groggy from the chloroform Ross had administered to ease her labor pains, Ottilie learned she had given birth to a boy. “That’s fine, daddy,” was about all she could muster.
他们以罗斯最喜欢的叔叔的名字给他取名沃尔特，并在当地的美国领事馆登记了他的出生，还亲自按照某种仪式为他施洗。医生提供的那本书。布拉坦夫妇对他们的新生儿子（孩子很快就和他的保姆亲近了）欣喜不已，但他们越来越想念华盛顿州以及留在该州东南角的家人。双方父母都来信询问他们的新孙子的情况，并询问何时可以见到他。1903年夏天，奥蒂莉带着沃尔特斋戒后返回华盛顿州。一艘新轮船从香港经长崎驶往旧金山。罗斯的继任者抵达后，罗斯也在同年晚些时候随船前往。
They named him Walter after Ross’s favorite uncle, registering his birth in the local U.S. Consulate, and christened him themselves using a ritual book supplied by the doctor. Delighted with their new son (who took immediately to his amah), the Brattains grew increasingly homesick for Washington and the family they had left behind in the southeastern corner of the state. Letters arrived from both sets of parents, enquiring about their new grandson, asking when they might see him. Ottilie returned with Walter in the summer of 1903 on a fast new steamer that sailed from Hong Kong to San Francisco by way of Nagasaki. Ross followed later that year, after his replacement arrived.
接下来的七年里，布拉坦一家住在斯波坎，罗斯在那里找到了一份工作，为一家专门从事矿业公司的股票经纪公司工作。但他越来越厌倦在这座繁华的城市——华盛顿州东部新兴的中心——从事办公室工作，投资他渴望用别人的钱。他渴望追随父亲、祖父以及之前众多布拉坦家族成员的脚步，独自闯入那片残存的荒野。他常常自夸，他们家“血管里流淌着马车轮的血液”。
For the next seven years, the Brattains lived in Spokane, where Ross found work with a stockbroker specializing in mining companies. But he became more and more frustrated working at a desk job in this bustling city, the growing hub of eastern Washington, investing other people’s money. He itched to follow in the tracks laid down by his father and grandfather and the many Brattains before them—to strike out on his own into what remained of the wilderness. As he often liked to boast, the family had “wagon wheel blood in its veins.”
因此，在1911年，布拉坦一家搬到了奥卡诺根河谷，这条河是哥伦比亚河的一条主要支流，向南流淌。他们离开了加拿大。在那里，他们在托纳斯基镇附近买下了一个大型牧场，距离边境大约20英里。那时，沃尔特已经有了一个妹妹玛丽和一个弟弟罗伯特。奥蒂莉负责他们的教育，经常从她收藏的书籍中给孩子们读书。沃尔特骑马去托纳斯基的小学上学，只有在下雨天，他父亲才会开车送他去。新福特。他之所以能够跳过七年级，很大程度上是因为他数学很好，这在很大程度上要归功于他母亲的辅导。
So in 1911 the Brattains moved to the valley of the Okanogan River, a major tributary of the mighty Columbia that flows south out of Canada. There they bought a large cattle ranch near the town of Tonasket, about twenty miles from the border. By then Walter had a sister, Mari, and a brother, Robert. Ottilie took charge of their education, often reading to the children from her collection of books. Walter rode on horseback to grade school in Tonasket, except on rainy days, when his father drove him there in the family’s new Ford. He was able to skip the seventh grade largely because of his proficiency in math, due in no small part to his mother’s tutelage.
年轻的沃尔特·布拉坦和一队马在华盛顿州托纳斯基附近的家族宅基地上耕地。
Young Walter Brattain and a team of horses plowing the fields on the family’s homestead near Tonasket, Washington.
他们勤劳的父亲在这片土地上开垦了一片农场，最终在托纳斯基建了一座面粉厂。小沃尔特除了做家务和学业之外，几乎没有时间做其他事情。春天，他帮父亲耕种肥沃的黄土；夏天，他帮父亲收割成熟的玉米。那天，一颗流星从头顶坠落，罗伯特说，听起来就像“八列特快列车从十英尺高的地方呼啸而过”。“这吓坏了马儿，它们挣脱缰绳，狂奔而去，”拖着玉米收割机在田野里横冲直撞，留下了“你从未见过的奇形怪状的玉米地印记”。第二天，在父亲的允许下，他们翘掉了家务，出去寻找流星。我曾骑马寻找陨石，但始终没有找到。
Their industrious father started a farm on the land and eventually built a flour mill in Tonasket. Young Walt found time for little else besides his chores and schoolwork. He helped his father plow the rich loess soils in the spring and harvest the ripe corn during the summer. One day a meteor crashed down right overhead, sounding like “eight express trains about ten feet up,” according to Robert. “It scared the devil out of the horses, who cut loose and ran,” dragging the corn cutter through the fields behind them, making “the damndest pattern in the corn field you’ve ever seen.” With their father’s permission, they skipped their chores the next day and went searching for the meteor on horseback but never found it.
沃尔特成了一名优秀的骑手和神枪手。他和哥哥喜欢玩一个游戏：骑马飞奔时，从地上捡起一块手帕。“沃尔特技艺精湛，甚至可以用牙齿捡起来，”罗伯特说。他们一起骑马，用套索追逐野兔，然后一枪爆头。栖息在落叶松上的松鸡他狼吞虎咽地吃着浆果。沃尔特用他最喜欢的温彻斯特.22半自动步枪，轻而易举地就能点燃五十英尺外插在木头里的厨房火柴，子弹几乎只擦过火柴的磷尖。
Walter became an excellent horseman and expert marksman. He and his brother loved to play a game of picking up a handkerchief from the ground on horseback with their horses on a dead run. “Walt got good enough so that he could do it with his teeth,” said Robert. Riding together, they chased jackrabbits with their lariats and shot the heads off blue grouse that perched in tamaracks, gulping berries. With his favorite rifle, a Winchester .22 semiautomatic, Walter could easily light a kitchen match stuck into a log fifty feet away, barely grazing its phosphorus tip with his bullet.
1915年9月，他前往西雅图，并在那里就读于安妮女王高中一年级。他和母亲、外甥伯莎以及年幼的孩子们一起生活。罗伯特搬到了托纳斯基，而他的父亲和妹妹则留在了那里。但沃尔特并不喜欢城市生活。他一有机会就回到牧场和周围的树林。第二学期，除了体育课，他所有科目的成绩都下降了。
In September 1915 he left for Seattle, where he attended Queen Anne High School his freshman year. There he lived with his mother, her sister Bertha, and young Robert, while his father and sister remained in Tonasket. But city life did not suit Walter. At every chance, he returned to the ranch and its surrounding woods. During the second semester, his grades dropped in every subject except gym.
1916年夏天过后，沃尔特留在托纳斯基特，并在那里读高中，继续帮父亲打理农场和牧场。那时他已经年迈了。足够在夏季将他们全部的牛群，大约三百头，赶到附近奥卡诺根山脉的美国林务局土地上。他独自一人带着牛群、两三匹马和几本书，经常在这片荒凉的山区待上一个多星期都遇不到其他人。
After the summer of 1916, Walter remained in Tonasket and went to high school there, continuing to help his father with the farm and ranch. By then he was old enough to take their entire herd, some three hundred head, up onto the U.S. Forest Service lands in the nearby Okanogan Range during the summer months. All alone with the cattle, two or three horses, and a few books, he would often go more than a week in these desolate mountains without encountering another human being.
沃尔特跳过了高二下学期的最后阶段，然后休学一年。他原本是去帮父亲打理农场的。但因为他想上惠特曼学院，而且需要补习功课，所以父母把他送到了莫兰学校，这是一所位于班布里奇岛的私立军事学校，就在普吉特海湾对面，与西雅图隔海相望。伯莎阿姨帮他支付了学费。
Walter skipped the last part of his junior year and took the next year off to help his father on the ranch. But because he wanted to attend Whitman College and needed to catch up, his parents sent him to the Moran School, a private military school on Bainbridge Island just across Puget Sound from Seattle. Aunt Bertha helped pay the tuition.
他的莫兰朋友给他起了个绰号叫“托纳斯基特”，1920 年的年鉴预测他十年后的职业将是“销售托纳斯基特”。他总能滔滔不绝地讲述他在乡下的生活。有一次，他带了两个同学回家，让他们在农场体验了一周。“我们把他们逗得哈哈大笑，”罗伯特回忆道，“他们什么都不懂。他们甚至不知道怎么骑马，也不知道怎么驯服公牛。”
His Moran chums nicknamed him “Tonasket,” and the 1920 yearbook predicts his occupation ten years hence would be “Selling Tonasket.” He could always be counted on to spin yet another yarn about his backwoods life. Once he brought two of his schoolmates home to experience a week on the ranch. “We got the biggest kick out of them,” recalled Robert. “They didn’t know anything. They didn’t even know how to stay on a horse or make a bull behave.”
在莫兰学院，沃尔特上了他的第一门物理课，老师是塞西尔·耶茨，而且他学得很好。很好。在耶茨的指导下，他还负责操作和维护学校的柴油发电机，为学校供电。莫兰学校有个传统，每个学生每周都要花几个小时从事体力劳动。这项工作让沃尔特有机会将他正在学习的一些新物理原理付诸实践。动手操作——以及摆弄机械——对他来说都是与生俱来的。对他来说，他已经能够拆解道奇汽车的发动机，并将其重新组装成可以正常运转的部件。
At Moran Walter took his first course in physics, taught by Cecil Yates, and did very well. Supervised by Yates, he also ran and maintained the diesel engine that generated electric power for the school. It was a Moran tradition for each student to spend several hours a week working on some kind of manual labor. This task gave Walter a practical opportunity to apply some of the new physical principles he was learning. Working with his hands—and with mechanical objects—came naturally for him. Already he could tear down the engine in a Dodge automobile and reassemble it in good working order.
沃尔特于 1920 年以优异的成绩从莫兰学院毕业。同年秋天，他在华盛顿州另一端的惠特曼学院开始了大学一年级的学习。
Walter graduated with honors from Moran in 1920. That fall he began his freshman year at Whitman College, in the opposite corner of Washington state.
在二十世纪的第一个二十五年里，威斯康星州麦迪逊市 成为中西部进步运动的中心美国政治。威斯康星大学坐落于此，它横跨风景如画的门多塔湖和略显平淡的莫诺纳湖之间一块岩石嶙峋的地峡，位于密尔沃基以西近80英里处。自1900年起，魅力四射的演说家和民粹主义英雄罗伯特·拉福莱特开始挑战控制该州的共和党大佬，他大力依靠大学教授起草新法律并进行行政管理。在他的政府中，作为威斯康星州州长和后来的参议员，他为农民、工人和消费者争取权益，与主导美国经济的强大的石油、铁路和银行托拉斯作斗争。
DURING THE FIRST quarter of the twentieth century, Madison, Wisconsin, became the midwestern focal point of the Progressive movement in American politics. Home to the University of Wisconsin, it squats astride a rocky isthmus between picturesque Lake Mendota and prosaic Lake Monona, almost eighty miles west of Milwaukee. Beginning in 1900, Robert La Follette, a charismatic orator and populist hero, took on the Republican party bosses who controlled the state, relying heavily on university professors to draft new laws and administer its government. As Wisconsin’s governor and then senator, he fought hard on behalf of farmers, laborers, and consumers against the powerful oil, railroad, and banking trusts that dominated the U.S. economy.
1904年一个寒冷的冬日，查尔斯·罗素·巴丁博士乘火车抵达麦迪逊西北车站，在那里，他受到了来自巴尔的摩约翰·霍普金斯大学的老朋友的迎接。1897年，巴丁是该校医学院的首位毕业生，此前曾有许多男性就读于此。两人乘坐电车沿着结冰的州街行驶后，爬上巴斯康山上一段湿滑积雪的长台阶，来到大学校长办公室。查尔斯·范·海斯渴望在威斯康星大学创办医学院，他邀请巴丁担任解剖学教授，并招募了他的团队成员。对这个梦想的热情支持。
One wintry day in 1904, Dr. Charles Russell Bardeen arrived by train at Madison’s Northwest Station, where he was greeted by an old friend from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. Both men had attended its medical school, from which Bardeen was the first person to graduate, in 1897. After riding the trolley along icy State Street, the two men climbed a long flight of slippery, snow-covered steps up Bascom Hill to the office of the university president. Eager to start a medical school at Wisconsin, Charles Van Hise offered Bardeen a position as professor of anatomy, enlisting his enthusiastic support for this dream.
三年后，州议会批准设立医学院，巴丁成为首任院长。他为人严谨、勤奋、谦逊，肩负着强烈的责任感和社会使命感，全身心投入到这项艰巨的任务中，在接下来的二十年里，这项任务几乎占据了他所有清醒的时间。他不知疲倦地……作为一位为同胞的健康和福祉而奋斗的斗士，他与 20 世纪初威斯康星州盛行的民粹主义思潮几乎完美契合。
After the state legislature approved establishment of a medical school three years later, Bardeen became its first dean. An austere, hard-working, self-effacing man consumed by a powerful sense of duty and social responsibility, he applied himself eagerly to this formidable task, which was to occupy most of his waking hours during the next two decades. A tireless crusader for the health and well-being of his fellow man, he fit in almost perfectly with the pervading populist temper of early-1900s Wisconsin.
1905年，巴丁结识了阿尔西娅·哈默，她曾在纽约布鲁克林的普拉特学院学习艺术与设计。哈默曾在芝加哥的杜威学校短暂任教，之后创办了一家室内装饰公司；当时，由于……，公司经营举步维艰。很少有富裕的客户拖欠账单。她对日本艺术特别感兴趣，在马修·佩里准将访问日本半个世纪后，日本艺术在美国引起了广泛关注，那次访问重新开启了日本这个封闭国家对西方影响的大门。
In 1905 Bardeen met Althea Harmer, who had studied art and design at the Pratt Institute in Brooklyn, New York. She taught briefly at the Dewey School in Chicago before starting an interior decorating business; it was faltering at the time because a few wealthy clients had failed to pay their bills. She had a special interest in Japanese art, which was attracting much attention in America half a century after Commodore Matthew Perry’s visit had reopened that reclusive nation to Western influences.
那年八月，查尔斯和阿尔西娅在芝加哥结婚，搬进了麦迪逊的一套公寓。1906年，她为他生下了一个儿子，名叫查尔斯·威廉。第二个孩子于1908年5月23日出生，取名约翰。他很快展现出非凡的智慧，迅速成为父亲最宠爱的孩子。两年后，妹妹海伦出生；四年后，弟弟汤姆也来到人世。
That August, Charles and Althea married in Chicago and moved into an apartment in Madison. She bore him one son, Charles William, in 1906 before the second arrived on May 23, 1908. Named John, he soon revealed an unusual intelligence, quickly becoming his father’s favorite. A sister, Helen, and another brother, Tom, arrived two and four years later.
巴丁一家带着日益壮大的家庭搬进了门多塔街23号一栋宽敞的灰泥房子，距离湖滨大约一个街区，当时湖滨一带都是兄弟会会所。那是一栋舒适而又略显杂乱的房子。房子带大门廊、厨房，一楼有起居室、餐厅和书房，二楼有五间大卧室。一群“黑人女孩”住在三楼的阁楼里，她们帮助阿尔西娅打扫房子、照顾孩子。
The Bardeens moved their growing family into a spacious stucco house at 23 Mendota Court, about a block from the lakefront, then lined with fraternity houses. It was a comfortable, rambling house with a large porch, kitchen, living and dining rooms, and a library on the first floor, plus five big bedrooms on the second. A series of “colored girls,” who helped Althea clean house and care for her children, occupied rooms in the third-floor attic.
巴丁夫妇很快就发现，他们的第二个儿子非常聪明，远胜于他的哥哥。“约翰是一个专注的人。”“这是大脑的精华，”阿尔西娅写信给她的公公。她担心丈夫太偏爱威廉。“查尔斯对约翰的疼爱令人动容，但威廉生性慷慨，从未表现出丝毫嫉妒。”两个男孩相处得非常融洽。他们一起集邮，一起做许多其他事情，彼此之间深厚的感情经久不衰。一生。
That their second son was extremely intelligent, far more so than his older brother, soon became obvious to the Bardeens. “John is the concentrated essence of brain,” wrote Althea to her father-in-law. And she worried that her husband favored him too much. “Charles’s devotion to John is most touching to see, but William has a very generous nature and has never at any time shown the slightest jealousy.” The two boys got along famously. Collecting stamps together and sharing many other activities, their deep fondness for one another endured through life.
门多塔苑为早熟的小男孩比利和约翰提供了田园诗般的生活环境。夏天，他们可以轻松地漫步到湖边，在兄弟会码头附近玩耍或游泳。冬天，他们可以滑冰和玩冰帆船。春天冰雪消融后，他们忙碌的父亲偶尔会开着他的摩托艇带他们兜风——这是他们为数不多的奢侈品之一。他允许自己这样做。星期天，男孩们会在当地的高尔夫球场为父母当球童；后来，当他们长大到可以挥杆时，他们自己也开始打高尔夫。他们享受着正常的童年时光，充满了各种运动、纸牌游戏和恶作剧。
Mendota Court provided idyllic surroundings for a precocious young boy. Billy and John could easily wander down to the lake’s edge and play around the fraternity docks or go swimming in the summer. During the winter there were skating and ice-boat sailing. When the ice cleared in the spring, their busy father occasionally took them for a ride in his motorboat—one of the few luxuries he allowed himself. On Sundays the boys caddied for their parents at the local golf course; eventually they took to the sport themselves when they became old enough to swing a club. They enjoyed a normal boyhood full of the usual sports, card games, and mischief.
约翰于1914年进入麦迪逊小学，当时他六岁，但这证明对他来说太容易了。不信任公立学校，而且担心约翰得不到足够的刺激，他的母亲在他三年级结束后就把他送进了大学附属中学。这是一所由大学赞助的特殊学校，七年级和八年级合班。威廉也在那里上学，他们一起上了几门课。由于跳了三级，约翰是班里最小的孩子。他的一些同学比他大四五岁。
John entered Madison’s elementary school in 1914 at age six, but it proved much too easy for him. Distrusting the public schools and worried that John would not get enough stimulation, his mother enrolled him after the third grade in University High, a special school sponsored by the university that included combined seventh and eighth grades. William went there, too, and they shared several classes. Having skipped three grades, John was by far the youngest in his class. Some of his classmates were four or five years older.
约翰·巴丁（右）和他的兄弟威廉。
John Bardeen, right, and his brother William.
尽管如此，他仍然是班上的佼佼者，尤其是在数学方面。他的数学老师是沃尔特·哈特，一位教育学教授，也是一套广受欢迎的高中数学教材的合著者。哈特教授对这位年轻的神童格外关注，不仅给他布置额外的习题让他回家练习，还培养了他对数学的持久热爱。“约翰无疑拥有……”“他是个数学天才，”阿尔西娅自豪地写道，“他已经找到了解决疑难问题的简便方法，查尔斯说，这对于一个普通人来说是很难的。”
Still, he was among the standouts, especially in mathematics, which was taught by Walter Hart, a professor of education and the co-author of a popular series of high-school textbooks. He took a special interest in this young prodigy, giving him extra problems to solve at home and instilling in him an enduring love of math. “John has undoubtedly a genius for mathematics,” wrote Althea proudly. “He has worked out short-cut methods in difficult cases which Charles says would be difficult for a man.”
约翰的另一个显著特点是他的固执和顽强，无论是在学业、运动还是玩耍中。“约翰就是坚持到底，绝不松手，”威廉在被问及弟弟为什么在足球方面表现出色时告诉母亲，“他也是一样。”她指出：“他在学习上非常努力。遇到任何困难，他都会奋力拼搏。”
Another trait that became obvious was John’s obstinacy and doggedness, whether in schoolwork, sports, or play. “John just hangs on and won’t let go,” William told his mother when asked why his brother did well in football. “He does the same thing in his studies,” she noted. “When he comes across anything difficult, he puts up a big fight.”
1918年，一场悲剧降临巴丁一家。他的母亲原本体弱多病，发现右侧乳房长了一个小肿块。经检查证实，肿块是癌性的。2月，她接受了根治性乳房切除术，术后似乎恢复了健康。但战后流感疫情再次侵袭了巴丁一家。1919年3月，阿尔西娅的病情复发。那年夏天初，她乘火车前往密尔沃基接受手术，切除皮肤结节。她还开始接受穿透性X射线治疗，这是一种很有前景的新型癌症疗法，其基础是查尔斯在本世纪初进行的研究。
In 1918 a tragedy struck the Bardeen family. His mother, already frail and sickly, discovered a small lump growing in her right breast. It proved to be cancerous. In February she had a radical mastectomy, from which she seemed to recover. But when the postwar influenza epidemic afflicted the family in March 1919, Althea had a relapse. Early that summer she took a train to Milwaukee for surgery to remove skin nodules. She also began treatments with penetrating X-rays, a promising new form of cancer therapy based on research that Charles had done at the turn of the century.
阿尔西娅的病情曾短暂好转，但那年秋天和接下来的冬天，她的病情恶化了。她经常外出。她先是回到密尔沃基的家中，然后又回到芝加哥接受X光治疗，这些治疗让她虚弱、恶心，无法进食。1920年初，当更多的结节再次出现时，她的医生和丈夫最终承认她正在与病魔作斗争，但他们没有告诉她或孩子们。“目前，”查尔斯写信给他的父亲说，“一旦癌症扩散，医学知识就束手无策了。”开始蔓延。
Althea improved briefly, but her condition deteriorated that autumn and the following winter. She was often away from home, in Milwaukee and then Chicago, for additional X-ray treatments that left her weak, nauseous, and unable to keep food down. When more nodules began reappearing in early 1920, her doctors and husband finally admitted that she was fighting a losing battle, but they did not tell her or the children. “At present,” Charles wrote his father, “medical knowledge can do little with cancer once it starts to spread.”
1920年3月下旬，阿尔西娅回到麦迪逊，住在大学医务室，在那里她可以得到持续的照料。接下来的几周，约翰几乎每天放学回家都会去看望母亲。“我记得在她去世的前一天去看她，”他悲伤地说道，“那天我觉得她气色很好，心情也不错，所以当我听到这个消息时，我感到非常震惊。”第二天就听到她去世的消息。
Althea returned to Madison in late March 1920, staying in the university infirmary, where she could get constant care. For the next few weeks, John visited his mother almost daily on his way home from University High. “I remember stopping in to see her on the day before she died,” he remarked somberly. “I thought she looked well that day, and cheerful, and I was shocked to hear the next day that she had passed away.”
约翰原本就性格内向腼腆，母亲去世后，他变得更加孤僻。他的父亲肩负着管理医学院的重任，如今又疲于应付操持家务的额外压力，于当年秋天迅速再婚，娶了他的秘书露丝·哈姆斯。但这并没有给心碎的约翰带来多少安慰。他非常想念去世的母亲。他的高中学习受到了影响，尤其是法语，他勉强及格。
Already quiet and shy, John withdrew even further after his mother’s death. Shackled with the enormous responsibilities of directing a medical school and now struggling desperately to cope with the added burden of running a household, his father quickly remarried that fall, to his secretary, Ruth Hames. But it did little to help poor John, heartbroken and lonesome for his lost mother. His high-school studies suffered, especially French, which he barely passed.
他越来越热衷于科学研究，尤其是化学和电学。读了《创造性化学》这本书后，他开始自己做实验。他父亲从国家染色试剂公司订购了价值6.27美元的有机染料，约翰便开始使用这些染料进行实验。在他的地下室实验室里。“我给材料染色，做了一些实验，把染料注射到鸡蛋里，看看能不能得到彩色的鸡，”他带着一丝幽默说道。
He turned increasingly to scientific pursuits, particularly chemistry and electricity. After reading the book Creative Chemistry, he began experimenting on his own. His father ordered $6.27 worth of organic dyes from the National Stain and Reagent Company, and John set to work with them in his basement lab. “I dyed materials, did some experiments injecting dyes in eggs, seeing how you get colored chickens,” he said with a subtle trace of humor.
大约在这个时候，他对无线电产生了浓厚的兴趣，并自己组装了一台矿石收音机。20世纪20年代初期，这些电磁干扰开始更加频繁地在空中发出噼啪声，传播着人声和音乐。许多人也这样做。约翰和其他一些和他同龄、同样对科学感兴趣的男孩一样，自己动手制作了一个接收器，用来聆听这奇妙的奇迹。他用廉价的电线缠绕在一个空的桂格燕麦片盒子上，做成一个调谐线圈，然后把整个装置装进一个旧草编手提箱里。深夜，他戴上耳机，用另一根电线在一块漆黑的方铅矿晶体上敲击，探测到了……他研究无线电波，试图找到能接收到来自芝加哥微弱无线电信号的“热点”。他回忆说：“有些男孩甚至在他们的放大器里装上了真空管，但我从来没做到那一步。”
About this time he became intrigued by radio, building his own crystal set. During the early 1920s, these electromagnetic disturbances began crackling much more frequently through the ether, carrying human voices and music. As did many other scientifically minded boys his age, John fashioned his own receiver to listen in to the wondrous miracle. Winding dime-store wire around an empty Quaker Oats box to make a tuning coil, he put the entire ensemble inside an old straw suitcase. Late at night, with earphones strapped upon his head, he poked around with another wire on a coal-black crystal of the mineral galena, which detected the radio waves, trying to find “hot spots” on it that would allow him to pick up feeble radio signals from Chicago. “Some boys even got as far as putting vacuum tubes in their amplifiers,” he recalled, “but I never got that far.”
约翰1922年从大学高中毕业，当时他14岁。他本来可以当时就毕业，但他决定和威廉一起在麦迪逊中央高中再待一年。他选修了物理和额外的数学课程。就读公立学校也帮助他更好地适应社交生活。1923年秋季，在他刚满十五岁不久，他感觉更加自在地进入了威斯康星大学。
John finished University High in 1922, at the age of fourteen. He might have graduated then but decided to spend another year with William at Madison Central High School, taking physics and extra math courses. Attending a public school helped him to adjust better socially, too. He felt more comfortable entering the University of Wisconsin in the fall of 1923, soon after he had turned fifteen.
远距离无线电通信 在新世纪开始蓬勃发展。它的根源可以追溯到19世纪末，当时像海因里希·赫兹和古列尔莫·马可尼这样的先驱者……无线电信号的传输和接收技术不断发展，传输距离越来越远，最终跨越了海洋和大陆。然而，直到20世纪20年代，这些信息仍然很原始，通常被淹没在单调乏味的摩尔斯电码的鼓点中。业余无线电爱好者或许并不介意长时间戴着耳机，发送和接收断断续续的电码。点和划线，随后被翻译成单词、短语和句子。但普通人仍然写信。或者，当他们需要快速回复时，就使用电话和电报。
LONG-DISTANCE RADIO communication began to flower in the new century. Its roots extended back into the late 1800s, when men such as Heinrich Hertz and Guglielmo Marconi pioneered techniques of transmitting and receiving radio signals over ever larger distances, eventually spanning oceans and continents. Until the 1920s, however, the messages remained primitive, usually buried in the dull, monotonous drumbeat of the Morse code. Ham radio operators might not mind sitting hour after hour with earphones glued to their ears, sending and receiving the staccato strings of dots and dashes, which were then translated into words, phrases, and sentences. But ordinary people still wrote letters or, when they needed a quick reply, used the telephone and telegraph.
无线电广播改变了这一切。 1920年，西屋公司率先在其匹兹堡工厂屋顶架设天线，广播了沃伦·哈丁当选总统的消息。几年之内，无线电广播就……从缅因州到加利福尼亚州，数百家广播电台如雨后春笋般涌现。过去，信息只能由一个人发送给少数几个接收者，而如今，各家公司竞相利用无线电波这种无形的电磁波，向大众传播新闻、体育、政治、喜剧和音乐等各种内容。像李这样充满热情的发明家和贪婪的企业家们，在无线电波领域如鱼得水。德福雷斯特和戴维·萨诺夫就专利权和许可问题一次又一次地发生冲突，而这些权利和许可对于在这个竞争激烈的行业中取得成功至关重要。到了20世纪20年代末，萨诺夫的美国无线电公司（RCA）主导了这个新兴行业。
Radio broadcasting changed all that. Westinghouse led the way in 1920 by transmitting from an antenna on the roof of its Pittsburgh factory the news of Warren Harding’s election victory. Within a few years hundreds of radio stations had sprung up from Maine to California. Instead of a single person sending a coded message to, at most, a few recipients, brawling companies now sought to reach mass audiences with all the news, sports, politics, comedy, and music that could be loaded onto the invisible electromagnetic undulations called radio waves. Eager inventors and rapacious entrepreneurs such as Lee de Forest and David Sarnoff clashed again and again over the patent rights and licenses that were crucial to success in this cutthroat business. By the end of the Roaring Twenties, Sarnoff’s Radio Corporation of America, or RCA, dominated the new industry.
对于当时成长起来的、具有技术思维的孩子们来说，那些无形的、在他们周围空气中低语的信息流变成了令人着迷的奇妙之源。为了利用这些神秘的波动，他们只需用一些材料制作自己的“无线”接收器即可。《现代电气》和《无线时代》等新杂志提供了接线图。邮购公司供应重要的零部件，例如闪闪发光的方铅矿或金刚砂（一种银白色碳硅化合物）晶体。他们水晶套装的核心。
To technically minded children growing up at the time, the invisible streams of information whispering through the air all around them became an irresistible source of wonder. To tap into these mysterious undulations, they needed only fashion their own “wireless” receiver from a few materials. New magazines such as Modern Electrics and Wireless Age provided wiring diagrams. Mail-order houses supplied important components such as the glimmering crystals of galena or Carborundum (a silvery compound of carbon and silicon) that lay at the heart of their crystal sets.
一根长长的铝线或铜线钉在屋顶上，或架在两棵树之间，用作天线来接收无线电信号。当这些波经过时，导线中的电子会像湖面上的软木塞一样来回振荡，从而感应出微小的交流电。另一根导线缠绕在某种圆柱体上——断裂的人们经常使用棒球棒和空的桂格燕麦片盒子——它们可以作为调谐装置，用来选择自己喜欢的电台发射的特定无线电频率，并消除不需要的信号。一副耳机则将微弱的电流脉冲转换成刚刚通过广播电台麦克风说出或播放的词语或声音。
A long strand of aluminum or copper wire tacked to the roof of a house or strung between two trees served as an antenna to capture radio signals. Electrons in the wire oscillated back and forth as these waves passed, like corks bobbing up and down on the surface of a lake, inducing tiny alternating currents. Another strand of wire coiled around some kind of cylinder—broken baseball bats and empty Quaker Oats boxes were often used—provided a tuning device to select the specific radio frequency transmitted by a favorite station and to eliminate unwanted signals. And a pair of earphones translated the tiny pulses of electric current back into the words or sounds that had just been spoken or played into a microphone at the broadcasting station.
晶体探测器这些无线接收器之所以得名，是因为它们将天线和调谐电路中往复的交流电转换成了耳机所需的单向直流脉冲。一根被称为“猫须”的压接导线被压在晶体上，通常需要借助某种工具来探测晶体表面为数不多的热点之一。这种转换方式效果最好，耳机里的声音也最大。但往往要花上几个小时才能找到最佳位置，真是令人抓狂。哪怕是轻微的震动，都可能让接收器完全失调。
The crystal detector, which gave these wireless receivers their name, converted the back-and-forth alternating currents in the antenna and tuning circuit into one-way bursts of direct current required by the earphones. A crimped strand of wire called a “cat’s whisker” was pressed against the crystal, usually with some kind of gadget that allowed you to poke around and find one of the few hot spots on its surface where this conversion worked best, producing the loudest sounds in the earphones. Often it took a few maddening hours to find just the right spot. A slight vibration could easily jar the cat’s whisker enough to knock the receiver completely out of tune.
然而，尽管晶体探测器的工作原理在半个世纪前就已被人们所认识，但在 20 世纪 20 年代，晶体探测器的工作原理仍然是一个完全的谜。1874年，一位名叫费迪南德·布劳恩的德国物理学家正在研究电流通过方铅矿（硫化铅）晶体的情况。令他惊讶的是，他发现电流似乎更容易沿一个方向流动。这确实很奇怪。而且，如果两个金属触点之一是由一根尖锐的金属丝尖端压入晶体表面，电流就只会沿一个方向流动。布劳恩发现，这种奇特的“整流”现象存在于许多不同的物质中。他推测，这是由于“导电分子的某种排列方式”造成的。其他人试图重复他的实验，但结果却不尽相同。例如，维尔纳·西门子发现这种现象“变化很大，难以预先确定”。
Exactly how crystal detectors worked was a complete mystery in the 1920s, however, even though their operation had been recognized for half a century. In 1874 a German physicist named Ferdinand Braun was studying the passage of electric currents through a crystal of galena, or lead sulfide. To his surprise, he discovered that they appeared to flow more readily in one direction than the other. Strange indeed. And if one of the two metal contacts was a sharp wire tip pressed into the crystal face, the current flowed only in a single direction. This curious phenomenon of “rectification,” Braun found, occurs in many different substances. It was due, he surmised, to “a kind of alignment of the conducting molecules.” Others tried to repeat his experiments, with mixed results. Werner Siemens, for example, found the phenomenon to be “very variable and hard to predetermine.”
在长达两个多月的时间里，整流现象主要还是实验室里的一种奇特现象。直到19世纪90年代中期马可尼开始摆弄无线电信号，才出现了几十年的无线电波。鉴于远距离传输这些信号的巨大困难，布劳恩开发了一种全新的发射机，这种发射机不像赫兹和马可尼那样依赖于在两个电极之间的间隙中产生火花。他还设计了一种新的“谐振”电路来接收这些信号，从而最大限度地提高了传输效率。他利用特定频率的无线电波，最大限度地减少了其他频率的影响。他的“无火花电报”技术远胜于马可尼的方法，实现了远距离无线通信。
Rectification remained largely a laboratory curiosity for over two decades until Marconi began tinkering with radio signals in the mid-1890s. Hearing about his great difficulty in sending these signals over long distances, Braun developed a completely new kind of transmitter, which did not depend on generating a spark in a gap between two electrodes, as Hertz and Marconi had done. He also devised a new “resonant” circuit to receive these signals, which maximized the impact of the radio waves at a chosen frequency and minimized the influence of all others. Far superior to Marconi’s approach, his “sparkless telegraphy” allowed wireless communication over much greater distances.
1899年，布劳恩为其技术申请了专利，并创立了布劳恩教授电报公司，以开发和销售这些发明。其中一项发明就是在无线电波中使用晶体检波器。接收器。基于布劳恩在1874年发现的整流这一神奇特性，这些晶体在检测和转换无线电信号方面比之前使用的“检波器”（装满金属屑的玻璃管）要好得多。布劳恩的关键发明最终使人们能够通过无线电传输语音和音乐。它们以各种形式被应用到各种技术中。几乎所有现今使用的无线电发射机和接收机都采用了这种技术。事实上，它们非常重要，以至于这位和蔼谦逊的物理学家与马可尼共同获得了1909年诺贝尔物理学奖，“以表彰他们对无线电报发展所做出的贡献”。
In 1899 Braun patented his techniques and founded Professor Braun’s Telegraph Company to develop and market the inventions. Among them was the use of crystal detectors in wireless receivers. Based on the puzzling property of rectification that he had discovered in 1874, these crystals proved to be much better at detecting and converting radio signals than the “coherers”—glass tubes filled with metal filings—that had been used until then. Braun’s crucial inventions eventually allowed people to transmit voices and music by radio. In one form or another, they are incorporated into almost all radio transmitters and receivers in use today. So important were they, in fact, that this genial, self-effacing physicist shared the 1909 Nobel prize for physics with Marconi “in recognition of their contributions to the development of wireless telegraphy.”
1904年7月一个酷热的下午 ，一位容貌姣好的年轻女子从驿站马车上下来，轻蔑地环顾四周。内华达州托诺帕尘土飞扬的街道。科拉·梅·布拉德福德是斯坦福大学早期的女毕业生，她经历了一段艰辛的旅程——先是乘坐南太平洋铁路公司开往东部的火车，翻越内华达山脉到达里诺和索达维尔，然后又搭乘颠簸的驿马车南下，穿过碱性沙漠，越过点缀着鼠尾草的砂岩山脉——最终抵达这个偏远的矿业小镇，她的继父西摩·布拉德福德就住在这里。她曾是一名土地测量员。两个月前，一场灾难性的大火烧毁了他所有的档案记录，她来到这里是为了帮助他重建办公室。
ON A BLAZING July afternoon in 1904, a handsome young woman stepped from the stagecoach and glanced scornfully about the dusty streets of Tonopah, Nevada. An early female graduate of Stanford University, Cora May Bradford had endured an exhausting journey—first on an eastbound Southern Pacific train over the Sierra Nevada to Reno and Sodaville, then south aboard a jostling stage across alkali deserts and past sandstone mountain ranges studded with sagebrush—to the remote mining town where her stepfather Seymour Bradford worked as a land surveyor. She had come there to help him reestablish his office after a disastrous fire that had destroyed all his records two months before.
梅对矿业小镇并不陌生——她小时候在新墨西哥州长大，曾在其中一个小镇生活过几年——起初她对托诺帕小镇不屑一顾，对聚集在那里的醉汉和违法者感到不耐烦。“爸爸是少数几个……”“镇上那些品行端正、从不喝酒、赌博或抽烟的男人，”她写信给住在帕洛阿尔托的母亲。梅在斯坦福大学主修艺术和数学，她当时已将目光投向巴黎，那里吸引了许多美国人，例如爱德华·霍珀和格特鲁德·斯坦因。在帮助家族企业重振旗鼓之后，她计划前往欧洲。
No stranger to mining towns—she had lived in one for several years as a girl growing up in New Mexico—May was initially contemptuous of Tonopah, impatient with all the drunkards and scofflaws who gathered there. “Papa is one of the few men in this town who have a clean reputation and is never known to drink, gamble or smoke,” she wrote her mother in Palo Alto. Majoring in art and mathematics at Stanford, May had set her sights on Paris, then attracting many Americans such as Edward Hopper and Gertrude Stein. After helping the family business get back on its feet, she planned to leave for Europe.
梅很快就让自己变得不可或缺，然而，她却帮继父绘制矿区勘测图，保管账簿，甚至还参与了一些勘测工作。不久，她成了继父的合伙人，最终被任命为美国副矿产勘测员，成为首位获此殊荣的女性。作为镇上为数不多的适婚女性之一，她追求者众多，但她大多对他们不屑一顾。“妈妈，我讨厌男人，”她写道，“虽然我喜欢……”我知道，如果和他们成为精神上的伙伴，我永远不可能和他们结婚。
May soon made herself indispensable, however, drawing maps of the mining claims her stepfather had surveyed, keeping his books, even doing some of the surveying. Soon she became his partner and was eventually made a U.S. deputy mineral surveyor, the first woman to hold such a title. And as one of the few eligible women in town, she had plenty of suitors, treating them mostly with disdain. “Mama, I hate men,” she wrote. “While I like them as intellectual companions, I know I can never get to the point of marrying.”
但到了1906年初，托诺帕出现了一位截然不同的人。威廉·希尔曼·肖克利曾负责附近坎德拉里亚的迪亚布罗山金矿的运营，他从英国来到这里，准备开办一座金矿。肖克利在马萨诸塞州新贝德福德长大，是一位捕鲸船长的长子，他的家族历史可以追溯到……她是“五月花号”船上的制桶匠约翰·奥尔登的祖母。1875年从麻省理工学院毕业后，肖克利周游世界，在六大洲担任采矿工程师和顾问。在义和团运动使中国对外国人不再适宜居住的五年时间里，他为富有的英国投资者谈判采矿和铁路特许权，并与满清朝廷建立了密切联系。此外，他是一位有教养、有修养的人，对艺术、音乐、语言和文学都有着广泛的兴趣。这个人很有风度。
But in early 1906 a different kind of man appeared in Tonopah. William Hillman Shockley, who had once supervised the Mount Diablo operation in nearby Candelaria, arrived from England to start a gold mine. Raised in New Bedford, Massachusetts, the eldest son of a whaling captain, he traced his ancestry through his grandmother to John Alden, the ship’s cooper on the Mayflower. Following graduation from MIT in 1875, Shockley roamed the world, working on six continents as a mining engineer and consultant. For five years—before the Boxer Rebellion made China unhealthy for foreigners—he negotiated mining and railroad concessions for wealthy British investors, developing close ties with the Manchu court. What’s more, he was a man of culture and refinement, with extensive interests in art, music, languages, and literature. This man had style.
尽管他年纪不小——他五十一岁，她二十七岁——梅很快就被这位外表优雅、留着浓密白胡子的绅士迷住了，他那张略显严肃的脸庞更衬托出他俊朗的气质。他们于1908年1月结婚，并在托诺帕又待了一年，期间肖克利试图……他试图从自己的矿里榨取利润。失败后，他和梅一起返回伦敦，自1895年以来，伦敦一直是他的活动基地。
Despite his age—he was fifty-one, she twenty-seven—May soon took a fancy to the elegant-looking gentleman with the full white beard and mustache framing his long, dour face. They married in January 1908 and remained another year in Tonopah while Shockley tried to winkle a profit out of his mine. Failing in that, he returned with May to London, his base of operations since 1895.
她欣喜若狂，终于实现了自斯坦福时代就一直怀揣的梦想。丈夫因公出差乘火车前往西伯利亚期间，梅在巴黎待了将近一个月，参观了博物馆、画廊和世界著名艺术家的工作室。之后，丈夫也到巴黎与她团聚了一周。十月，他们和她一起返回伦敦。他们在维多利亚街租了一套豪华公寓，这条街位于威斯敏斯特教堂和维多利亚火车站之间。
She was delighted to fulfill a dream she had harbored since her Stanford days. While her husband traveled by train to Siberia on business, May spent almost a month in Paris, visiting museums, galleries, and the studios of world-famous artists. He joined her there for a week in October, before returning with her to London. They rented a posh flat on Victoria Street, which runs between Westminster Abbey and Victoria Station.
但一项重要的新责任很快便需要梅全身心投入。她腹部隆起，无可辩驳地证明体内已孕育着新生命。“我以前从不知道他们在出生前会踢腿、做体操运动，”她感慨道。1910年2月13日，星期日上午十点，经过漫长而艰难的分娩，“最后用氯仿才缓解了剧烈的疼痛”，她生下了一个八磅重的男婴。“他是个健康、发育良好、嗓音洪亮的婴儿，而且已经知道自己想要什么，”几天后，在从这场磨难中恢复过来后，她写信给母亲说。他们给他取名为威廉·布拉德福德。肖克利。
But an important new responsibility soon demanded May’s full attention. A thickening in her abdomen gave undeniable evidence of a new life within. “I never knew that they kicked and did gymnastic exercises before they were born,” she observed. At ten o’clock Sunday morning, February 13, 1910, after a long and difficult labor “with violent agonies eased at the very last with merciful chloroform,” she gave birth to an eight-pound boy. “He is a fine, well-developed, lusty-voiced infant and already knows what he wants when he wants it,” she wrote her mother a few days later, after recuperating from the ordeal. They named him William Bradford Shockley.
比利在欧洲度过了最初的三年，在他父亲眼里，他只是个普通的男孩。父亲在日记里写道：“他并不出类拔萃，也看不出有什么特别之处，不过是个聪明的小男孩。” 他和其他男孩一样，对机械的东西很感兴趣，尤其是那些噪音大、冒着黑烟的汽车、蒸汽公共汽车和刚刚开始取代马车的有轨电车。车辆驶离伦敦潮湿的鹅卵石路面。
Growing up in Europe his first three years, young Billy seemed a normal boy to his father, who noted in his diary that “he is no world-beater and shows no signs of being anything more than a bright little boy.” He had the usual boy’s interests in mechanical things, especially the noisy, smoky automobiles, steam buses, and electric trolleys that were just beginning to crowd horse-drawn vehicles off the damp cobblestones of London.
但比利却成了意想不到的巨大负担，他剥夺了母亲的睡眠，并在她醒着的时候需要她时刻照料。尽管梅坚持要给比利喂奶，但她完全没有做好应对一个无助婴儿不停吮吸她乳房的准备。比利经常生病，哭闹不止，而且脾气暴躁。由于丈夫经常出差离开伦敦，她几乎独自承担了照顾比利的全部重担，只有一位保姆帮忙。她常常在一天结束时筋疲力尽地倒在床上，第二天清晨，当比利哭闹着醒来时，她又不得不拖着疲惫的身体起床。她几乎没有时间社交，更没有时间搞艺术创作。正是因为这段经历——以及她所承受的痛苦——她决定……这将是她唯一的孩子。
But Billy proved a tremendous, unexpected burden, robbing his mother of sleep and demanding constant attention during her waking hours. Although she insisted on nursing Billy, May was totally unprepared to meet the incessant demands of a helpless infant sucking at her breasts. He was often sick, cried repeatedly, and had ferocious tantrums. With her husband frequently away from London on business, she bore almost the entire load of caring for Billy herself, with the aid of a nanny. Often she fell into bed exhausted at day’s end, dragging herself out early the next morning when he woke up bawling. She had little time for socializing and even less for her art. Because of this experience—and the painful ordeal of her labor—she decided that Billy would be her one and only child.
1913年4月，肖克利一家乘船返回美国，然后从纽约乘火车横穿美国到达旧金山。他们在那里买了一栋房子。这座位于帕洛阿尔托韦弗利街的建筑，距离梅在斯坦福大学上课期间与母亲和姐姐居住的地方仅几个街区之遥。它至今依然屹立，是一座优雅的维多利亚晚期两层建筑。这座老房子坐落在街角一块宽敞的地块上，拥有一栋复古风格的房子。长长的门廊面向宽阔的榆树成荫的街道。从那里步行不远即可到达镇上的商业区，在那里可以轻松搭乘电车前往校园。许多斯坦福大学的教职员工都居住在附近宽敞舒适的住宅中，这个街区当时正逐渐被称为“教授村”。
In April 1913 the Shockleys sailed back to the United States and took trains across the country from New York to San Francisco. They purchased a house on Waverly Street in Palo Alto, a few blocks from where May had lived with her mother and sister while attending classes at Stanford. Still standing today, it is a graceful two-story structure of late Victorian vintage on a large corner lot. A long porch faces the broad, elm-lined thoroughfare. From there it was a short walk to the town’s business district, where one could easily catch a trolley to the campus. Many Stanford faculty members lived in spacious, comfortable homes in the neighborhood, which was then becoming known as “Professorsville.”
1910 年，梅和威廉·肖克利带着他们刚出生的儿子比利在伦敦的一个公园里。
May and William Shockley in a London park with their new son Billy, 1910.
比利喜欢在后院玩耍，挖出深不见底的矿井寻找铜矿和铁矿，如果一无所获，他就急切地往里面灌水。他几乎用任何手边能找到的东西，通常是纸箱和椅子，搭建想象中的火车。他还开始对奇特的宠物着迷，收集了各种各样的宠物，这种爱好伴随了他一生。他喜欢蟾蜍、乌龟、束带蛇、蝾螈和火蜥蜴。他的朋友不多——大多是女孩——而且经常独自玩耍，因为附近很多男孩不喜欢他总是想当老大。
Billy loved to play in the backyard, digging deep mineshafts to search for copper and iron ore, impatiently filling them with water when they didn’t pan out. He built imaginary trains out of almost anything handy, usually boxes and chairs. And he began his lifelong fascination with strange pets, gathering an assortment of toads, turtles, garter snakes, newts, and salamanders. He had few friends—mostly girls—and often played alone since many of the neighborhood boys didn’t like the way he always tried to take charge.
这个男孩经常突然爆发无法控制的愤怒，尤其对溺爱他的父母更是如此。他们通常会尝试和他讲道理，而不是诉诸体罚，除非在极少数情况下。明目张胆的案例。“他几乎只表现出愤怒的情绪，偶尔流露出一点爱意，”他越来越沮丧的父亲写道。“他之所以没挨打，是因为他有个‘朋友’——院子里一株细长的竹笋——有时会用强硬的语气跟比利说话。”
The boy was given to sudden fits of uncontrollable rage, especially at his indulgent parents. They usually tried to reason with him instead of resorting to corporal punishment, except in the most flagrant cases. “Anger is about the only emotion he displays, with a little love at times,” wrote his increasingly frustrated father. “He is not spanked because he has ‘a friend’—a slender bamboo sprout from the yard—who sometimes speaks to Billy forcibly.”
肖克利夫妇让儿子不去公立学校，而是在家教育他直到八岁。很明显，他与众不同。他需要公立学校无法提供的特殊关注，而公立学校对此只有鄙夷。他的父亲培养了他对自然和科学的浓厚兴趣，而他的母亲则教他算术。“我唯一想留给比利的遗产，就是那种力量感和肩负重任的喜悦，去纠正世间某些错误，”她在1918年1月的日记中写道。
The Shockleys kept their son out of public school and taught him at home until age eight. It had become obvious that he was different. He needed special attention unavailable in public schools, for which they had nothing but contempt. His father fostered his budding interest in nature and science, while his mother taught him arithmetic. “The only heritage I care to leave Billy is the feeling of power and the joy of responsibility for setting the world right on something,” she wrote in her diary in January 1918.
下个月他们他们把他送进了帕洛阿尔托的古尔梅尔夫人私立学校。入学后，他参加了一项当时在美国教育界越来越流行的智商测试。比利得了129分——当然很聪明，但可能算不上天才。两年后，他转学到了帕洛阿尔托军事学院，那里能提供他父母认为他需要的更严格的纪律。
The next month they enrolled him in Mrs. Gurmell’s Private School in Palo Alto. Upon entering, he was given one of the IQ tests that were becoming popular in U.S. education. Billy scored a modest 129—certainly intelligent but probably not genius material. Two years later he transferred to the Palo Alto Military Academy, which offered the stricter discipline his parents felt he needed.
在他上小学期间，比利从他最喜欢的两个玩伴露丝和贝齐·罗斯的父亲那里，非正式地接触到了物理学。珀利·罗斯是斯坦福大学物理系的教授，也是X射线方面的专家，他利用X射线来确定原子、分子和晶体的结构。比利经常在他家过夜，和两个女孩一起玩耍，成了这位耐心教授的代理儿子。他指导这位聪颖的年轻学生学习物理原理和无线电的奇妙之处。“他试图向我解释波动，”肖克利回忆说，“但我当时完全无法理解。”
During his grammar-school years, Billy received an informal introduction to physics from the father of his two favorite playmates, Ruth and Betsy Ross. A professor in the Stanford Physics Department, Perley Ross was an expert on X-rays, which he was using to determine the structure of atoms, molecules, and crystals. Often staying overnight and playing with the two girls, Billy became a surrogate son for the patient professor, who coached his bright young charge in the principles of physics and the wonders of radio. “He tried to explain wave motion to me,” Shockley recalled, “and I had a great deal of difficulty getting any grasp on that at all.”
十二岁的比利·肖克利身穿帕洛阿尔托军事学院的制服。
Twelve-year-old Billy Shockley in his Palo Alto Military Academy uniform.
儿子上学后，梅·肖克利有了更多空闲时间，终于可以专心从事她长期搁置的艺术创作。她的静物画和中国瓷器作品开始在艺术界引起关注。加州的画廊展出了她技艺娴熟但缺乏想象力的作品。1922年秋天，她甚至……在华盛顿特区的国家艺术俱乐部举办了一场展览——这主要得益于商务部长赫伯特·胡佛的妻子（一位来自帕洛阿尔托的朋友）的帮助。
With her son in school and much more time for herself, May Shockley was finally able to concentrate on her long-neglected art. Her still-life paintings and Chinese porcelains began to attract notice in art circles. California galleries showed her competent but largely unimaginative work. In the autumn of 1922, she even had an exhibit in the National Arts Club in Washington, D.C.—thanks largely to the help of Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover’s wife, a friend from Palo Alto.
比利十二岁时，也就是前一年六月小学毕业后，休学一年，和父母一起沿着东海岸旅行，先是去华盛顿参加母亲的展览，然后北上到纽约和新贝德福德。他原本计划去欧洲旅行，但他父亲的高血压让他无法成行。健康状况恶化使他们无法离开美国。1923年4月，肖克利一家返回加利福尼亚州，同年8月从帕洛阿尔托搬到洛杉矶。最终，他们在好莱坞买了一栋房子。
Having completed grammar school the previous June at age twelve, Billy took a year off from school to travel with his parents on the East Coast, to Washington for his mother’s exhibit, then north to New York and New Bedford. They had planned to visit Europe, but his father’s high blood pressure and worsening health prevented them from leaving the United States. Returning to California in April 1923, the Shockleys moved from Palo Alto to Los Angeles in August. Eventually they bought a house in Hollywood.
那年秋天，比利开始在好莱坞高中上学，在那里他受到了南加州电影的影响。文化。这是无声电影的黄金时代；查理·卓别林和莉莲·吉什统治着银幕。光鲜亮丽的时代在召唤，但比利仍然保持着对科学，尤其是物理学的浓厚兴趣，他在洛杉矶教练学校参加了一个专门的暑期物理课程。1925年初，他自己制作了一个矿石收音机，用来收听好莱坞广播电台KFQZ和KFWB的节目。以及其他五家在洛杉矶盆地进行广播的电台。
That fall Billy began classes at Hollywood High School, where he came under the influence of southern California’s movie culture. This was the grand age of silent films; Charlie Chaplin and Lillian Gish ruled the screen. Glamour beckoned, but Billy maintained his keen interest in science, especially physics, taking a special summer course in the subject at the Los Angeles Coaching School. In early 1925 he fashioned his own crystal set to tap into the programs available on Hollywood radio stations KFQZ and KFWB, as well as five others broadcasting in the Los Angeles basin.
然而，他父亲的健康状况持续恶化，中风发作也越来越频繁。1925年5月初的一天，一位生意伙伴将神志不清的威廉送回家后，他的病情急转直下。医生们连续两周每天都来探望他，但他的病情却持续恶化。5月26日晚，他在家中去世。他年近七十，将价值近 75,000 美元的股票和债券留给了妻子和十几岁的儿子。
His father’s health declined steadily, however, with increasingly frequent attacks of “apoplexy.” It took an abrupt turn for the worse one day in early May 1925, after a business associate brought William home delirious. Doctors visited him daily for two weeks, but his condition deteriorated. He died at home on the evening of May 26, just short of seventy years old, leaving stocks and bonds worth nearly $75,000 to his wife and teenage son.
他的离世似乎并没有让比利和他的母亲感到悲痛。他们对老肖克利怀有深切的怀念，但并没有特别想念他。比利在梅的生活中扮演了男主角的角色。1926年2月，在他十六岁生日那天，他们去了一家汽车展厅，买了一辆崭新的汽车。他们买了一辆新的别克轿车。然后，他们一起度过了下午时光，驾车在洛杉矶周边行驶了八十英里。
His loss did not seem to shake Billy or his mother. They remembered the elder Shockley fondly, but without missing him very much. Billy assumed the role of the leading male in May’s life. On the day he turned sixteen in February 1926, they visited an automobile showroom and bought a shiny new Buick sedan. Then they spent the afternoon together, driving eighty miles around Los Angeles.
在好莱坞高中，肖克利显然是班上最聪明的学生之一，而班上其他学生都是些自作聪明的家伙——他们是演员、导演、编剧以及其他电影行业自以为是人士的子女。他科学和数学成绩优异，英语也相当不错。“我们这个时代极其机械化。”“我们在大学最后一年的一篇作文中傲慢地宣称：‘我们以惊人的速度从一个地方旅行到另一个地方；我们跨越遥远的距离进行交谈；我们以惊人的效率与敌人作战——这一切都得益于机械装置。’”
At Hollywood High, Shockley was clearly one of the brightest in a class full of smart alecks—the sons and daughters of actors, directors, scriptwriters, and other self-important individuals in the movie industry. He excelled in science and math, and did fairly well in English. “Our age is eminently mechanical,” he declared pompously in a composition his senior year. “We travel from one place to another at relatively monstrous speeds; we speak to each other over great distances; and we fight our enemies with amazing efficiency—all by the aid of mechanical contrivances.”
他也开始超越他的科学老师，经常找到更简单的解题方法，并在课堂上与他们的观点相悖。毕业前，他参加了一场竞争激烈的物理考试，并取得了班级最高分。按理说，他应该因此获得一枚金杯。但他却被取消了资格，因为他之前已经在辅导学校学过这门课了。很可能，他的老师们只是想阻止他获奖。尽管如此，肖克利现在意识到，他“在这个领域确实很有天赋” 。“
He also began to outdistance his science teachers, often finding simpler ways to solve problems and contradicting them in class. Just before graduating, he took a competitive physics examination and got the highest score in his class. Normally he would have been awarded a gold cup for his achievement. But he was disqualified because he had already taken the subject before—at the Coaching School. More than likely, his teachers just wanted to deny him the award. Still, Shockley now realized that he “was rather good at this field.”
尽管存在 一些 值得注意的差异，但约翰·巴丁、沃尔特·布拉顿和威廉·肖克利所在的家庭之间存在着惊人的相似之处。他们从小就生活在这样的环境中。这三个家族都扎根于美国中西部和西部，远离大西洋沿岸的欧式文化中心。尽管边疆实际上已经关闭，但开拓精神在这些内陆地区仍然蓬勃发展。到十九世纪末，独立和自力更生备受推崇。
DESPITE A FEW noteworthy differences, there were striking similarities among the families in which John Bardeen, Walter Brattain, and William Shockley had been raised. All three families were rooted in the American Midwest and West, far from the Atlantic centers of Europeanized culture. The pioneering spirit still thrived in these hinterlands, even though the frontier had essentially closed by the end of the nineteenth century. Independence and self-reliance were highly valued.
尽管巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利出于不同的原因投身物理学，但他们都拥有共同的务实精神，托克维尔曾称之为美国人敏锐的洞察力。他们都相信科学是进步的推动力，能够造福人类更广泛的领域。二十世纪初的几十年里，欧洲物理学家追求知识本身的理论性、沉思性方法在美国几乎完全不存在，尤其是在阿巴拉契亚山脉以西的地区。
Drawn to physics for different reasons, Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley nevertheless shared a common practical outlook that Alexis De Tocqueville had called a discerning American characteristic. They all believed in science as an agent of progress, producing benefits in wider realms of human endeavor. The theoretical, contemplative approach of European physicists who pursued knowledge for its own sake was almost completely absent from America during the early decades of the twentieth century, particularly west of the Appalachians.
威廉·詹姆斯总结道，这种美国本土的实用主义哲学在世纪之交美国发明创造的蓬勃发展中得到了体现。20世纪20年代，电话、电灯泡、留声机、真空管和飞机等设备开始彻底改变人们的日常生活，将原本以农业为主的国家转变为一个城市化的工业强国，即将主宰全球舞台。亨利·福特的流水线开始生产价格亲民的T型车，普通家庭也能负担得起。无线电信号闪烁不定。消息以光速传遍大西洋彼岸，随后在1927年，查尔斯·林白和“圣路易斯精神号”以更为悠闲的速度抵达。美国人的实用技术开始拉近世界距离。
As distilled by William James, this indigenous American philosophy of pragmatism could be seen at work in the surge of U.S. invention around the turn of the century. The telephone, electric light bulb, phonograph, vacuum tube, and airplane, among other devices, began to revolutionize daily life in the 1920s, turning what had been a predominantly agrarian nation into an urbanized, industrial powerhouse about to dominate on the global scene. Henry Ford’s assembly lines started rolling out Model T’s at a price an average family could afford. Radio signals flashed the news across the Atlantic at the speed of light, followed in 1927 by Charles Lindbergh and the Spirit of St. Louis at a much more leisurely pace. Practical American know-how had begun to shrink the world.
1920年沃尔特·布拉顿入学时，惠特曼学院已经蓬勃发展了半个多世纪。该学院以马库斯·惠特曼的名字命名，这位纽约医生在俄勒冈小径上的瓦拉瓦拉山谷建立了一个传教站，并于1847年在一场印第安人屠杀中丧生。惠特曼学院是华盛顿州第一所获得特许的高等学府。然而，惠特曼学院仍然……小巧而温馨。校园中心有一座三层高的钟楼，周围环绕着整齐的红砖和砂岩建筑，形成一个四合院式的校园。布拉坦开始学习时，这所小型文理学院的学生人数还不到五百人。
When Walter Brattain matriculated in 1920, Whitman College had been thriving for over half a century. Named after Marcus Whitman, the New York physician who established a mission in the Walla Walla Valley astride the Oregon Trail and died in an 1847 Indian massacre, it was the first chartered institution of higher learning in Washington State. Still, Whitman had remained small and intimate. With its neat quadrangle of red-brick and sandstone buildings clustered about a three-story clock tower at the campus center, this tiny liberal-arts college could hardly claim five hundred students when Brattain began his studies.
即便如此，惠特曼学院仍然培养出了数量远超其平均水平的杰出毕业生。在科学领域，这一成就很大程度上可归功于两点。两位教授才华横溢。本杰明·布朗教授在布拉坦的父母世纪之交就读于这所学院时，教授的大部分理科课程；沃尔特·布拉顿教授则教授所有数学课程。尽管在年轻的沃尔特就读期间，他们的教学事业依然蓬勃发展，但随着战后入学人数的增长，布朗教授得以专注于物理和地质学。“这种组合非常强大，”布拉坦回忆道。
Even so, Whitman managed to turn out more than its share of luminary graduates. In the sciences, much of this success could be attributed to two gifted professors. Benjamin Brown taught most of the science courses when Brattain’s parents attended the college at the turn of the century; Walter Bratton taught all the math classes. Although they were still going strong in young Walter’s time, with the growing postwar enrollments Brown was able to concentrate on physics and geology. “This combination was very powerful,” recalled Brattain.
由于设备匮乏，布朗教授发明了自己简单易行的物理原理演示方法。布拉坦回忆说，他站在一张旋转台上，双手伸出，各执一个铅块，布朗教授开始让他旋转；当沃尔特将铅块拉近身体时，他的旋转速度惊人地加快。这是一种非常有效的演示方法。旋转物体的一种属性称为“角动量”，大致是指物体绕其内部轴旋转的程度。经历了如此令人眩晕的事情之后，还能忘记那是什么吗？
Having little in the way of equipment, Professor Brown invented his own simple, hands-on demonstrations of physics principles. Brattain remembered standing on a rotating table with two leaden weights in his outstretched hands as Brown began to spin him around; when Walter pulled the weights in close to his body, his speed of rotation increased alarmingly. It was a beautifully effective way to illustrate a property of a spinning body called “angular momentum,” roughly its amount of rotation about an internal axis. Who could forget what it was after such a dizzying experience?
在惠特曼学院，布拉顿结交了几位挚友，这些友谊伴随了他一生。来自俄勒冈州的沃克·布莱克尼是他一年级的实验室搭档，和他一样是一位来自偏远地区的农民。还有弗拉基米尔·罗扬斯基，他曾他曾在西伯利亚为逃离布尔什维克的不幸的白俄军队效力，1922年秋天从西雅图来到这里，加入了一个由物理系学生组成的小圈子。他们一起努力学习，也一起尽情玩乐，经常通宵达旦地玩扑克，一边喝啤酒，一边抽烟。
At Whitman Brattain established several close friendships that would endure the rest of his life. From Oregon came Walker Bleakney, his first-year lab partner, a backwoods farmer like himself. Vladimir Rojansky, who had served in the hapless White Russian army fleeing the Bolsheviks across Siberia, arrived from Seattle in the fall of 1922 to join the small circle of physics students. They studied hard together and partied even harder, often playing poker through the night over beers and cigarettes.
到20世纪20年代，美国高等教育在实验和应用物理学领域已经建立了良好的声誉，但是……他们继续向东方寻求理论灵感。与美国不同，欧洲并没有急于改造荒野；欧洲的发展节奏允许他们有更多的时间进行思考。欧洲的先驱者们开始探索人类心灵的内在空间，并拓展表达的边界。一种全新的感知方式——一种与我们截然不同的理解现实的方式——在那里诞生了。现在称之为现代主义——在第一次世界大战前后几十年间形成。
American higher education had gained a solid reputation in experimental and applied physics by the 1920s, but it continued to gaze eastward for theoretical inspiration. Unlike the United States, Europe had not been preoccupied with transforming a wilderness; its pace permitted more time for contemplation. Its own pioneers began to map the inner spaces of the human mind and to roll back the boundaries of expression. There a radically new sensibility—a completely different way of comprehending reality that we now call modernism—coalesced during the decades bracketing the Great War.
这种大胆的新精神在毕加索和詹姆斯·乔伊斯等艺术家和作家的作品中得到了明显的体现，并且也开始影响物理学的实践。在阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦的相对论打破了几个世纪以来人们对空间和时间的认知之后，关于人类行为的更多令人不安的发现也随之而来。原子的发现使该领域陷入了长期的混乱。这些被认为是物质基本组成单元的原子的存在，直到世纪之交才被确凿地证实。欧内斯特·卢瑟福和他的英国经验主义同事们进行的深入实验很快揭示了原子深处一个令人费解的新世界，那里充满了奇异的粒子。充满矛盾的量子力学理论从这场巨大的变革中最终诞生的力学理论，描绘了一幅古怪、混乱的、如同爱丽丝梦游仙境般的原子和分子世界的图景。
This brash new spirit found obvious expression in the works of artists and writers like Pablo Picasso and James Joyce, and it began to affect the practice of physics, too. After Albert Einstein’s theory of relativity shattered centuries-old concepts of space and time, even more disturbing revelations about the behavior of atoms pitched the field into a long period of chaos. The existence of these supposedly fundamental building blocks of matter had been firmly established only at the turn of the century. Penetrating experiments by Ernest Rutherford and his empiricist British colleagues soon uncovered a baffling new world deep within these atoms, filled with odd beings. Laced with contradictions, the theory of quantum mechanics that finally emerged from this great upheaval painted a capricious, haphazard picture of the weird, Alice-in-Wonderland realm of atoms and molecules.
美国物理学家在这场量子革命中起步较晚。他们确实提出了一些重要的见解，但更具思辨性的欧洲同行们却遥遥领先，构建了一种更为深刻和根本的思维方式。关于物质世界。与二十世纪前25年的其他思想潮流一样，量子物理学是一股在大西洋东岸积聚力量的浪潮，后来席卷了美国海岸。
American physicists were latecomers to this quantum revolution. They did come up with a few important insights, but their more speculative European counterparts raced ahead, formulating a much deeper and more fundamental way of thinking about the material world. As with other intellectual currents from the first quarter of the twentieth century, quantum physics was a tidal wave that had gathered force on the eastern side of the Atlantic and later washed up on American shores.
20世纪20年代，美国科学家在应用新的理论概念和实验技术方面表现出色。他们借助了诸如以下的新工具：利用薛定谔波动方程和X射线束，他们探索了固体的内部结构和固有性质：颜色、硬度、导电性等等。这些特征是如何从个体的倾向中产生的呢？原子？事实上，原子本身几乎完全是空的，它们是如何组装成像晶体这样光滑、闪亮、坚硬、刚硬的物体的呢？吃饱了吗？
It was in the application of new theoretical concepts and experimental techniques that U.S. scientists of the 1920s excelled. Aided by new tools such as the Schrödinger wave equation and X-ray beams, they explored the internal structure and intrinsic properties of solids: their color, hardness, conductivity, and so forth. How do such features arise from the proclivities of individual atoms? How, in fact, can atoms, themselves almost completely empty, ever be assembled into such smooth, brilliant objects as crystals, which are so hard, so rigid, and so full?
在十九世纪最后二十五年里 ，世界各地的物理学家都对阴极射线管——也称克鲁克斯管或希托夫管（取决于个人的国籍）——着迷不已。这种管子内部的两个电极之间施加高电压，会产生放电，并在管子的一端发出辉光。早期的型号包含大量的…… 由于气体量较大，气体本身会发出各种颜色的光芒。阴极射线管是现代霓虹灯、电视机和电脑屏幕的先驱，在探索物质深处方面发挥了核心作用。
DURING THE LAST quarter of the nineteenth century, physicists around the world had become fascinated with cathode-ray tubes—also known as Crookes or Hittorf tubes (depending upon one’s national allegiances). A high voltage placed across two electrodes inside such a tube led to an electrical discharge that produced a glow at one end. In earlier models, which contained a substantial amount of gas, the gas itself glowed with various colors. Forerunners of modern neon lights, television sets, and computer screens, cathode-ray tubes played a central role in exploring the depths of matter.
19世纪70年代，英国物理学家威廉·克鲁克斯开始使用充汞泵来降低管内的压力。他发现气体发光消失了。取而代之的是一种神秘的现象。管壁开始发出诡异的绿色荧光，尤其是在带正电的电极（阳极）附近。克鲁克斯通过一系列实验证明，某种辐射正从带负电的电极（阴极）高速射向阳极。1878年，他提出这些“阴极”……当光线照射到阳极附近的玻璃上时，会引起磷光。
In the 1870s the British physicist William Crookes began using a mercury-filled pump to achieve much lower pressures within the tube. He discovered that the gaseous glow disappeared, to be replaced by a mysterious phenomenon. The glass walls of the tube itself began to flouresce with an eerie greenish light, particularly in the vicinity of the positively charged electrode, or anode. By means of a series of experiments, Crookes demonstrated that some form of radiation was speeding from the negatively charged electrode, the cathode, toward the anode. In 1878 he proposed that these “cathode rays” caused the phosphorescent glow when they struck the glass near the anode.
很快，德国几乎所有物理系或技术研究所都配备了这种电子管。位于巴伐利亚北部维尔茨堡大学的物理研究所也不例外。1894年，时年49岁的所长威廉·康拉德·伦琴开始对这种被称为“电子管”的电子管进行实验。希托夫在他的国家进行了试管实验，重复了其他人之前做过的实验。
Soon scarcely a physics department or technical institute in all Germany was without one of these tubes. This was true of the Physikalisches Institut at the University of Würzburg in northern Bavaria. In 1894 Wilhelm Conrad Röntgen, its forty-nine-year-old headmaster, began experimenting with such a tube, called a Hittorf tube in his country, repeating tests that others had done before him.
1895年11月8日，伦琴拉上实验室窗户上积满灰尘的百叶窗，使房间变暗，并用黑纸板将电子管围了起来。令他大吃一惊的是，附近一块涂有铂氰化钡的荧光纸屏发出暗淡的绿光。当他调高电子管电压时，绿光消失了。当他重新打开时，光芒会消失，然后又重新出现。如果他把屏幕靠近显像管，光芒就会增强；当他把屏幕移开时，光芒就会减弱。如果他把屏幕移到两米远的地方，光芒就几乎看不见了。一定有一种奇怪的新光线从显像管中发出，穿透了纸板和中间的空气！
On November 8, 1895, Röntgen drew the dusty shades on his laboratory windows to darken the room and surrounded the tube with black cardboard. To his great surprise, a nearby fluorescent screen made of paper coated with barium platinocyanide was glowing a dull green. The glow subsided when he turned the tube voltage off and returned when he switched it back on. It intensified if he held the screen near the tube and dimmed as he pulled it back. The glow was just barely visible if he moved the screen two meters away. A strange new ray had to be emanating from the tube, penetrating the cardboard and the intervening air!
伦琴感到困惑，但同时也异常兴奋。他意识到自己偶然发现了某种极其可怕的东西。鉴于此，他把自己关在实验室里，在接下来的六周里，对这些奇异的射线进行了详尽的研究。他给它们起了个名字。他把那些照片都称为“X光片”，因为他根本不知道它们到底是什么。他只回到楼上的房间吃顿便饭，然后每晚断断续续地睡上几个小时。对于他那可怜又困惑的妻子，他只是喃喃自语道，如果他的同事们知道他在做什么，他们会宣称：“伦琴可能疯了。”
Röntgen was puzzled but wildly excited. Recognizing he had stumbled across something terribly important, he sequestered himself in his laboratory for the next six weeks, exhaustively examining these exotic rays. He dubbed them “X” rays because he didn’t know what on earth they might be. He returned to his upstairs rooms only for short meals and to sleep a few fitful hours each night. To his poor, perplexed wife, he only muttered that if his colleagues ever learned about what he was doing, they would declare, “Röntgen has probably gone crazy.”
根据物体的厚度和密度，射线可以穿透许多不同的物体。当他把一小块铅盘放在X光管和屏幕之间时，他偶然发现，他可以观察到自己手掌内的骨骼，它们在较浅的软组织背景下呈现出深色的阴影。他甚至发现X射线会影响照片。并用X射线板制作了第一张“射线照片”——他妻子的手的X射线图像。
The rays could penetrate many different objects, depending on their thickness and density. While holding a small lead disk between the tube and screen, he accidentally discovered that he could observe the bones inside his hand as dark shadows against the much lighter background of his softer tissues. He even found that X-rays affected a photographic plate and made the first “radiograph”—an X-ray image of his wife’s hand.
1895 年 12 月 28 日，伦琴向维尔茨堡物理医学学会提交了他的革命性发现，该学会立即发表了这些发现。他写道： “我们很快发现，所有物体对这种探测器都是透明的，尽管透明程度各不相同。”他的X射线照片在科学界引起了巨大轰动。在普通民众中也引起了广泛关注。报纸和杂志刊登了大量关于这些辐射的耸人听闻的报道，通常还配有人体部位的X光片。
On December 28, 1895, Röntgen submitted his revolutionary findings to the Physical-Medical Society of Würzburg, which published them immediately. “We soon discovered that all bodies are transparent to the agent, though in very different degrees,” he wrote. His X-rays caused a tremendous sensation, both in scientific circles and among the general public. Newspapers and magazines printed lurid accounts of the emanations, often accompanied by radiographs of human body parts.
这是伦琴最早拍摄的X光片之一——他妻子的手。那个大的圆形物体是她的戒指。
One of Röntgen's earliest X-ray images—of his wife's hand. The large, round object is her ring.
其他科学家很快证实了伦琴的研究结果。医生们迅速认识到这些穿透力极强的射线所具有的诊断潜力，它们使他们能够观察人体内部，而这在以前只能用手术刀才能做到。其他医生也很快开始在他们的研究中使用X射线。查尔斯例如，巴丁于 1908 年发表了一篇题为“伦琴射线对涡虫再生的抑制作用”的论文。
Other scientists soon confirmed Röntgen’s results. Physicians quickly recognized the diagnostic potential of these penetrating rays, which allowed them to peer within the human body, a feat previously possible only with a scalpel. Other physicians soon began employing X-rays in their research. Charles Bardeen, for example, published a 1908 paper entitled “The Inhibitive Action of the Röntgen Rays on Regeneration in Planarians.”
伦琴生性腼腆内向，并不享受突如其来的名声。他被铺天盖地的宣传所困扰，在发表了两篇后续文章后，便转向了其他研究领域。1899年，他接受了物理学教授和物理研究所所长的职位。他在慕尼黑大学任教，并在那里度过了余生。两年后，瑞典皇家科学院开始根据炸药大亨阿尔弗雷德·诺贝尔的遗嘱和遗产颁发年度奖项，伦琴获得了该院颁发的第一个物理学奖。
Painfully shy and reclusive, Röntgen did not enjoy his sudden fame. Deeply annoyed by all the publicity, he turned to other research after publishing two follow-up articles. In 1899 he accepted a post as professor of physics and director of the Physikalisches Institut at the University of Munich, where he remained for the rest of his life. Two years later, when the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences began giving annual prizes based on the will and fortune left by dynamite baron Alfred Nobel, Röntgen received its first physics award.
尽管这些奇特的射线激发了大众的想象力，但它们的确切性质在十五年多的时间里一直是个谜。X射线被发现后，科学界展开了一场激烈的辩论：X射线是波还是粒子？
Although they excited the popular imagination, the exact nature of these odd rays remained a mystery for more than fifteen years after their discovery. A great debate raged in scientific circles: Are X-rays waves or particles?
如果它们是波，就应该像光（一种电磁波）一样产生干涉图样。当两个点光源发出的光线叠加时，就会出现这种明暗交替的条纹。当两束波的波峰同步落下时，波会发生相长干涉，从而产生明亮的条纹。带状结构。但如果一个波的波峰与另一个波的波谷重合，它们就会相互抵消，形成一条暗带。物理学家在X射线实验中寻找类似的斑马纹图案，但多年来一无所获。许多物理学家，尤其是英国物理学家，因此认为X射线必定是粒子流。而他们的德国同行则始终坚持波动解释。
If waves, they should generate interference patterns, just like light (an electromagnetic wave). These alternating bright and dark bands occur when rays of light from two point sources are superimposed. Where the peaks of the two waves fall in step, the waves add constructively to yield a bright band. But if the peak of one wave aligns with the trough of the other, they cancel out and a dark band results. Physicists searched for similar zebra-striped patterns in experiments with X-rays, but for years they could find none. Many physicists, especially the British, believed X-rays therefore had to be streams of particles. Their German rivals stuck steadfastly to the wave interpretation.
但还有另一种可能的原因导致我们未能观察到干涉图样。或许这些光线的波长远比可见光短——短一千倍以上。如果是这样，就很难获得这些图样，因为产生它们需要极其精细的“衍射光栅”。衍射光栅是用光在玻璃片上刻出的一系列紧密排列的线条。这种方法很容易奏效。从光栅线间射出的光线沿着长度略有不同的路径到达探测屏。在那里，它们相互叠加或抵消，从而产生一系列明暗相间的条纹。但是，如果X射线的波长比可见光短一千倍，那么任何合适的衍射光栅的间距都需要是可见光的千倍。更小，不到十亿分之一在产生干涉图样之前，它只有一米长。当时，没有人知道如何制造如此精细的光栅。
But there was another possible reason interference patterns had not been observed. Perhaps the wavelength of these rays was far shorter—more than a thousand times shorter—than that of visible light. If so, it would be difficult to obtain these patterns because producing them would require an extremely fine “diffraction grating.” With light, a series of closely spaced lines ruled on a sheet of glass easily does the trick. Light rays emerging from between the lines of this grating traverse paths with slightly different lengths to a detecting screen. There they add or cancel to yield a succession of bright and dark bands. But if X-rays had wavelengths a thousand times shorter than visible light, any suitable diffraction grating would need spacings a thousand times smaller, less than a billionth of a meter, before it could yield interference patterns. At the time, nobody knew how to make such a fine grating.
这个问题困扰着马克斯·冯·劳厄，他曾在费迪南德·布劳恩门下学习，之后成为慕尼黑大学的讲师。1910年的一天（威廉·肖克利出生于伦敦的那一年），他与当时正在写作的彼得·保罗·埃瓦尔德在伦敦郁郁葱葱的英国花园里散步。这是一篇关于光在晶体中传输的博士论文。在埃瓦尔德的理论中，晶体内部存在被称为振荡器的物体，它们可能排列成有序的行，能够吸收和重新发射光。他想就一个问题向冯·劳厄寻求建议。
The problem vexed Max von Laue, who had studied under Ferdinand Braun before becoming a lecturer at the University of Munich. One day in 1910 (the year William Shockley was born in London), he took a walk in the city’s verdant English Garden with Peter Paul Ewald, then writing his doctoral dissertation on the transmission of light through crystals. In Ewald’s theory there were objects called oscillators inside crystals, perhaps arranged in orderly rows, that absorbed and reemitted the light. He wanted von Laue’s advice on a problem.
“为什么晶体内部会有振荡的东西呢？”冯·劳厄问道，他很快就对这种可能性产生了浓厚的兴趣。而且，这种可能性究竟有多大呢？这些振荡器之间的间距是多少？虽然他无法帮助埃瓦尔德，但他却想出了一个新颖的主意——晶体或许可以提供他所需的超精细衍射光栅，从而利用 X 射线获得干涉图案。
“Why should there be something oscillating inside a crystal?” asked von Laue, who quickly became intrigued by the possibility. And how closely spaced might these oscillators be? Unable to help Ewald, he nevertheless came away with a novel idea—that a crystal might provide the ultrafine diffraction grating he needed to obtain interference patterns with X-rays.
但冯·劳厄很难让他的上级认真对待这个想法。1912年4月，他终于说服了伦琴的两名学生瓦尔特·弗里德里希和保罗·克尼平。协助进行实验。弗里德里希刚刚获得博士学位，一直在继续研究X射线的行为。
But von Laue had difficulty getting his superiors to take the idea seriously. In April 1912 he finally convinced Walther Friedrich and Paul Knipping, two of Röntgen’s students, to assist with the experiments. Having just finished his doctorate, Friedrich had been continuing his research on the behavior of X-rays.
他们在昏暗的地下室里搭建了简易设备，将阴极射线管产生的X射线束通过一个小孔照射到一块闪亮的天蓝色硫酸铜晶体上。为了记录射线如何被晶体偏转，他们将晶体放置在……后面是一块感光底片。第一次尝试失败后，他们又试了一次。“那是一次难忘的经历，”多年后弗里德里希回忆道，“那天晚上很晚了，我独自一人站在工作室的显影盘旁，看着折射光线的痕迹在底片上显现出来。”
They rigged up their makeshift equipment in a dingy basement room, directing an X-ray beam produced by a cathode-ray tube through a tiny hole onto a shiny azure crystal of copper sulfate. To record how the rays were deflected by the crystal, they positioned a sensitive photographic plate behind it. After a first attempt failed, they tried again. “It was an unforgettable experience,” recalled Friedrich years later. “Late in the evening I stood all alone at the developing tray in my workroom and saw traces of the deflected rays emerge on the plate.”
在他眼前，出现了一个整齐有序、宛如花环般的图案，由明亮的斑点组成，在深色的背景上若隐若现。确凿的证据表明X射线具有波动性。对其他晶体（包括岩盐、方铅矿和闪锌矿）的进一步实验在晶片上产生了其他对称排列的发光点。冯·劳厄推测，这些干涉图样是由晶体内部有序的三维晶格（或许是埃瓦尔德振子？）对X射线的衍射造成的。作为一名光学专家，他迅速制定了一套详细的几何理论来解释这种现象是如何发生的。
There before his eyes appeared an orderly, wreathlike pattern of bright spots against a dark background, solid evidence that X-rays were behaving like waves. Further experiments with other crystals—including rock salt, galena, and zinc blende—produced other symmetrical arrays of glowing dots on the plates. Von Laue guessed that these interference patterns had been caused by the diffraction of X-rays from an orderly three-dimensional lattice of objects (perhaps Ewald’s oscillators?) within the crystal. An optics expert, he quickly worked out a detailed geometric theory to explain how this phenomenon might have occurred.
但包括伦琴在内的许多顶尖科学家对冯·劳厄的解释持怀疑态度。那年夏天，这些实验的消息传到了英国，威廉·亨利·布拉格首次尝试将这些模式解释为……的结果通过通道传输的X射线“粒子”晶格。然而，他很快就确信了波动解释，此后便与儿子威廉·劳伦斯·布拉格一起进行了一系列实验，证实并扩展了冯·劳厄的工作。小布拉格“通过考虑波在平行原子层上的反射”，推导出了一个更简单、更正确的理论。次年四月，他发表了一篇论文，阐述了……后来被称为布拉格定律——X射线波长、晶体平面之间的距离以及X射线入射到这些平面上的角度之间的简单关系。
But a number of leading scientists, Röntgen included, were skeptical of von Laue’s interpretation. That summer word of the experiments reached Britain, where William Henry Bragg first tried to interpret these patterns as the result of X-ray “corpuscles” being channeled through the crystal lattices. He was soon convinced of the wave interpretation, however, and thereafter began a series of experiments with his son William Lawrence Bragg that confirmed and extended von Laue’s work. The younger Bragg derived a simpler and more correct theory “by considering the reflection of waves from parallel layers of atoms.” The following April, he published a paper that set forth what became known as Bragg’s law—a simple relationship between the X-ray wavelength, the distance between crystal planes, and the angle at which the X-rays impinged on these planes.
世界各地的科学家很快意识到他们拥有了一种重要的新工具。由于冯·劳厄的实验以及布拉格兄弟对实验结果的解读，他们现在可以利用X射线来观察晶体的内部结构。原子排列成层状，就像鸡蛋堆叠在箱子里一样。原子排列的细节是通过照相底片上发光点状图案的间距和对称性来确定的。虽然布劳恩可以推测他的整流效应可能是由原子排列引起的，但物理学家现在可以验证他的假设了。利用 X 射线及其穿过材料样本时产生的奇特图案。
Scientists around the world quickly realized they had an important new tool at their disposal. Because of von Laue’s experiment and the Braggs’ interpretation of it, they could now use X-rays to peer inside crystals, where the atoms appeared to be arranged in layers, like eggs stacked in crates. The details of the atomic arrangement were determined from the spacing and symmetry of the wreathlike patterns of glowing dots that occurred on photographic plates. While Braun could guess that his rectification effect might be caused by an alignment of atoms, for example, physicists could now check his hypothesis using X-rays and the fanciful patterns they generated in passing through material samples.
瑞典皇家科学院的反应迅速。1914年12月，冯·劳厄被授予诺贝尔物理学奖。1915年，布拉格兄弟共同分享了这一奖项，此时第一次世界大战席卷欧洲，科学研究几乎陷入停滞。瑞典皇家科学院指出，正是由于布拉格兄弟的贡献，“一个全新的世界才得以诞生”。已经开放，并且部分区域已经以惊人的精确度进行了勘探。
The reaction of the Swedish Academy was swift. In December 1914 von Laue was awarded the Nobel prize in physics. The Braggs shared the prize in 1915 as the Great War swept across Europe, bringing scientific research almost to a halt. Thanks to the Braggs, noted the Academy, “an entirely new world has been opened and has already in part been explored with marvelous exactitude.”
1912年，小布拉格开始研究X射线时 ，他 在剑桥大学约瑟夫·约翰·汤姆逊的实验室工作。汤姆逊在十五年前解开了另一个紧迫的谜团：阴极射线本身的性质。这位卡文迪什物理学教授，J·J·汤姆逊（他更喜欢别人这样称呼他），当时他是英国科学界的巨擘，因发现第一种亚原子粒子——电子而荣获1906年诺贝尔物理学奖。他身材瘦弱精干，留着蓬乱的胡须，戴着一副厚厚的小眼镜，在19世纪80年代初凭借电动力学的理论研究而声名鹊起。
WHEN HE BEGAN studying X-rays in 1912, the younger Bragg was working in the Cambridge University laboratory of Joseph John Thomson, who fifteen years earlier had solved another pressing mystery: the nature of cathode rays themselves. The Cavendish Professor of Physics, J. J. Thomson (as he preferred to be addressed) was then a giant of British science, having won the 1906 Nobel prize in physics for discovering the first subatomic particle, the electron. A frail, wiry man with an unkempt mustache and thick, tiny spectacles, he had built his reputation in the early 1880s by doing theoretical work in electrodynamics.
1884年就任卡文迪什教授后，汤姆逊决定专注于研究这种令人费解的行为。气体中的电现象，特别是克鲁克斯管中的放电现象。当时，阴极射线的性质是科学家们争论的焦点。正如他们后来绘制X射线图像时一样，英国物理学家们也对阴极射线进行了研究。一些人认为阴极射线是粒子流，而大多数德国人则认为它们是一种波——当时人们想象中弥漫于空间的“发光以太”中的振动。
After stepping in as Cavendish Professor in 1884, Thomson decided to focus on the bewildering behavior of electricity in gases, particularly the discharges in Crookes tubes. At the time the nature of cathode rays was a subject of controversy among scientists. As they later pictured X-rays, British physicists considered cathode rays to be streams of particles, while most Germans thought they were a kind of wave—vibrations in the “luminiferous ether” then imagined to permeate space.
通过施加研究人员曾利用克鲁克斯管（或希托夫管）对电场和磁场进行实验，试图确定阴极射线是否会受到电场和磁场的影响而发生偏转。如果阴极射线确实会发生偏转，这将有力地表明这些射线是粒子流，而非波。然而，19世纪90年代中期的实验情况充其量也只能说是模糊不清。尽管磁场显然会使阴极射线发生偏转，但赫兹施加的却是强电场。对他们说，没有观察到任何偏差。
By subjecting a Crookes (or Hittorf) tube to electric and magnetic fields, researchers had attempted to determine whether cathode rays were deflected by them. If so, it would be a strong indication that the rays were streams of particles, not waves. But the experimental situation in the mid-1890s was murky at best. Although magnetic fields evidently deflected cathode rays, Hertz had applied strong electric fields to them and observed no deflection.
伦琴于1895年发现X射线，这极大地激发了人们对阴极射线的兴趣。汤姆逊在真空度更高的管内重复了赫兹的实验，证明电场确实会使这些射线发生偏转。这意味着它们必定是粒子——或者如汤姆逊所称的“微粒”——因此应该具有独特的性质。例如质量为m、电荷为e的物体。根据偏转方向，他得出结论，它们带负电，就像阴极本身一样。
Röntgen’s 1895 discovery of X-rays spurred a tremendous renewal of interest in cathode rays. Working with a much better vacuum inside the tube, Thomson repeated Hertz’s experiments and showed that electric fields indeed deflected these rays. Which meant they had to be particles—or, as Thomson preferred, “corpuscles”—and therefore should have distinctive properties such as a mass m and an electric charge e. From the direction of the deflection, he concluded that they were negatively charged, like the cathode itself.
接下来，汤姆逊在同一根管子中同时施加电场和磁场，使阴极射线发生偏转。通过调节电场和磁场，使它们相互抵消，汤姆逊估算出了粒子的速度以及质量与电荷之比（m/e）。他运用简单的方程式计算得出结果。令他惊讶的是，这个比例比最轻的原子——电离氢的比例小了大约一千倍。或许他研究的这些微粒的电荷量是氢离子的千倍，又或许它们的质量比氢离子的质量小了一千倍。
Next he subjected the cathode rays to both electric and magnetic fields, in the exact same tube. By adjusting these fields to balance out the deflections they caused, Thomson estimated the speed of the corpuscles and the ratio m/e of their mass to their charge using simple equations. To his surprise, this ratio came in about a thousand times smaller than that for ionized hydrogen, the lightest atom. Perhaps the charge on his corpuscles was a thousand times higher than that on a hydrogen ion. Or perhaps their mass was a thousand times less than its mass.
怀疑是后者，汤姆逊接下来利用一种巧妙的装置确定了e的粗略值，在该装置中，雾气中水滴围绕着微粒形成。当这些测量结果证实了他的猜想后，他得出结论：这些微粒比任何原子都轻得多（也可能更小）。更重要的是，无论克鲁克斯管内充入何种气体，或阴极使用何种金属，他都得到了相同的质量/电子密度比值。他于1897年发表了这项革命性的成果。1899年，汤姆逊最终宣称：“原子并非物质划分的最终极限；我们可以进一步划分到微粒，而在这个阶段，无论微粒来源于何处，它都是相同的。”他所描述的微粒——无处不在的电子——必然是“构成原子的砖块之一”。
Suspecting the latter, Thomson next determined a rough value for e using an ingenious setup in which droplets of water in a fog formed around the corpuscles. When these measurements confirmed his suspicions, he concluded that they were pieces of matter far lighter (and probably smaller) than any atom. What’s more, he obtained the same value of m/e no matter what kind of gas was inside the Crookes tube or what type of metal he used for its cathode. Publishing his revolutionary results in 1897 and 1899, Thomson eventually declared that “the atom is not the ultimate limit to the subdivision of matter; we may go further and get to the corpuscle, and at this stage the corpuscle is the same from whatever source it may be derived.” The ubiquitous electron, as his corpuscle soon became known, had to be “one of the bricks of which atoms are built up.”
汤姆逊的发现产生了巨大的影响。对电的理解。以前人们认为电流是一种平滑连续的流体，但现在可以将其想象成一群电子在铜、银、铝等金属中快速流动。在导线的一端施加电压。它像水龙头末端的压力推动水分子向喷嘴运动一样，推动或拉动电子穿过它。越高，电子的流动就越剧烈。电压（或压力）越大，电子（或水分子）的流动就越大。这就是欧姆定律背后的物理原理，欧姆定律是由格奥尔格·西蒙·欧姆于1826年提出的一个经验关系式：V = IR，即电压V等于电流I乘以电阻R。也就是说，电流与施加的电压成正比。
Thomson’s discovery had an enormous impact on the understanding of electricity. Previously thought to be a smooth, continuous fluid, electrical current could now be visualized as a swarm of electrons rushing through such metals as copper, silver, and aluminum. A voltage applied at one end of a wire pushes or pulls electrons through it much as the pressure at the faucet end of a hose drives water molecules toward the nozzle. The higher the voltage (or pressure), the greater the flow of electrons (or water molecules). This is the physics behind Ohm’s law, an empirical relationship enunciated by Georg Simon Ohm in 1826: V = IR, or voltage V equals current I times resistance R. Electrical current, that is, grows in direct proportion to the voltage applied.
特定导线的电阻取决于多种特性。包括其直径和成分。某些金属，例如铝、铜和银，是优良的导体；它们的电阻很低。而另一些金属，例如铁或钢，导电性则一般。世纪之交前后开始连接欧洲和美国城市的绵延数英里的电力线和电话线通常由优良导体构成，主要成分是……铜。
The resistance of a particular wire depends upon several characteristics, including its diameter and its composition. Certain metals, such as aluminum, copper, and silver, are excellent conductors; their resistance to electrical current is low. Others, like iron or steel, are only fair. The miles upon miles of electric and telephone lines that began to connect the cities of Europe and America around the turn of the century were usually made of good conductors, mainly copper.
物理学家开始认识到，金属的这种特性，或者说“导电性”，与金属内部电子的数量有关。像铜这样的优良导体含有大量的自由电子。这些电子不知何故脱离了单个铜原子，在金属内部自由移动，仅受它们遇到的电场和磁场的引导。就像狂风中的蜜蜂一样。不良导体中自由电子数量极少，因此对电流的阻力更大。良好的绝缘体，例如木材、混凝土或玻璃，几乎没有电子；即使在高电压下，也只有极小的电流能够通过。
Physicists began to recogize that this tendency, or “conductivity,” of metals has something to do with the availability of electrons inside them. An excellent conductor like copper has plenty of free electrons. Somehow they have been torn away from the individual copper atoms and swarm about freely within the metal, guided only by whatever electric and magnetic fields they encounter, like bees in a blustery wind. Poor conductors have substantially fewer free electrons and hence greater resistance to the flow of electricity. Good insulators, such as wood, concrete, or glass, have essentially none; even at very high voltages, only tiny currents can trickle through them.
随着新世纪的到来，英国和欧洲大陆的物理学家开始应用这种“电子”图像。物质的性质也影响着热的传导。金属是良好的热导体，而大多数非金属的热导体性能较差。这就是为什么好的煎锅是用铜或铝而不是玻璃制成的。造成这种差异的主要原因是金属内部存在大量的自由电子。当受到加热时，这些自由电子的运动速度会加快，并且由于可以自由移动，因此能够更容易地将热能传递给物体。金属的其他部分。
As the new century dawned, physicists in Britain and on the Continent began applying this “electronic” picture of matter to the conduction of heat, too. Metals are good heat conductors, while most nonmetals are poor. That is why good frying pans are made out of copper or aluminum rather than glass. The main reason for this disparity is the swarm of free electrons within a metal. They begin to jiggle more rapidly when heat is applied and (being free to roam) can carry heat energy much more readily to other parts of the metal.
汤姆逊完善了一种理论，认为金属内部充满了快速运动的自由电子“气体”。其他物理学家则在他们的理论中加入了正离子——失去一个或多个电子的原子。这些理论解释了为什么铜是良好的导电体和导热体，而不锈钢却不是：铜含有大量的自由电子。它可以导电或导热，而不锈钢的导电或导热性能则差得多。
Thomson fleshed out a theory in which metals are permeated by a furious “gas” of free electrons darting to and fro. Other physicists included positive ions—atoms shorn of one or more electrons—in their mix. These theories allowed one to say why copper is a good conductor of both electricity and heat, while stainless steel is neither: copper has plenty of free electrons to carry electricity or heat, while stainless steel has much fewer.
然而，当其他人试图用电子气理论来计算金属在升温过程中吸收热能的能力时，该理论遇到了重大阻碍。绝缘体之所以会吸收一定量的热量，是因为其原子在其正常位置附近振动得越来越快。金属本应具有很大的优势。在这方面，是因为它有大量的自由电子这将为它提供一种额外的能量吸收方式。但增加的能量容量却微乎其微。不知何故，自由电子并没有发挥其应有的作用。这是一个重大的谜题，在接下来的二十年里，所有试图解决它的努力都未能成功。
The electron-gas idea ran into a major roadblock, however, when others tried using it to calculate the capacities of metals to absorb heat energy as they warm up. An insulator absorbs heat to a certain extent because its atoms vibrate more and more rapidly about their normal positions. A metal should have had a big advantage in this regard because its swarm of free electrons would give it an extra way to take up energy. But the amount of added capacity proved minuscule. Somehow the free electrons were not doing their share. This was a major puzzle that dogged all efforts to solve it over the next two decades.
然而，卡文迪什研究所那些固执的经验主义者却对他们优雅理论的这种实际应用嗤之以鼻。微粒。它们站在原子物理学的前沿，并计划永远留在那里。在20世纪初的年度实验室晚宴上，最受欢迎的祝酒词之一是“敬电子——愿它永远对任何人毫无用处。”
The hardheaded empiricists at the Cavendish, however, pooh-poohed such practical applications of their elegant corpuscle. They stood at the frontiers of atomic physics and planned to remain there. At annual laboratory dinners in the early 1900s, one of the favorite toasts was “To the electron—may it never be of any use to anybody.”
在许多 方面 ，二十世纪的第一个十年见证了与过去的显著决裂。1901年维多利亚女王的去世标志着长期和平的结束。大英百科全书见证了欧洲文化的繁荣。世纪之交的维也纳，西格蒙德·弗洛伊德出版了《梦的解析》，开启了通往更深层次理解人类行为的大门。受保罗·塞尚和其他法国印象派画家的启发，亨利·马蒂斯和巴勃罗·毕加索奠定了现代艺术的基础。我们今天所认知的“古典”现实图景，它原本强调连续性和稳定性，但几乎在一夜之间就转变为碎片化和变革。
IN MANY DIFFERENT ways, the twentieth century’s first decade witnessed a remarkable break with the past. The death of Queen Victoria in 1901 signaled the end of the long Pax Britannica in which European culture had flourished. In turn-of-the-century Vienna, Sigmund Freud published The Interpretation of Dreams, prying open the doors to a deeper understanding of human behavior. Stimulated by the work of Paul Cézanne and other French Impressionists, Henri Matisse and Pablo Picasso laid the groundwork for modern art. What we now recognize as the “classical” image of reality, with its emphasis on continuity and stability, gave way almost overnight to fragmentation and change.
物理学领域也发生了同样程度的变革。它几乎悄无声息地始于柏林，当时理论物理学家马克斯·普朗克正在苦苦钻研看似棘手的黑体辐射问题。顾名思义，“黑体”是指能够吸收所有入射光的物体。黑体表面会反射光线，但不会反射任何光线。一个指向暗室的针孔就是一个很好的例子。黑体辐射的光谱形状仅取决于其温度，而与其成分无关。但是，当普朗克试图用公认的物理学理论推导出这个光谱时，他却遇到了“紫外灾难”，即黑体会在高频波段释放出无限的能量。或者紫外线，光谱的末端。那是不可能的。
No less a rupture also occurred in physics. It began almost completely unnoticed in Berlin, where theoretical physicist Max Planck was wrestling with the seemingly intractable problem of black-body radiation. Exactly what its name suggests, a “black body” is an object that absorbs all light impinging on it and reflects none. A pinhole into a dark chamber is a good example. Radiation from a black body has a spectrum the shape of which depends only on its temperature—not on its composition. But in trying to derive this spectrum using accepted ideas of physics, Planck ran smack into an “ultraviolet catastrophe,” whereby the black body would have given off an infinite amount of energy at the high-frequency, or ultraviolet, end of the spectrum. That was impossible.
在苦苦研究这个问题近六年却毫无进展之后，普朗克于1900年末采取了一个决定性的举措，他最终称之为“绝望之举”。普朗克谨慎地提出，物质发射和吸收辐射是以被称为“量子”的微小包或束的形式进行的，而不是像其他人所假设的那样是连续的。给定量子的能量E根据公式E = hf ，它取决于振动频率f（对应于光的颜色），其中h是现在著名的普朗克常数，它在现代物理学中至关重要。
After working on this problem unsuccessfully for almost six years, he took a fateful step in late 1900 that he eventually called “an act of desperation.” Planck cautiously proposed that matter emits and absorbs radiation in tiny packets or bundles called “quanta”—not continuously, as everyone else had assumed. The energy E of a given quantum depends on the vibration frequency f (which corresponds to the color of the light) according to the formula E = hf, where h is the now-famous Planck’s constant so central to modern physics.
对于世纪之交那些崇尚平滑连续世界的物理学家来说，这简直是不可饶恕的异端邪说。试想一下，海浪拍打着……绵长的海滩，但所有的水都汇聚到一个海湾里。从宏观层面来看，这本质上就是量子力学的概念。能量以粒子的形式存在——当然，是极其微小的粒子，但终究是粒子。
To turn-of-the-century physicists enamored of a smooth, continuous world, this was an unspeakable heresy. Try to imagine an ocean wave crashing on a long beach but depositing all its water in a single cove. That is essentially the quantum idea, viewed on a macroscopic level. Energy comes in lumps—exceedingly tiny lumps, to be sure, but lumps nonetheless.
普朗克是一位不情愿的革命者，他打开的潘多拉魔盒令他深感不安。在接下来的五年里，他试图弥合自己对经典物理学造成的创伤，但徒劳无功。他找不到其他方法来避免可怕的……紫外线灾难。“我当时就清楚地意识到，经典物理学无法解决这个问题，”他后来回忆说，“这意味着所有能量最终都会从物质转化为辐射。”
A reluctant revolutionary, Planck was deeply troubled by the Pandora’s box he had opened. He spent the next five years trying to heal the wound he had inflicted on classical physics, but to no avail. He could find no other way to avert the dreaded ultraviolet catastrophe. “It was clear to me that classical physics could offer no solution to this problem,” he later recounted, “and would have meant that all energy would eventually transfer from matter into radiation.”
1905年，一位名不见经传的瑞士专利局职员迈出了普朗克因胆怯而不敢迈出的大胆一步。此前，他已经发表了关于相对论的划时代论文。那一年，阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦研究了光电效应，即光能将某些金属中的电子击出。为了解释这种现象，他要求光能本身也以普朗克量子形式存在——即使它不包含任何物质。这可不是一般的异端邪说，而是彻头彻尾的叛国！这个年轻气盛的家伙以为自己是谁，竟然声称光可以像汤姆逊粒子那样运动——在……之后一个多世纪以来的艰苦努力已经表明，它显然像波浪一样扩散开来？
In 1905 an obscure Swiss patent clerk took the daring next step that Planck was too timid to take. Having already published his epochal paper on the theory of relativity earlier that year, Albert Einstein took up the photoelectric effect, in which light knocks electrons out of certain metals. To explain this phenomenon, he required that the light energy itself come in Planck’s quanta—even when free of matter. This was no mere heresy. It was out-and-out treason! Who did this young upstart think he was, claiming that light could behave like one of Thomson’s corpuscles—after over a century’s worth of painstaking efforts had shown it was obviously spread out like a wave?
但通过这一大胆的假设，爱因斯坦就能解释为什么只有高于特定频率（或根据普朗克公式计算的能量）的光才能将电子从金属表面击出。光的量子或粒子（今天被称为光子）会坠入沸腾的电子气体中。汤姆逊等人曾说过，这种光子必定存在于金属的暗部深处。如果它携带足够的能量，就能将一个电子击出金属表面，并使其完全脱离金属，同时带走多余的能量。如果能量不足，金属只会吸收冲击力，温度略微升高。
But by making this bold assumption, Einstein could explain why only light higher than a certain frequency (or energy, according to Planck’s formula) could eject electrons from the metal surface. A quantum or particle of light (called a photon today) would plunge down into the seething gas of electrons that Thomson and others had said must inhabit the metal’s dark recesses. If it carried enough energy, this photon could kick an electron up to the surface and out of the metal entirely, speeding away with any excess energy. If it not, the metal would just absorb the impact and get a tiny bit warmer.
接下来，爱因斯坦再次运用量子力学思想来解决热容这个棘手的问题。“如果普朗克的理论…… ”“如果辐射能直击问题的核心，”他在1907年写道，“那么我们必须预料到会在其他领域发现矛盾。”他将固体视为振动原子的阵列，每次只能吸收或释放一个量子能量。而且原子不能随意振动。在任何给定的温度下，某些振动模式是允许的，而另一些则是被禁止的，或者说是“冻结的”。这就解释了为什么像钻石这样的绝缘材料的吸热能力低于预期，尤其是在极低温度下。
Einstein next tackled the vexing problem of heat capacity by invoking the quantum idea again. “If Planck’s theory of radiation strikes into the heart of the matter,” he wrote in 1907, “then we must expect to find contradictions in other areas.” He viewed solids as arrays of vibrating atoms that can take up or give off energy only one quantum at a time. And atoms were not free to jiggle around however they pleased. At any given temperature, certain vibration modes are allowed and others forbidden, or “frozen out.” This could explain why the heat-absorbing capacities of such insulating materials as diamond came in below expectations, particularly at very low temperatures.
然而，金属仍然难以解释。如果这些理论要解释金属的低热容量，那么几乎所有金属的自由电子都必须被冻结，无法吸收热能。然而，同样的电子群却又必须以某种方式解释……金属具有远快于其他物质的热传导和电传导速度。为什么？这些电子能否同时兼具活性和惰性？这个悖论甚至难倒了爱因斯坦。尽管量子理论提供了许多重要的全新见解，但金属的热学性质仍然是个谜。
Metals, however, still proved intractable. Almost all their free electrons had to be frozen out, incapable of taking up heat energy, if these ideas were to explain their low capacities. Yet the very same swarm somehow had to account for the far faster thermal and electrical conduction of metals. How could these electrons be active and passive at the same time? It was a paradox that stumped even Einstein. Despite the important new insights provided by the quantum theory, the thermal properties of metals remained a mystery.
在肖克利一家居住在伦敦的那几年里，距离伦敦150英里外一座沉闷的工业城市的科学家们…… 西北地区的一项突破极大地加深了人们对物质的理解。这位体格健壮、热情奔放的新西兰人欧内斯特·卢瑟福于1907年从加拿大返回英国，在曼彻斯特大学任教。在那里，他开始了一系列具有历史意义的实验。
DURING THE FEW years that the Shockleys lived in London, scientists in a drab industrial city 150 miles to the northwest made a breakthrough that substantially deepened the understanding of matter. A robust, volcanic New Zealander, Ernest Rutherford returned to Britain from Canada in 1907 to accept a position at the University of Manchester. There he began a historic series of experiments.
自从在汤姆逊门下学习以来，卢瑟福研究α粒子已经近十年了。19世纪90年代末，汤姆逊在剑桥大学发现了这些带正电荷的粒子。人们认为它们是氦原子的碎片，这些粒子是在镭和其他重元素放射性衰变过程中释放出来的。在曼彻斯特大学，他与一小群研究人员开始用α粒子轰击薄金属箔，观察它们如何穿过金属箔，试图确定原子的结构。多年来，汤姆逊一直在研究原子结构。原子就像直径仅几纳米的带正电荷的“果冻”球，里面嵌着微小的电子，就像布丁里的葡萄干一样。在相信原子论的物理学家中，这是当时的主流观点。
Rutherford had been working with alpha particles for nearly a decade, ever since he studied under Thomson at Cambridge in the late 1890s. Thought to be shards of helium atoms, these positively charged particles are emitted during the radioactive disintegration of radium and other heavy elements. With a small group at Manchester, he began firing alpha particles at thin metal foils to observe how they passed through, trying to determine the structure of their atoms. For years Thomson had pictured atoms as balls of positively charged “jelly” several billionths of an inch across, with tiny electrons embedded within, like raisins in a pudding. Among physicists who believed in atoms, it was the dominant idea.
1909年的一天，卢瑟福的学生欧内斯特·马斯登来找他讨论一些令人费解的实验结果。马斯登用高速粒子轰击一张金箔，结果发现绝大多数α粒子……炮弹径直穿过，毫发无损，但大约每八千发炮弹中就有一发会反弹回去。后来，兴奋不已的拉瑟福德评论说，这一发现是“我一生中最不可思议的事情”。“这就像你用一枚十五英寸的炮弹射击一张薄纸，结果它反弹回来击中了你！”
One day in 1909, Rutherford’s student Ernest Marsden came in to discuss some puzzling results with him. The vast majority of alpha particles Marsden had fired at a sheet of gold foil sped right on through it unmolested, but about one in eight thousand ricocheted right back toward the source. This revelation was “the most incredible event that has ever happened to me in my entire life,” the exuberant Rutherford later remarked. “It was almost as if you fired a fifteen-inch shell at a piece of tissue paper and it came back and hit you!”
唯一可能导致这种情况发生的原因是，他他意识到，反弹的α粒子就像是撞击了金原子内部深处某种坚硬的微小物体。他围绕这一概念构建了一个全新的原子模型。他在1911年发表于《哲学杂志》的一篇文章中宣称，原子几乎所有的质量“都集中在一个微小的中心或原子核”——一个位于原子中心的难以想象的微小物体。电子围绕这个原子核运行。最终证明，它的直径不到一万亿分之一厘米，就像围绕太阳运行的行星一样。
The only way this could possibly occur, he realized, was if the ricocheting alpha had struck some kind of hard, tiny object deep within a gold atom. He formulated a radically new model of the atom around this notion. Essentially all of an atom’s mass, he declared in a 1911 article in the Philosophical Magazine, “is concentrated into a minute center or nucleus”—an unimaginably tiny object located at its center. The electrons orbit this nucleus, which eventually proved to be less than a trillionth of a centimeter across, like planets about the Sun.
突然间，原子看起来几乎完全是空的！卢瑟福的原子核比原子本身小一万倍，就像一只苍蝇在圣保罗大教堂里嗡嗡乱飞一样。然而，原子几乎所有的质量都挤在了这样一个微小的粒子里。物质是大部分空置空间！
Suddenly atoms appeared to be almost completely empty! Rutherford’s nucleus was ten thousand times smaller than the atom itself, comparable to a housefly buzzing around in St. Paul’s Cathedral. And yet nearly all the atom’s mass had to be crammed inside such a tiny speck. Matter was mostly empty space!
但这幅图景存在一个关键缺陷。根据苏格兰物理学家詹姆斯·克拉克·麦克斯韦的理论，围绕原子核高速运动的电子会迅速以电磁辐射的形式损失能量。眨眼之间，它就会螺旋式地坠入原子核，最终黯然消亡。而卢瑟福的原子核发出强烈的光芒，其寿命本应更短。不到十亿分之一秒。
But there was one critical flaw with this picture. According to the theory of Scottish physicist James Clerk Maxwell, an electron speeding about an atomic nucleus would have swiftly lost energy in the form of electromagnetic radiation. In the blink of an eye, it would spiral inward to an inglorious death. Glowing intensely, Rutherford’s nuclear atom should have lasted less than a billionth of a second.
这一难题最终由一位沉思冥想的年轻丹麦人尼尔斯·玻尔解决。1911年，他来到卡文迪什实验室，在汤姆逊的指导下工作。在剑桥沉闷的氛围中度过了几个月令人沮丧的时光后，他前往曼彻斯特——当时英国经验主义的温床，位于繁华的中部地区——与卢瑟福共事。他带着普朗克和爱因斯坦的量子力学思想，取得了突破性进展。这位富有想象力的丹麦人从欧洲大陆带来了原子，并找到了一种巧妙的方法，使原子具有作为存在基础所需的稳定性。
This dilemma was resolved by a contemplative young Dane, Niels Bohr, who had arrived at the Cavendish Laboratory in 1911 to work under Thomson. After a few frustrating months in the stuffy Cambridge atmosphere, he left for Manchester, then the bustling Midlands hotbed of British empiricism, to work with Rutherford. Armed with the quantum ideas of Planck and Einstein that he brought with him from the Continent, the speculative Dane found an ingenious way to lend atoms the stability they needed to serve as the basis of existence.
在1913年4月5日（肖克利夫妇离开伦敦前往美国的同一天）提交给《哲学杂志》的一篇文章中，玻尔提出电子只能沿着一组特殊的圆形轨道绕原子核运行。这些轨道原子具有特定的能级，就像梯子的横档一样。电子要从一个轨道跃迁到另一个轨道，原子必须发射或吸收一个光子，该光子的能量恰好等于两个能级之间的能量差。在玻尔模型中，存在一个最低能级，任何电子都无法跌落到该能级以下。一旦跌落到这个能级，它就无法再继续下落。原子因此得以避免消亡。
In a Philosophical Magazine article submitted on April 5, 1913 (the very day the Shockleys left London for America), Bohr postulated that electrons could orbit the atomic nucleus only in a special set of circular paths. These orbits had specific energy levels, like rungs on a ladder. For an electron to jump from one orbit to another, the atom had to emit or absorb a single photon with an energy exactly equal to the difference between the two levels. And there was a lowest level in Bohr’s model below which no electron could plummet. When it fell to this level, it could drop no further. Atoms were spared their demise.
玻尔的该模型几乎可以精确地重现氢原子（最简单的原子）辐射的光谱——即颜色分布。但为了构建这个模型，他大量借鉴了这种众所周知的光谱。难怪它最终能够正确构建。真正的考验在于其他更复杂原子的光谱。然而，尽管玻尔和其他物理学家竭尽全力，他们仍然无法重现氢原子辐射的光谱。氦的光谱，氦是仅次于氢的最简单的原子，由一个α粒子和两个电子组成。
Bohr’s model could reproduce almost exactly the spectrum of radiation—the distribution of colors—emitted by hydrogen, the simplest atom. But to build it, he had borrowed heavily from this well-known spectrum. Small wonder that it came out right. Its real test would come with the spectra emitted by other, more complex atoms. Try as they might, however, Bohr and other physicists could not reproduce the spectrum of helium, the next simplest atom after hydrogen, composed of an alpha particle and two electrons.
在接下来的五年里，随着第一次世界大战席卷欧洲，原子物理学的发展陷入停滞。与外国同行之间长期以来习以为常的交流如今变得困难重重。在民族主义的狂热驱使下，许多物理学家搁置了科学研究，转而投身于战时工作 。 卢瑟福和汤姆逊加入了英国发明与研究委员会，该委员会的首要任务是研发对抗德国U型潜艇的手段。老布拉格领导一个小组研究水下声波传播方式并开发声学传感器；他的儿子后来成为陆军少校，专攻……在炮火声测距方面，马克斯·冯·劳厄从事电子放大器的研究。这是为了满足德皇遍布各地的军队对电话和无线通信的需求。尽管爱好和平的爱因斯坦拒绝参与战争研究，但他当时几乎无暇顾及原子物理学，因为他正致力于扩展他的相对论，使其包含引力。
ATOMIC PHYSICS STALLED during the next five years, as the Great War raged across Europe. Long taken for granted, communication with foreign colleagues now became difficult. In their nationalistic fervor, many physicists put scientific research aside and began to concentrate on war work. Rutherford and Thomson joined Great Britain’s Board of Invention and Research, whose paramount concern was developing countermeasures to German U-boats. The elder Bragg headed a group investigating how sound travels underwater and developing acoustical sensors; his son became a major in the army, specializing in the sound ranging of artillery fire. Max von Laue worked on electronic amplifiers for telephone and wireless communications needed by the kaiser’s far-flung armed forces. And although the pacifist Einstein refused to participate in war research, he had little to do with atomic physics at this time, preoccupied as he was with extending his theory of relativity to include the force of gravity.
但少数物理学家让量子力学的火焰持续燃烧。来自中立国丹麦的玻尔尝试……为了维护英国与欧洲大陆之间的科学交流渠道。他的理论面临的两个关键问题是：解释氢光谱中错综复杂的细节，即所谓的“精细结构”，以及解释更重元素的光谱。在第一个问题上，他得到了慕尼黑一位盟友——慕尼黑理论物理研究所所长的帮助。
But a few physicists kept the quantum fires burning. From neutral Denmark, Bohr attempted to maintain the lines of scientific communication between Britain and the Continent. Two crucial problems his theory faced were to explain the intricate details in the spectrum of hydrogen, its so-called “fine structure,” and the spectra of heavier elements. On the first question he got help from a Munich ally, the director of its Institute of Theoretical Physics.
1906年从亚琛来的阿诺德·索末菲吸引了他逐渐聚集了一批同事，最终囊括了德国科学界的一些顶尖人才。他是一位性格古怪但技艺精湛的老师，深受学生们的爱戴。学生们常常戏称这位身材矮小、圆滚滚、略微秃顶的老师像一颗炮弹。他运用自己卓越的数学分析才能，研究了各种各样的问题，包括X射线的性质等等。金属的性质。索末菲最初反对冯·劳厄用晶体衍射X射线的实验，但在实验成功后，他却成为冯·劳厄最坚定的支持者之一。索末菲深受经典物理学的影响，对大胆的量子力学思想持怀疑态度，直到1910年与爱因斯坦相处一周后才有所改观。此后，他接受了这一新的哲学理念，并很快成为其主要倡导者之一。
Arriving from Aachen in 1906, Arnold Sommerfeld attracted a growing circle of colleagues that eventually included some of the best minds in German science. He was a crusty but masterful teacher much beloved by his students, who jokingly compared their short, roundish, balding master to a cannonball. He applied his considerable talent in mathematical analysis to a wide diversity of problems, including the nature of X-rays and the behavior of metals. Initially opposed to von Laue’s experiment to diffract X-rays using a crystal, Sommerfeld became one of his staunchest promoters after it proved successful. Grounded firmly in classical physics, he was skeptical of the brazen quantum ideas until he spent a week with Einstein in 1910. Thus converted to the new philosophy, he soon became one of its leading apostles.
为账户为了解释氢光谱的精细结构，索末菲在1916年提出，电子除了做圆周运动外，还可以做椭圆运动，并考虑了爱因斯坦相对论的影响。通过对这种轨道运动进行量子化，他能够解释氢在强磁场下光谱中出现的复杂特征。不仅电子的……
能量是成团出现的，正如玻尔所建议的那样，但能量的角动量（绕任何轴旋转的量）也是如此，它必须是= h/2 π的整数倍，即普朗克常数除以2 π。
To account for the fine structure of the hydrogen spectrum, Sommerfeld suggested in 1916 that the electron could follow elliptical orbits as well as circular and included the effects of Einstein’s relativity. And by quantizing this orbital motion, he could explain these intricate features, which appear in the spectrum of hydrogen when it is subjected to a strong magnetic field. Not only did the electron’s energy come in lumps, as Bohr suggested, but so also did its angular momentum—its amount of rotation about any axis—which had to occur in whole-number multiples of = h/2π, or Planck’s constant divided by 2π.
玻尔和索末菲的著作充满了关于如何引入量子行为的临时性假设。这一理论被证明是经典和量子思想笨拙的混合体，反映出索末菲和索末菲都始终牢牢扎根于他们熟悉的、舒适的经典物理学世界。但下一代原子物理学家并不认同他们的保守主义。战后，索末菲的研究所成了这些不满者的聚集地。随着德国战败及其耻辱的待遇，在凡尔赛宫，他们来到慕尼黑，渴望与过去决裂。这或许是索末菲对科学最伟大的贡献。就像他们的老师一样，因为他的战后学生中有两位二十世纪物理学巨匠：维尔纳·海森堡和沃尔夫冈·泡利。
Full of ad hoc postulates about how to introduce quantum behavior, Bohr and Sommerfeld’s theory proved an unwieldy mixture of classical and quantum ideas, reflecting the fact that both men had kept one foot firmly planted in the familiar, comfortable world of classical physics. But the next generation of atomic physicists did not share their conservatism. After the war ended, Sommerfeld’s institute became a magnet for these malcontents. With Germany’s defeat and its ignominious treatment at Versailles, they came to Munich eager to break with the past. Perhaps Sommerfeld’s greatest contribution to science was as their teacher, for among his postwar students were two giants of twentieth-century physics, Werner Heisenberg and Wolfgang Pauli.
这两个直言不讳的学生性格截然相反。金发碧眼、略带孩子气的海森堡喜欢早起学习。上午，他与朋友们一起在附近的巴伐利亚阿尔卑斯山徒步或滑雪，下午则和德国青年运动的伙伴们一起度过。保利是一位来自维也纳的奥地利人，性格阴郁、尖刻、忧郁，通常睡到中午；晚上，他常出入慕尼黑的咖啡馆和夜总会，常常通宵研究他的理论。但两人最终成为了关系密切但又竞争激烈的同事。
Temperamentally, the two outspoken students were polar opposites. The blond, boyish Heisenberg loved to get up early and work on his studies during the morning, taking the afternoon off to hike or ski in the nearby Bavarian Alps with his friends from the German youth movement. A dark, caustic, brooding Austrian from Vienna, Pauli usually slept until noon; he frequented Munich’s cafés and cabarets in the evenings, often working throughout the night on his theories. But the two became close, if extremely competitive, colleagues.
海森堡1920年秋天，海森堡抵达慕尼黑。那一年，阿道夫·希特勒开始凭借其雅利安人优越论吸引一批追随者。在慕尼黑的第一年，海森堡着手解决索末菲未能解决的一个棘手问题：原子光谱精细结构中的某些异常特征无法用标准的量子力学规则解释。年轻的维尔纳·海森堡想出了一个办法。为了解释这些特征，轨道电子的角动量不再是玻尔和索末菲所允许的整数倍，而是具有诸如 π/2 之类的半数值。/2。
Heisenberg arrived in Munich in the autumn of 1920, the year that Adolf Hitler began to attract a circle of adherents with his notions of Aryan superiority. During his first year Heisenberg attacked a nagging problem that Sommerfeld had failed to resolve. Certain anomalous features in the fine structure of atomic spectra resisted any explanation by the standard quantum rules. Young Werner devised a way to account for these features by letting the orbiting electrons have an angular momentum that was not a whole number times , as Bohr and Sommerfeld allowed, but instead had half-number values such as /2.
泡利对海森堡的观点感到非常困惑。他鄙视所有这些对临时规则的繁琐修改，并寻求对原子量子行为更深层次的解释。1924年末，他偶然想到电子必定具有一种额外的属性，即“隐藏的旋转”或自旋，这或许可以解释海森堡的假设。电子的行为可能就像一个旋转的陀螺（或者一个旋转的布拉坦！）。也就是说，它必须是一个绕某个内部轴具有角动量的量子陀螺，其角动量等于+ /2或- /2，除此之外别无其他。
Pauli had great difficulty with Heisenberg’s idea. He disdained all this messy tinkering with ad hoc rules and sought a deeper rationale for the quantum behavior of atoms. In late 1924 he hit upon the notion that the electron must have an additional property, a “hidden rotation” or spin, which might explain Heisenberg’s Ansatz. An electron could behave like a rotating top (or a spinning Brattain!), that is, but it had to be a quantum top with angular momentum about some internal axis equal to either +/2 or -/2 and nothing else.
泡利本人否定了这种经典的电子图像。旋转的机械物体。对他而言，自旋是电子一种全新的、固有的量子力学属性，他更愿意称之为“二值性”（Zweideutigkeit）。一枚静置于桌面上的硬币也具有类似的属性。它有两种可能的量子态，我们通常称之为“正面”和“反面”。类似地，电子的自旋可以被视为一个长度为 1 的箭头。/2可以取两个且只有两个方向：向上（ + /2）或向下（ - /2）。
Pauli himself rejected this classical image of the electron as a rotating mechanical object. For him, spin was a completely new, intrinsic, quantum-mechanical property of the electron that he preferred to call its “Zweideutigkeit,” or “two-valuedness.” A coin resting on a table has a similar property. It has two possible quantum states that we normally call “heads” and “tails.” Similarly, the electron’s spin can be regarded as an arrow of length /2 that can assume two and only two directions: up (+/2) or down (-/2).
因此，到1925年，电子具备三个显著特征：电荷e；质量m；以及自旋。/ 2.世界上每一个电子都具有完全相同的这三个固有属性值。正是这些属性定义了这些微小的亚原子粒子，而近一个世纪后的今天，它们仍然被认为是基本粒子。
Electrons therefore possessed three distinctive features by 1925: electric charge e; mass m; and spin /2. Every single electron in existence has the exact same values of these three intrinsic properties. They are what identify these minute subatomic particles, which almost a century later are still considered elementary.
阿诺·索末菲和沃尔夫冈·泡利。
Arnold Sommerfeld and Wolfgang Pauli.
泡利很快对现代物理学做出了他的第二个重大贡献——或许也是他众多贡献中最重要的一项。在1925年1月提交给《物理学杂志》（Zeitschrift für Physik）的一篇论文中，他宣称：“在一个原子中，永远不可能存在两个或多个等效电子，使得……所有量子数的值都相同。” 如今被称为泡利不等式不相容原理，这是一种量子力学中电子的区域划分规则，它防止电子过度拥挤，赋予原子稳定性和刚性。玻尔、索末菲和泡利曾假设原子存在一系列“定态”，每个定态都具有一组离散的能量、角动量和自旋值（或量子数）。这位专横的奥地利人现在禁止任何两个电子……原子中的电子由于共享完全相同的量子数集而无法全部跃迁到最低能级，这与经典系统中的情况不同。原子中的电子不可能全部跃迁到最低能级，总有一些电子会保持在较高的能级。
Pauli soon made his second major contribution—perhaps the most important of his many contributions—to modern physics. In a paper submitted to the journal Zeitschrift für Physik in January 1925, he declared: “In an atom there can never be two or more equivalent electrons for which . . . the values of all the quantum numbers coincide.” Now called the Pauli exclusion principle, this is a quantum-mechanical zoning ordinance for electrons, which prevents their overcrowding and gives atoms their stability and rigidity. Bohr, Sommerfeld, and Pauli had postulated a series of “stationary states” of atoms, each possessing a set of discrete values (or quantum numbers) of energy, angular momentum, and spin. The imperious Austrian now forbade any two electrons in an atom from sharing the exact same set of quantum numbers. Ergo the electrons in an atom cannot all plummet down to the lowest energy level, as they would normally do in a classical system. Some of them must always remain aloft.
泡利原理有助于解释原子的大小和结构，以及俄国化学家德米特里·门捷列夫制定的元素周期表中元素的排列方式。半个世纪前。例如，氦原子中最内层的两个轨道对应于电子自旋的两种可能方向——向上或向下。在氦原子的最低能量状态下，每个轨道各占据一个电子。此外，还有能量更高的轨道，如果恰好有一个能量合适的光子提供所需的能量，这些电子就可以跃迁到更高的轨道上。但它在这种激发态下的存在是短暂的。它很快就会跌落回原来的位置，占据空位，并释放出一个光子。
Pauli’s principle helped explain the size and structure of atoms, and the arrangement of elements in the periodic table developed by the Russian chemist Dmitri Mendeleev half a century earlier. The two innermost orbits in a helium atom, for example, correspond to the only two possible orientations of electron spin—up or down. In helium’s lowest energy state, one electron occupies each state. There are also higher orbits with higher energy levels, to which one of these electrons can jump if a photon of appropriate energy happens along to supply the needed kick. But its existence in this excited state is fleeting. It quickly tumbles back down to occupy the vacant slot, disgorging a photon.
当两个原子相互靠近时，泡利不相容原理使它们彼此分离。这就是固体坚硬的原因。当你的手被车门夹伤时，你就是泡利不相容定律的受害者。
When two atoms approach one another, the exclusion principle keeps them apart. This is the reason that solid objects are hard. When you crush your hand in a car door, you are the victim of Pauli’s unbreakable law.
人们对那些深奥的细节几乎 不感兴趣 。布拉坦在惠特曼学院读本科时，量子理论正是在这所规模很小的学院里诞生的。惠特曼学院位于一个矿业和农业区，地处偏远的大陆，远离哈佛和普林斯顿等东海岸的学术中心，而普朗克、爱因斯坦和玻尔的思想才刚刚开始在那里扎根。
THERE WAS LITTLE interest in the esoteric details of quantum theory at tiny Whitman College during Brattain’s undergraduate years. Rooted in a mining and agricultural district, Whitman languished a wild continent away from the East Coast intellectual centers of Harvard and Princeton, where the ideas of Planck, Einstein, and Bohr were just beginning to establish their first beachheads.
布朗教授在他的课堂上讲解了原子和分子结构。但它们的内部结构仍然是个谜。他的学生们了解到，这些微小的物体并非基本粒子，而是由更小的粒子——电子和原子核——构成。然而，这些组成部分究竟是如何组合在一起的，仍然是一个巨大的问号。普朗克的量子力学理论——他因物理学于1918年获得诺贝尔奖——仅在一次课程中被短暂提及。布朗在讲授电磁学时，谈到了电磁辐射。
Professor Brown discussed atoms and molecules in his classes, but their inner structure remained mostly a mystery. His students learned that these tiny objects were not elementary, after all, but are instead built out of even smaller things called electrons and nuclei. Exactly how these components fit together, however, remained a big question mark. The quantum of Planck, who received the 1918 Nobel prize in physics, surfaced only briefly during a course on electricity and magnetism, when Brown lectured about electromagnetic radiation.
布拉坦对量子理论和原子结构概念的接触，实际上始于1924年的一天，当时他在布朗大学那间小小的参考书库里偶然发现了一本出版物。在西电公司出版的《贝尔系统技术期刊》上，他读到了一系列清晰易懂的文章。题为《物理学的一些当代进展》的文章，由贝尔实验室科学家卡尔·达罗撰写，总结了当时欧洲涌现的激进思想。“对于一个主修物理学的年轻人来说，”布拉坦说，“这些关于最新发展的文章非常具有启发性。”
Brattain’s acquaintance with the ideas of quantum theory and atomic structure really began with a publication he first encountered one day in 1924, while browsing in Brown’s tiny reference library. In the Bell System Technical Journal, published by the Western Electric Company, he encountered a series of lucid articles entitled “Some Contemporary Advances in Physics.” Written by Bell Labs scientist Karl Darrow, they summarized the radical ideas then emerging from Europe. “To a young man majoring in physics,” said Brattain, “these were very provocative articles about the newest developments.”
量子理论终于开始吸引德语区以外的关注。提出这一理论的物理学家们。爱因斯坦因其对光电效应的量子解析而获得1921年诺贝尔奖，次年玻尔因其原子理论而获奖。爱因斯坦因其相对论而声名鹊起，他又使量子力学思想在更广泛的知识界获得了认可。而达罗则用他生动的文笔，将这些思想传播到了广袤的北美各地。整个大陆。通过阅读他的文章，即使是华盛顿州一个身材魁梧、枪法精准的牧场主之子，也能开始理解远在半个地球之外正在进行的激烈理论辩论。
And quantum theory was finally beginning to attract attention beyond the close-knit circle of German-speaking physicists who had formulated it. Einstein won the Nobel prize in 1921 for his quantum resolution of the photoelectric effect, followed the next year by Bohr for his atomic theory. A celebrity already for his relativity theory, Einstein gave quantum ideas legitimacy in wider intellectual circles. And in his sparkling prose, Darrow spread the word far and wide across the sprawling North American continent. From reading his articles, even the rawboned, sharpshooting son of a Washington cattle rancher could begin to appreciate the intense theoretical debates going on half a world away.
其中最激烈的争论之一是波粒二象性之争。光究竟是波还是粒子？这场争论持续了几个世纪。艾萨克·牛顿在他的《光学》一书中提出了微粒说来解释光的性质。光线似乎沿直线传播，投下清晰的阴影。在欧洲大陆，勒内·笛卡尔和克里斯蒂安·惠更斯则偏爱波浪。
One of the fiercest was the wave-particle debate. Was light a wave or a particle? The argument had raged for centuries. In his Opticks, Isaac Newton promoted a corpuscular interpretation to explain why light rays seemed to travel in straight lines and cast sharp shadows. On the Continent René Descartes and Christian Huygens favored waves.
但一个多世纪以来，自从19世纪初托马斯·杨和奥古斯丁·菲涅耳的研究以来，光一直被普遍认为是一种波。他们令人信服地论证了干涉图样——当来自两个不同光源的光相互碰撞时出现的明暗相间的条纹——是由光引起的。点源叠加——只能由诸如波之类的扩展振荡现象引起。1864年，詹姆斯·克拉克·麦克斯韦将频率更高和更低（波长更短和更长）的波纳入连续电磁波谱，使这一理论臻于完善。
But for over a century, ever since the early 1800s work of Thomas Young and Augustin Fresnel, light had been universally regarded as a wave. They argued convincingly that interference patterns—the alternating bright and dark bands that occur when light from two point sources is superimposed—could only be caused by an extended oscillatory phenomenon such as a wave. In 1864 James Clerk Maxwell iced this cake when he included waves of higher and lower frequency (shorter and longer wavelength) in a continuous electromagnetic spectrum.
然而，随着1895年X射线的发现，这场争论再次爆发，德国物理学家声称它们是波。英国人则坚持粒子论。1912年，冯·劳厄及其同事观察到的花环状干涉图样似乎解决了这场争论。X射线是波长极短的电磁波。
With the discovery of X-rays in 1895, however, the debate erupted anew, with German physicists claiming they were waves and the British arguing for particles. The wreathlike interference patterns observed by von Laue and his colleagues in 1912 seemed to resolve this dispute. X-rays are electromagnetic waves of very short wavelength.
然而，特立独行的爱因斯坦拒绝接受这种简洁的教条，并继续坚持认为电磁扰动也具有粒子性。这一观点在很长一段时间内都被忽视了。十年前，他在1905年发表的关于光电效应的论文中，提出了光的粒子模型来解释光与当时被认为存在于金属内部的电子气的相互作用。一个携带特定能量量子的光粒子穿透金属表面，并将能量传递给一个在金属内部游荡的电子。当电子挣脱金属束缚时，它会损失一部分能量。能量。1916年，芝加哥大学物理学家罗伯特·A·密立根的测量结果证实了这种行为，此后，人们很难断然否定爱因斯坦的假设。
The renegade Einstein refused to accept this neat dogma, however, and continued to insist that electromagnetic disturbances possessed a particle nature, too. Largely ignored for over a decade, his 1905 paper on the photoelectric effect had promoted a corpuscular picture of light to explain its interaction with the electron gas then thought to inhabit the innards of a metal. A particle of light pierces the metal surface carrying a well-defined quantum of energy and imparts it to a hapless electron wandering within. In lurching out of the metal, the electron loses some of this energy. After measurements by University of Chicago physicist Robert A. Millikan demonstrated just this kind of behavior in 1916, it became difficult to dismiss Einstein’s hypothesis out of hand.
但即使是像尼尔斯·玻尔这样坚定的量子理论拥护者，也仍然反对爱因斯坦的诠释，尽管他拥有极其丰富的智力资源。他在诺贝尔奖获奖感言中驳斥了这一诠释。声称这样的假设“无法阐明辐射的本质”。尽管玻尔对电子的量子跃迁几乎没有异议，但它们在跃迁过程中吸收或释放的电磁辐射却应该完全……不同。对他来说，麦克斯韦方程组在描述辐射行为方面取得的绝对成功，只能意味着这种辐射……它必须是一种庄严的、波动性的现象——而不是像酒吧台球桌上的台球一样，随意地在电子和原子间弹跳的肮脏的、局域化的实体。作为亲密好友，玻尔和爱因斯坦就这个问题争论了多年。
But even such a staunch adherent of quantum ideas as Niels Bohr still resisted Einstein’s interpretation, and with all the vast intellectual resources at his command. He rejected it in his Nobel lecture, claiming that such a hypothesis “is not able to throw light on the nature of radiation.” Although Bohr had little trouble with electrons taking quantum jumps, the electromagnetic radiation they took in or gave off during the leaps somehow ought to be entirely different. To him, the unqualified success enjoyed by Maxwell’s equations in describing its behavior could only mean that this radiation had to be a stately, wavelike phenomenon—not some squalid, localized entity that bounced off electrons and atoms willy-nilly, like a billiard ball on a barroom pool table. Warm and congenial friends, Bohr and Einstein debated this issue for years.
1923年，美国物理学家亚瑟·H·康普顿在圣路易斯华盛顿大学进行了一项实验，这项实验迅速引起了原子能领域的关注。欧洲的物理学家们观察到，气体中电子散射的X射线频率取决于它们射出的角度——这与爱因斯坦的理论完全吻合。X射线带着一个能量量子进入气体，射出时能量降低，并将能量差传递给电子，电子便被毫不留情地踢出了原子。在台球游戏中，母球母球与目标球的能量传递方式大致相同：如果母球只是擦过，则能量很小；但如果母球以较大角度反弹，则会获得大量能量。康普顿的实验——后来得到了证实并进行了扩展——也证实了这一点。同年晚些时候，肖克利的导师、斯坦福大学物理学家珀利·罗斯发表了论文，为爱因斯坦的微粒说赢得了大量新的拥护者。
In 1923 the American physicist Arthur H. Compton did an experiment at Washington University in St. Louis that quickly caught the attention of atomic physicists in Europe. He observed that the frequency of X-rays scattered by the electrons in a gas depended on the angle at which they emerged—exactly as expected in Einstein’s picture. An X-ray entered the gas carrying a quantum of energy and exited with a lower energy, imparting the difference to an electron, which was booted unceremoniously out of its atom. In the game of billiards, the cue ball imparts energy to an object ball in much the same way: a little energy if the cue ball just glances off, but a lot of energy if it rebounds at a large angle. Compton’s experiment—which was confirmed and extended later that year by Shockley’s mentor, Stanford physicist Perley Ross—won a large number of new converts to Einstein’s corpuscular viewpoint.
20 世纪 20 年代中期的阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦和尼尔斯·玻尔。
Albert Einstein and Niels Bohr in the mid-1920s.
然而，玻尔坚决拒绝放弃波理论。他与两位同事共同提出了不同的解释。1924年初发表的《辐射的量子理论》否定了辐射与物质相互作用中能量的严格守恒，也放弃了神圣的因果律。事情发生了变化。真是走投无路了。读完这篇论文后，爱因斯坦写道，如果玻尔的观点是正确的，他“宁愿当个鞋匠，甚至赌场员工，也不愿当物理学家”。
Bohr, however, resolutely refused to desert the wave partisans. With two colleagues, he formulated a different interpretation. Published in early 1924, “The Quantum Theory of Radiation” voided the strict conservation of energy in the interactions between radiation and matter, and abandoned the hallowed principle of causality as well. Things were getting pretty desperate. After reading the paper, Einstein wrote that if Bohr’s idea were true, he “would rather be a cobbler, or even an employee in a gambling house, than a physicist.”
1925年，康普顿在芝加哥大学进行了一系列实验，最终解决了这个问题。这一次，他利用卡文迪什研究所发明的一种装置，观察了X射线与电子的碰撞。实验室里有一个叫做云室的装置，它使他能够观察到单个电子的实际轨迹——就像我们台球比喻中的球一样。它们反弹时的能量与预期完全一致。能量在这些碰撞中确实守恒。当玻尔听到这些令人信服的结果时，他彻底放弃了。他写道，终于到了“为我们革命性的成果举行隆重葬礼”的时候了。尽可能地。”
In 1925 Compton did another series of experiments at the University of Chicago that finally settled the matter. This time he observed collisions between X-rays and electrons using a device invented at the Cavendish Lab called a cloud chamber, which allowed him to see actual tracks of individual electrons—the object balls in our billiards analogy. They rebounded with exactly the energy expected. Energy was indeed conserved in these collisions, after all. When he heard of these convincing results, Bohr threw in the towel. It was finally time, he wrote, “to give our revolutionary results as honourable a funeral as possible.”
一位对爱因斯坦思想着迷的科学家 是 路易·德布罗意，他出身于法国一个古老的贵族家庭。他最初学习历史，但在与他的哥哥莫里斯（一位X射线领域的权威专家）交谈后，开始对物理学产生了兴趣。1923年，路易还在巴黎攻读博士学位时，就开始推测波粒二象性原理——即光可以表现出某种特性——物质既是波又是粒子——这一性质或许也适用于物质。他推断，如果物质只是爱因斯坦质能方程E=mc²所定义的另一种能量形式，而给定的能量又对应着普朗克公式中的振动频率，那么物质为什么不能像光波一样振动呢？他运用简单的论证，推导出了物质粒子波长的表达式，即普朗克公式。常数除以粒子的动量。
ONE SCIENTIST ENAMORED of Einstein’s ideas was Louis de Broglie, scion of an old French noble family. Originally trained in history, he became interested in physics after talking with his brother Maurice, a leading authority on X-rays. In 1923, while still working in Paris on his doctorate, Louis began to conjecture that the principle of wave-particle duality—that light can behave as both a wave and a particle—might also apply to matter. If matter is just another form of energy according to Einstein’s E = mc2, he reasoned, and a given energy corresponds to a vibrational frequency according to Planck’s formula, then why shouldn’t matter vibrate just like light waves? Using simple arguments, he derived an expression that gave the wavelength of a material particle as Planck’s constant divided by the particle’s momentum.
起初，德布罗意的巧妙想法并未引起太多关注。他为此向一家法国科学期刊投稿了两篇论文，并将它们纳入了自己的博士论文中，于1923年11月完成了答辩。但几乎无人问津。然而，一年后，他的论文副本送到了爱因斯坦手中，爱因斯坦立刻来了精神，并对此产生了浓厚的兴趣。“我相信这是一个……”“这是我们物理学中最棘手的谜题中出现的第一缕微弱曙光，”他写道。
At first, de Broglie’s clever idea attracted little attention. He submitted two papers on it to a French scientific journal and incorporated them into his Ph.D. thesis, which he defended in November 1923. But nobody showed much interest. A year later, however, a copy of his dissertation reached Einstein, who quickly sat up and took notice. “I believe it is a first feeble ray of light on this worst of our physics enigmas,” he wrote.
如果德布罗意的提议属实，那就意味着任何亚原子粒子，例如电子，都应该具有内在的振荡行为。也就是说，在量子层面上，物质必然会脉动！这真是一个革命性的想法！这完全否定了之前人们普遍接受的关于物质本质的教条。保持惰性。德布罗意本人将这些粒子想象成附着在某种潜在波上的物质点，就像海浪边缘的冲浪者。如何观察这种波状行为呢？德布罗意在他的论文中提出了一种方法。当电子穿过一个比他公式计算出的波长更小的微小孔径时，它们“应该会表现出衍射现象”。
If true, de Broglie’s proposal meant that any subatomic particle such as an electron should have intrinsic oscillatory behavior. On the quantum level, that is, matter must pulsate! Now here was a truly revolutionary idea that absolutely contradicted widely accepted dogma about the nature of matter, previously thought to be inert. De Broglie himself pictured these particles as material points riding on some kind of underlying wave, like surfers at the ocean’s edge. How to observe this wavelike behavior? In his thesis, de Broglie had suggested one way. When they passed through a tiny aperture smaller than the wavelength given by his formula, electrons “should show diffraction phenomena.”
这个年轻人当时怎么也没想到法国贵族怀疑一位美国科学家当时已经在进行电子实验，这些实验或许能揭示物质的波动性。克林顿·戴维森身材高瘦，耳朵和鼻子在他原本消瘦的面容衬托下显得格外突出。第一次世界大战期间，他加入了位于纽约市的西部电气公司研究部门，此前他曾因应征入伍而被拒。由于身体虚弱，他不得不放弃工作。1920年，他与一位助手一起，开始用高能电子束轰击镍和其他金属制成的靶子，并观察电子束反弹的角度。这些实验与卢瑟福等人十年前利用α粒子发现原子核的实验类似。同样地，这位美国物理学家也进行了类似的实验。注意到有一小部分炮弹反弹回发射源。
Little did this young French nobleman suspect that an American scientist was already performing experiments with electrons that could reveal this wave nature of matter. Tall and lanky, Clinton Davisson had ears and a nose that seemed enormous because of his otherwise gaunt features. He joined Western Electric Company’s research division in New York City during the Great War, after he had been rejected for military service because he was too sickly. In 1920, together with an assistant, he began shooting energetic electrons at targets made of nickel and other metals and observed the angles at which they bounded away. These experiments resembled what Rutherford and company had performed a decade before using alpha particles in discovering the atomic nucleus. And in much the same manner, the American physicist noted a small fraction of their projectiles ricocheting backward toward the source.
戴维森对这一出乎意料的转折感到兴奋，于是开始了一系列漫长而细致的实验，利用电子探测原子内部结构。他建造了一台能够达到所需高真空的精密仪器；仪器内部有一个探测器，可以围绕目标在很大的角度范围内摆动。到 1923 年底，当德布罗意发表他的革命性思想时，他只取得了一些不确定的结果。
Excited by this unexpected turn of events, Davisson began a long series of careful experiments using electrons to probe the innards of atoms. He built a precision apparatus that could achieve the necessary high vacuum; inside it was a detector that could swing about the target through a wide range of angles. But by the end of 1923, when de Broglie published his revolutionary idea, he had obtained only inconclusive results.
大约一年后，戴维森在莱斯特·格默的协助下开始了一系列新的实验，格默此前已经翻新了这套设备。1925年2月，实验即将开始之际，一瓶液态空气爆炸，导致真空管破裂，氧气渗入并覆盖了闪亮的镍制电极。表面覆盖着一层暗淡的氧化层。格默尔花了几个星期才修好这根管子；修好后，他将镍靶加热到接近熔点，以排出残留的氧气。四月份，他们重新开始了实验，起初得到的结果不出所料，与戴维森多年来得到的结果相同。
About a year later Davisson started a new series of experiments, assisted by Lester Germer, who had refurbished the apparatus. They were about to begin in February 1925 when an exploding bottle of liquid air cracked their vacuum tube, allowing oxygen to seep in and coat the shiny nickel surface with a dull oxide layer. Germer had to spend several weeks repairing the tube; when finished, he heated the nickel target almost to its melting point in order to expel the oxygen remaining. In April they started the experiments again, at first getting the same unsurprising results that Davisson had been obtaining for years.
然而，到了五月中旬，他们开始观察到电子更倾向于……它会以四五个特定的角度反弹，就像阳光穿过云层缝隙一样。他们对这种出乎意料的现象百思不得其解，于是切开真空管检查目标物。他们发现，由于强烈的加热，目标物的镍表面竟然形成了几个光滑的晶面！他们渐渐意识到，或许是镍的排列方式导致了这种情况。原子——而不是它们的内部结构——正是造成他们刚才目睹的奇特现象的原因。或许这些电子正在产生某种干涉图样，就像冯·劳厄在1912年用X射线穿过晶体时首次观察到的那样。
By mid-May, however, they began to observe that electrons preferred to rebound at four or five specific angles, like rays of sunlight bursting through openings in a cloud. Thoroughly puzzled by this unexpected behavior, they cut the vacuum tube open to examine the target. Because of the intense heating, they found, its nickel surface had developed several smooth crystal facets! Slowly it began to dawn on them that perhaps the arrangement of the nickel atoms—not their internal structure—was responsible for the peculiarities they had just witnessed. Maybe these electrons were producing a kind of interference pattern, such as von Laue had first observed in 1912 by passing X-rays through a crystal.
戴维森和格默对这种可能性很感兴趣（但他们完全不了解德布罗意的想法），于是决定使用单个镍晶体，这种晶体结构更简单。它的结构比一堆随机排列的面片要复杂得多。他们改造了装置，使其探测器能够围绕目标在二维空间内旋转，从而在寻找特殊散射角时拥有了更大的自由度。但是，1926年春季使用新目标进行的一系列实验，结果与几年前获得的结果一样，都未能得出确切的结论。
Intrigued by this possibility (but completely unaware of de Broglie’s ideas), Davisson and Germer decided to use a single nickel crystal, which had a simpler structure than a bunch of randomly oriented facets. They rebuilt the apparatus so that its detector could rotate about the target in two dimensions, giving them a lot more freedom in the search for special scattering angles. But the first series of experiments with the new target, performed in the spring of 1926, proved to be as inconclusive as the results obtained several years before.
沮丧的戴维森他和妻子在英国度过了一个漫长的暑假，算是第二次蜜月。然而，八月，他偶然参加了在牛津举行的英国科学家会议，会上正在讨论原子结构量子理论的最新进展。令他震惊的是，他听到自己三年前做的一个实验竟然被引用来证明……布罗格利假说！
Discouraged, Davisson took a long summer vacation in England, a kind of second honeymoon with his wife. In August, however, he chanced to attend an Oxford meeting of British scientists, at which recent advances in the quantum theory of atomic structure were being debated. To his astonishment, he listened as one of his very own experiments, which he had done three years earlier, was cited as proof of de Broglie’s hypothesis!
克林顿·戴维森和他用来演示电子波动性的装置。
Clinton Davisson with the apparatus he used to demonstrate the wave nature of the electron.
之后，戴维森会见了几位欧洲物理学家，并向他们展示了他用单晶体进行的最新测量结果。这些结果令他们印象深刻，他们鼓励他继续研究，并给了他奥地利物理学家埃尔温·薛定谔的论文。薛定谔就在那年春天推导出了一个方程。他们试图确定德布罗意的物质波应该如何运动。利用这种新的“波动力学”，他们可以预测电子波如何冲击晶体中的原子层，并产生戴维森观察到的那种图案。在返回纽约的航程中，他醒着的大部分时间都待在狭小的船舱里，“试图理解薛定谔的论文”。
Afterward, Davisson met with several European physicists and showed them his most recent measurements, made with the single crystal. Impressed by these results, they urged him to continue his work and gave him papers by the Austrian Erwin Schrödinger, who just that spring had developed an equation to determine how de Broglie’s matter waves should behave. Using this new “wave mechanics,” they could predict how waves of electrons would wash up against the layers of atoms in a crystal and produce just the kinds of patterns Davisson had been observing. On the return voyage to New York, he spent most of his waking hours in his cramped cabin “trying to understand Schrödinger’s papers.”
薛定谔波动方程（他的新形式体系由此得名）决定了“波函数”ψ（希腊字母“psi”）的行为，它表示在给定时间和地点找到电子的概率。放置在电子束路径上的晶体就像衍射光栅一样，会扰乱电子束的正常流动。撞击晶体后，衍射的电子波会发生叠加和抵消，就像……X射线撞击晶体后会发生这种情况。因此，在某些方向上ψ值会显著增强，从而大大提高探测电子的几率；而在另一些方向上，ψ值则会大幅降低。
The Schrödinger wave equation (as his new formalism became known), determines the behavior of a “wave function” ψ (the Greek letter “psi”), which indicates one’s chances of finding an electron at a given time and place. A crystal put in the path of a beam of electrons acts like a diffraction grating that disrupts their normal flow. After striking it, the diffracted electron waves add and subtract, much like X-rays do after hitting a crystal. Thus there are certain directions at which ψ is greatly enhanced, corresponding to much better chances of detecting electrons, and others where ψ is vastly reduced.
那年秋天，戴维森通过研究薛定谔理论的细节，更好地了解了实验中要使用的电子能量以及要寻找的具体角度。它们反弹了。在此之前，他和格默基本上是在黑暗中摸索，希望能有侥幸成功。有了更深入的了解，他们在12月启动了另一项实验，并在一个月后开始取得进展。他们发现，许多电子确实以波动力学要求的特殊角度散射。到3月份，两人已经收集到足够的数据提交了论文。一篇发表在英国《自然》杂志上的论文谨慎地声称，他们的研究结果支持薛定谔的理论。
By working through the details of Schrödinger’s theory that fall, Davisson developed a better idea of the electron energies to use in his experiments and the specific angles at which to look for them rebounding. Until then, he and Germer had essentially been poking around in the dark, hoping for a lucky strike. Armed with this better understanding, they launched another experiment in December and began to hit pay dirt a month later. They discovered that lots of electrons are indeed scattered at the special angles required by wave mechanics. By March the pair had gathered enough data to submit a paper to the British journal Nature, cautiously claiming that their results supported Schrödinger’s theory.
戴维森和革末于1927年获得了电子从镍单晶散射的数据。电子优先以一系列特殊角度反弹，这支持了德布罗意关于物质波动性的理论。
Davisson and Germer’s 1927 data for electron scattering from a single crystal of nickel. The electrons rebounded preferentially at a series of special angles, supporting de Broglie’s theory of the wave nature of matter.
戴维森在为贝尔实验室杂志撰写的一篇题为《电子是波吗？》的文章中提出了更为大胆的观点。他指出，“ X射线实验的基本特征…… ”他声称，“可以用电子束复制这种现象”，并表示现在可以把自由电子想象成“就像一块石头落入平静的水池中时，水面上扩散开来的一群波”。正如达罗多年后所说，“爆炸的液态空气瓶打开了发现电子波的大门”。
Davisson was more daring in an article entitled “Are Electrons Waves?” that he wrote for the Bell Labs magazine. Stating that “the essential features of the experiment with X-rays can be duplicated with a beam of electrons,” he claimed that one could now picture a free electron to be “rather like a group of waves which expands over the surface when a stone is dropped into a quiet pool of water.” As Darrow put it years later, “The exploding liquid air bottle blew open the gates to the discovery of electron waves.”
B·拉坦的量子力学导论 发表 于他于1926年秋季来到明尼苏达大学攻读物理学博士学位。此前，他已在俄勒冈大学获得硕士学位，并在俄勒冈大学担任了九个月的实验室助理，年薪600美元。为了前往明尼阿波利斯，这位来自华盛顿州偏远地区的青年科学家和他的朋友弗拉基米尔·罗扬斯基一起跳上一节空荡荡的牲畜车厢，几天后抵达。“我跳下车，走到物理系，身上散发着浓浓的羊膻味，”他吹嘘道。
BRATTAIN’S INTRODUCTION TO quantum mechanics occurred at the University of Minnesota. He came there in the fall of 1926 to begin work toward a Ph.D. in physics after earning his Masters at the University of Oregon, where he had served as a laboratory assistant at $600 for nine months. To get to Minneapolis, the budding scientist from backwoods Washington hopped aboard an empty cattle car with his buddy Vladimir Rojansky and arrived several days later. “I just jumped off and walked over to the physics department smelling to high heaven of sheep,” he bragged.
沃尔特·布拉顿 (Walter Brattain) 在明尼苏达州穿着实验室服装。
Walter Brattain in his laboratory attire at Minnesota.
在明尼苏达大学，他们与沃克·布莱克尼重聚。布莱克尼此前在哈佛大学度过了令人失望的一年，之后去了明尼苏达大学，并鼓励他们两人也加入他的行列。三人一起选修了约翰·范·弗莱克教授的量子力学课程。范·弗莱克是最早精通欧洲革命性思想的美国物理学家之一。
At Minnesota they rejoined Walker Bleakney, who had gone there after a disappointing year at Harvard and encouraged them both to join him. All three enrolled in a course on quantum mechanics taught by John Van Vleck, one of the earliest American physicists versed in Europe’s revolutionary ideas.
那是原子能领域剧烈变革的时期物理学。薛定谔的波动力学以及海森堡前一年开创的等效方法“矩阵力学”，如同闷热夏夜中的闪电般席卷整个领域，将玻尔和索末菲的陈旧思想扫地出门。“量子力学发展如此迅速，以至于每个学生每年都要旁听范弗莱克的课程，”布拉坦回忆道；几乎一夜之间，它的关注点就从“玻尔轨道理论……转移到了矩阵”以及薛定谔波动理论。”
It was a time of tremendous ferment in atomic physics. Schrödinger’s wave mechanics and an equivalent approach called “matrix mechanics,” which Heisenberg had pioneered the year before, were crackling through the field like sheet lightning on a sultry summer night, sweeping aside the decrepit ideas of Bohr and Sommerfeld. “Quantum mechanics was changing so fast that every student audited Van Vleck’s course every year,” recalled Brattain; virtually overnight, its focus shifted “from the Bohr orbit theory . . . to matrix and Schrödinger wave mechanics.”
几位量子力学领域的领军人物都曾到访明尼苏达州，拜访范·弗莱克，并为他那些如痴如醉的学生们讲课。薛定谔本人也于1927年初来到这里授课，这为布拉坦和他的朋友们提供了一次难得的机会，让他们得以亲身学习波动力学。出自大师之口。“那时候，人们对心灵感应功能的意义有很多深刻而重大的问题，”他在回忆那次拜访时说道。
Several of the leading quantum visionaries passed through Minnesota, visiting Van Vleck and lecturing his enthralled students. Schrödinger himself came there in early 1927 to teach several classes, giving Brattain and friends a priceless opportunity to learn wave mechanics right from the master’s mouth. “In those days there were great and profound questions about the meaning of the psi function,” he noted, recounting that visit.
在薛定谔的原子模型中，原子核周围环绕着一层弥漫的电子雾。这层电子雾在任何一点的厚度都取决于波函数ψ，而ψ的值会根据电子的能量而变化。目前来看，当电子被限制在原子内部时，其运动模式类似于装满水的振动平底锅中出现的驻波。玻尔提出的电子围绕原子核做紧凑圆周运动的理论——或者索末菲提出的电子做椭圆运动的理论——已被摒弃。
In Schrödinger’s view of the atom, its nucleus is surrounded by a diffuse fog of electrons. How thick the fog gets at any point is determined by the wave function ψ, which can assume different values depending on what energies the electrons happen to have at the moment. When confined to an atom, that is, electron waves assume specific patterns analogous to the standing waves that occur in a vibrating pan filled with water. Bohr’s picture of electrons careening around the nucleus in compact circles—or Sommerfeld’s swooping ellipses—fell by the wayside.
在明尼苏达大学，布拉坦还在约翰·泰特繁忙的实验室工作，泰特是一位实验生物学家。这位原子物理学家在德国学习了这门技艺。为了完成博士论文，布拉坦自行搭建了一套装置，用电子轰击汞原子，以研究其激发能的异常现象。当时，他仍然认为电子是会近距离撞击原子并使其跃迁到更高能级的粒子。范·弗莱克黑板上讲解的新波动力学尚未完全进入泰特尘土飞扬的实验室。
At Minnesota, Brattain also worked in the busy laboratory of John Tate, an experimental atomic physicist who had learned the trade in Germany. For his dissertation Brattain built his own equipment to bombard mercury atoms with electrons in order to study an anomaly in their excitation energy. Here he still thought of electrons as particles that zoomed in and clobbered the atoms, kicking them up into higher energy levels. The new wave mechanics being taught on Van Vleck’s blackboard had not quite penetrated Tate’s dusty laboratory.
接受波粒二象性这一悖论是理解新量子力学的关键。在某些情况下，电子或光子可以表现得像波；在另一些情况下，它们又可以表现得像粒子。人们必须将它们视为两者兼具——具有二元性。在欧洲，这种波粒二象性引发了激烈的哲学争论。现实的本质，例如玻尔和爱因斯坦之间爆发的那些争论。
Accepting this paradoxical duality between wave and particle was the key to understanding the new quantum mechanics. In certain instances, an electron or photon can act like a wave; in others, like a particle. One had to think of them as both—as having a dual nature. In Europe this wave-particle duality led to intense philosophical arguments about the nature of reality, such as those that erupted between Bohr and Einstein.
但务实的美国人对这种空泛的辩论兴趣寥寥。他们开始将强大的量子力学新工具应用于物质研究，对其中的哲学意义几乎不予理会。“你根本没时间放松下来，去思考这些东西背后的哲学，”布拉坦回忆道，“你我当时忙着确保你把台阶都踩下来了。
But practical-minded Americans had scant interest in such airy debates. Instead they began to apply the powerful new quantum tools to their studies of matter, showing little concern for philosophical implications. “You didn’t have time to relax and listen to the philosophy behind these things,” recalled Brattain. “You were too busy being sure that you had the steps down.”
在其他一些新兴学科在美国站稳脚跟的院校，物理学也同样秉持着务实的态度。20世纪20年代末，巴丁在威斯康星大学和肖克利在加州理工学院教授的量子力学，基本上已经是一套成熟的理论体系，可以立即投入应用。然而，当时仍有许多未解之谜。结构和行为方面的问题原子、分子、金属和晶体都等待着新方法的攻击。
The same pragmatism permeated physics at the other institutions where the new discipline established a foothold on U.S. soil. The quantum mechanics taught Bardeen at Wisconsin and Shockley at Cal Tech in the late 1920s was essentially a finished body of work, ripe for application. Plenty of unsolved problems about the structure and behavior of atoms, molecules, metals, and crystals awaited attack by the new methods.
二十世纪前二十五年间发生的物理学革命揭示了诸多 事实，其中之一是，自然界在其最深层次上具有本质上的颗粒状特征。不仅物质以团块的形式存在，光、能量、自旋以及十九世纪科学家们所认知的许多其他物理量也同样如此。 人们认为宇宙是平滑连续的。这种与生俱来的不规则性不可避免地带来了令人不安的不确定性，这种不确定性已经悄然渗入原子和分子的世界。然而，基于概率和统计学的技术，量子力学使研究者们得以在这个奇特而支离破碎的世界中找到一条出路。它帮助他们应对人类知识的根本局限性，并对物质行为进行有用的计算。
THE REVOLUTION IN physics that occurred during the first quarter of the twentieth century taught, among other things, that Nature had an essential graininess at its deepest levels. Not only did matter come in lumps, but so did light, energy, spin, and a host of other quantities that nineteenth-century scientists had considered smooth and continuous. An inescapable corollary of this innate lumpiness was the troubling uncertainty that had crept into the world of atoms and molecules. Based on the techniques of probability and statistics, however, quantum mechanics allowed its practitioners to find a path through this quirky, fragmentary world. It helped them cope with the fundamental limits of human knowledge and make useful calculations about the behavior of matter.
尽管美国科学家对量子理论的贡献微乎其微，但他们在实验方面开始崭露头角。在这场量子革命中，康普顿、戴维森和密立根等人进行了精细的测量，这些测量对于这门新兴学科的发展至关重要。随着人们的注意力转向应用领域，在量子力学领域，务实的美国物理学家开始留下自己不可磨灭的印记。
Although they had made only minor contributions to quantum theory, U.S. scientists began to distinguish themselves on the experimental front during this quantum revolution. Compton, Davisson, and Millikan, in particular, made delicate meaurements that proved crucial in the evolution of the new discipline. As attention now turned to the applications of quantum mechanics, pragmatic American physicists started to make their own indelible mark.
20世纪20年代，美国物理学会春季会议在华盛顿特区举行，是美国新兴物理学界的热门聚会场所。会议每年四月在靠近罗克溪公园的国家标准局举行，如果你想见见老朋友，了解该领域的最新动态，或者寻找……，那么这场会议就是不容错过的。工作。国会大厦在那个月也最为美丽：国家广场上的樱花盛开，再次挤满了观光游客。
The spring meeting of the American Physical Society in Washington, D.C., was a popular gathering point in the 1920s for America’s budding physics community. Held every April at the National Bureau of Standards, close to Rock Creek Park, it was the meeting to attend if you wanted to see old friends, find out what was happening in the field lately, or look for a job. The Capitol was at its most beautiful that month, too: cherry trees abloom on the Mall, crowded once again with sightseers.
布拉坦在联邦通讯社的无线电部门工作了近一年——这是他在明尼苏达大学获得博士学位后的第一份工作。1928年8月，他从德卢斯搭乘一艘运矿船，横渡五大湖，几乎一路抵达华盛顿。在联邦通讯社，他他制造了一个便携式晶体振荡器，用于比较全球各地的射频标准。但那年一月，布拉坦决定他真正想做的是物理学家，而不是无线电工程师；他觉得四月份的会议是寻找新工作的良机。泰特也会出席。作为《物理评论》的编辑，布拉坦以前的论文导师认识很多物理学家。或许泰特能帮上忙。让他找到合适的开口。
Brattain had been working in the bureau’s radio section for nearly a year—his first job after finishing his Ph.D. at Minnesota. In August 1928 he hopped an ore freighter in Duluth and rode it across the Great Lakes, almost all the way to Washington. At the bureau he built a portable crystal oscillator for comparing radio frequency standards around the globe. But that January Brattain decided he really wanted to work as a physicist, not a radio engineer; he figured the April meeting would be a good place to seek another job. And Tate would be there, too. As editor of the Physical Review, his old thesis adviser knew lots of physicists. Perhaps Tate could help him find a suitable opening.
布拉坦只需穿过马路就能到达联邦调查局的工业大楼，会议的一部分正在那里举行。他在走廊里找到了泰特，泰特正在和一群人交谈，其中有一位来自贝尔实验室的矮胖、好斗的物理学家，名叫约瑟夫·贝克尔，他刚刚发表了一篇论文。泰特向布拉坦介绍说：“顺便说一句，我了解到贝克尔的……”想找个男人。
Brattain had only to walk across the street to the bureau’s Industrial Building, where part of the meeting was going on. There he found Tate in the corridor, talking to a group of men, among them a short, stumpy, pugnacious physicist from Bell Labs named Joseph Becker, who had just given a paper. Introducing Brattain, Tate said to him, “By the way, I understand Becker’s looking for a man.”
沃尔特回答说：“嗯，我正在找工作！”
To which Walter replied, “Well, I’m looking for a job!”
第二天，贝克尔和布拉坦一起吃了午饭。之后，他们去了……在公园散步时，贝克尔直截了当地告诉布拉坦，他想要一个不怕和他争论的同事。沃尔特向他保证这没问题——他肯定会在必要时反驳——这似乎最终促成了此事。
Becker and Brattain shared lunch the next day. Afterward they went for a walk in the park, where Becker bluntly told Brattain he wanted a colleague who wasn’t afraid to argue with him. Walter assured him it was no problem—he’d sure as hell talk back whenever he felt it necessary—which seemed to clinch matters.
那当晚，他们与卡尔·达罗以及贝克尔的导师克林顿·戴维森共进晚餐。戴维森当时因其在电子衍射领域的研究而闻名。晚餐地点是位于康涅狄格大道、距离白宫仅几个街区的华盛顿顶级酒店——新落成的五月花酒店。水晶吊灯照亮了他们用餐的巨大宴会厅。“我当时非常震撼，”布拉坦回忆道。他花了相当长的时间……晚上，他一边点烟给自己，一边担心要不要给达罗太太递上一支烟。
That evening they had dinner with Karl Darrow and Becker’s supervisor, Clinton Davisson—well known by then for his work on electron diffraction—at the elegant new Mayflower Hotel, Washington’s finest, located on Connecticut Avenue a few blocks from the White House. Crystal chandeliers illuminated the huge banquet hall where they dined. “I was very awed,” recalled Brattain. He spent a good part of the evening worrying about whether to offer Mrs. Darrow a cigarette when he lit up himself.
1929年8月1日，他终于抵达纽约贝尔实验室，准备开始与贝克尔共事。布拉坦发现实验室位于西街463号，在银行街和贝休恩街之间，格林威治村西侧，是一栋气势恢宏的十二层砖石建筑。高大的窗户俯瞰着宽阔的……在风吹拂的哈德逊河上，强大的拖船来回穿梭，拖曳着巨大的远洋客轮和货轮，而渡轮则在它们之间穿梭，载着新泽西州的工人们往返于繁华的曼哈顿的工作地点。
He finally arrived at Bell Labs in New York on August 1, 1929, ready to begin working with Becker. Brattain found the laboratory situated in an imposing twelve-story brick-and-sandstone building at 463 West Street, between Bank and Bethune, just west of Greenwich Village. Its tall windows overlooked the wide, windswept Hudson River, where powerful tugboats steamed back and forth hauling huge ocean liners and freighters while ferries dodged past them carrying New Jersey workers to and from their jobs in throbbing Manhattan.
布拉坦骨子里是个小镇农家子弟，纽约让他有些不知所措。华尔街的股票经纪人在市中心以越来越疯狂的速度交易着数百万股股票，而纽约的繁华景象……时髦女郎和她们的男伴在哈莱姆区灯红酒绿的地下酒吧里寻欢作乐。百老汇的灯光璀璨夺目。作家和知识分子在实验室附近的格林威治村咖啡馆里啜饮咖啡，痛斥不受约束的资本主义的罪恶，以及赫伯特·胡佛总统推行的“个人主义”政策的失败。在布拉坦看来，“纽约市就像一个异国他乡，完全陌生。”
A small-town farm boy at heart, Brattain was a bit overwhelmed by New York. While Wall Street stockbrokers swapped millions of shares downtown at an increasingly frantic pace, gaudy flappers and their escorts cavorted uptown in flashy Harlem speakeasies. The lights on Broadway burned brightly. Writers and intellectuals sipped coffee in Village cafés near the labs, decrying the evils of unbridled capitalism and the bankrupt policy of “rugged individualism” promoted by President Herbert Hoover. To Brattain, “New York City was a foreign country, completely foreign.”
在当时，贝克尔正在研究金属中电子的“热电子发射”，这也是他在华盛顿发表论文的主题。这是贝尔实验室对真空管持续研究的重要组成部分；流经真空管的电子从金属灯丝（通常由钨制成）炽热的表面逸出，开始了它们短暂的旅程。流经灯丝的电流为电子提供能量。要将这些电子从金属中发射出来，需要大量的热能。贝克尔和布拉坦通过对金属表面进行各种元素处理，找到了降低所需能量的方法，从而增强了电子流动：例如在钨上镀铯或钍，或在铜和镍上镀氧化物。最终，他们就此主题发表了两篇科学论文。
At the time Becker was studying the “thermionic emission” of electrons from metals, the topic of his Washington paper. This was an important element in Bell Labs’ continuing research on vacuum tubes; electrons flowing through a tube began their brief journey when they emerged from the red-hot surface of a metal filament, often made of tungsten. An electric current coursing through the filament supplied the heat energy needed to launch these electrons out of the metal’s embrace. Becker and Brattain found ways to reduce the required energy boost—and thus enhance the flow of electrons—by treating the metal surfaces with various elements: cesium or thorium on tungsten, or oxide coatings on copper and nickel. Eventually they published two scientific papers on the topic.
贝尔电话实验室已经发展壮大围绕着美国电话电报公司（AT&T）为将真空管开发成用于长途电话通信的有效放大器所做的努力。亚历山大·格雷厄姆·贝尔的原始专利在1893-1894年到期；到世纪之交，电话巨头发现自己要与成千上万家规模很小的本地电话公司竞争。1909年，其雄心勃勃的新任总裁，西奥多·N·韦尔承诺，AT&T 应建设跨大陆电话线路，这是他实现“一个政策、一个系统和普遍服务”总体目标的关键举措。
Bell Telephone Laboratories had grown up around the efforts of the American Telephone & Telegraph Company to develop vacuum tubes into effective amplifiers for long-distance telephone communications. Alexander Graham Bell’s original patents on his inventions expired in 1893–1894; by the turn of the century, the telephone Goliath found itself competing with thousands of tiny local Davids. In 1909 its swashbuckling new president, Theodore N. Vail, committed AT&T to building transcontinental telephone lines as a key effort in his overall goal of establishing “one policy, one system and universal service.”
位于曼哈顿西街 463 号的大楼，于 1925 年成为贝尔电话实验室的总部。
The 463 West Street building in Manhattan, which became the headquarters of Bell Telephone Laboratories in 1925.
他怀着无比的乐观做出了这项承诺，认为任何技术难题都能被他的团队轻松克服。但不幸的是，他低估了一个障碍。贝尔系统通过各种巧妙的手段，已经能够将电话信号传输到一千多英里之外。到1900年，情况已经有所改善。然而，超过2000英里后，微弱的声音就淹没在嘈杂的静电声中。为了实现跨大陆的通信服务，该公司迫切需要某种装置作为“中继器”，在沿线的几个节点补充衰减的电信号。
He made this commitment with unbridled optimism, believing that any technical problems could be easily overcome by his men. But he unfortunately underestimated one roadblock. Through a variety of gimmicks, the Bell system had been able to transmit telephone calls over a thousand miles by 1900. Beyond 2,000 miles, however, the feeble voices drowned in a sea of static. For transcontinental service to become a reality, the company desperately needed some kind of device to serve as a “repeater,” replenishing the attenuated electrical signals at several points along the line.
美国发明家李·德·福雷斯特带着他的“音频”——真空管——登场了。带有三根电线他于1906年研制出一种用于探测远距离无线电信号的装置。该装置基于一种现象，当时被称为爱迪生效应，由托马斯·阿尔瓦·爱迪生于1883年在试验碳丝白炽灯时发现。爱迪生将一块微小的金属片放入玻璃灯泡内，并注意到，当他施加正电压时，会有电流流过空灯泡。在这块金属板上，电子（请记住，直到1897年汤姆逊才发现电子）从炽热发光的灯丝上溅射出来，并被吸引到金属板上。但爱迪生当时忙于其他众多发明和项目，无暇顾及这项发现。他申请了专利，却很快置之不理。这项发现被遗忘，直到1904年，英国科学家约翰·A·弗莱明在真空管中利用了这一效应。他将这种装置称为“振荡阀”，用作无线电波检测器。与后来晶体管收音机中使用的晶体类似，弗莱明的振荡阀只允许电流单向流动，从而将无线电天线产生的交流电转换为耳机所需的直流电。
Enter American inventor Lee de Forest with his “audion,” a vacuum tube with three electrical leads that he had developed in 1906 to serve as a detector of long-range radio signals. It was based on a phenomenon, then recognized as the Edison effect, discovered by Thomas Alva Edison in 1883 while experimenting with his carbon-filament incandescent lamps. Introducing a tiny metal plate into the glass envelope, Edison noticed that a current trickled through the empty bulb when he applied a positive voltage to this plate. Electrons (which, remember, would not be discovered by Thomson until 1897) sputtering off the hot, glowing filament were attracted to the plate. But Edison was much too busy with many other inventions and projects to follow up on his find, which he patented and promptly ignored. It lay forgotten until 1904, when the British scientist John A. Fleming exploited the effect in a vacuum-tube device he dubbed an “oscillation valve” that served as a detector of radio waves. Much like the crystal used in later crystal sets, Fleming’s valve permitted electrical current to flow in only a single direction, thereby converting alternating currents generated in a radio antenna into the direct current required by the headphones.
德福雷斯特随后将弗莱明的发明向前推进了一大步。在阀门的灯丝和金属板之间，他引入了第三个电极，称之为“栅极”。通过向该栅极施加不同的电压，他发现可以控制流过阀门的电流，从而发明了他著名的单向阀。该栅极的作用就像水龙头把手一样，可以控制管道中的水流。尽管德福雷斯特获得了耶鲁大学的博士学位，但他仍然……（就像爱迪生一样）他基本上是个喜欢钻研机械的家伙，对自己发明的装置内部的运作原理却知之甚少。这位耳朵很大的古怪发明家为他的“音频转换器”（audion）申请了专利，并创办了一系列摇摇欲坠的公司，试图开发其在无线电通信领域的潜力。
De Forest then took Fleming’s invention a giant step further. Between the valve’s filament and plate, he introduced a third electrode that he called a “grid.” By applying different amounts of voltage to this grid, he found he could control the current flow through the valve, thus inventing his famous audion. The grid acts just like a faucet handle, which allows one to control the flow of water in a pipe. Although he had earned a Ph.D. from Yale, de Forest was (like Edison) basically a systematic tinkerer who didn’t understand very much about what was happening inside his gadget. Patenting the audion, this big-eared, oddball inventor started a series of shaky companies in attempts to exploit its potential for radio communications.
1912年10月，AT&T旗下制造部门——西部电气公司的科学家和工程师们邀请了德福雷斯特。为了演示他的电子管，他做了一个演示。出席者包括物理学家哈罗德·阿诺德，他是罗伯特·密立根在芝加哥大学最得意的学生，最近受聘从事中继器的研发工作。但这个电子管只有在无线电接收机特有的低电压下才能正常工作。在放大电话电流所需的高电压下，电子管会“充满蓝色烟雾，似乎窒息了”，一位观察人士表示：“然后，在电流大幅降低之前，不要再传输任何语音。”
In October 1912 scientists and engineers at the Western Electric Company, the manufacturing arm of AT&T, invited de Forest to demonstrate his audion. In attendance was physicist Harold Arnold, Robert Millikan’s top student at the University of Chicago, who had recently been hired to work on developing a repeater. But the audion worked well only at the low voltages characteristic of radio receivers. At the higher voltages needed to amplify telephone currents, the tube would “fill with blue haze, seem to choke, and then transmit no further speech until the current had been greatly reduced,” according to one observer.
然而，阿诺德对它的潜力印象深刻，他确信自己可以将音频信号放大器开发成一个高效的信号放大器。在AT&T公司洽谈专利权期间，他与一群科学家和工程师合作，深入了解其工作原理并寻找改进方法。这里涉及到物理学。单个电子的特性——它们在电场和磁场中的行为——他在密立根的指导下学到的知识派上了用场。使用更高的真空度消除了蓝色雾状物；氧化物涂层灯丝和更精确的栅极位置显著提高了电子管的输出功率。一年后，阿诺德的“高真空热电子管”最终解决了中继器问题。1913年10月它已成功安装在从纽约到巴尔的摩的电话线上。
Impressed with its potential, however, Arnold was convinced he could develop the audion into an effective repeater. While AT&T negotiated for the patent rights, he worked with a group of scientists and engineers to understand its behavior better and find ways to improve it. Here the physics of individual electrons—how they behave in electric and magnetic fields—which he had learned under Millikan’s tutelage, came in handy. Use of a higher vacuum eliminated the blue haze; an oxide-coated filament and more exacting placement of the grid substantially improved the tube’s output. A year later Arnold’s “high-vacuum thermionic tube” finally solved the repeater problem. In October 1913 it was successfully installed on a telephone line from New York to Baltimore.
真正的考验在于横跨大陆、绵延3400多英里的输电线路的铺设——这是AT&T多年来的目标。1914年7月，韦尔成为第一个通过这条线路通话的人，该线路在匹兹堡、奥马哈和盐湖城设有中继器，以增强电信号。1915年1月25日，各界要人……在旧金山举行的巴拿马太平洋国际博览会开幕式上，人们庆祝了这一伟大成就。“跨越整个大陆发表讲话，激发了人们的想象力，”伍德罗·威尔逊总统在白宫对加州听众说道。与此同时，亚历山大·格雷厄姆·贝尔在纽约再次发出他著名的命令：“沃森先生，过来。我需要你。” 身在旧金山的贝尔也听到了这一消息。沃森大声回应道：“它会……”现在我得花五天时间才能到那里！
The true test came with the installation of the transcontinental line stretching over 3,400 miles from coast to coast—AT&T’s goal for years. In July 1914 Vail was the first to speak over this line, which had repeaters in Pittsburgh, Omaha, and Salt Lake City to boost the electrical signals. On January 25, 1915, dignitaries celebrated this great achievement during the opening ceremonies of the Panama-Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco. “It appeals to the imagination to speak across the continent,” President Woodrow Wilson told California listeners from the White House. And from New York, Alexander Graham Bell repeated his famous command, “Mr. Watson, come here. I want you.” Sitting in San Francisco, Watson bellowed back, “It will take me five days to get there now!”
1915年1月25日，在旧金山太平洋电话电报公司举行了跨大陆电话线路的开通仪式。托马斯·沃森（前排左三）正在纽约与亚历山大·格雷厄姆·贝尔交谈，其他贵宾在旁聆听。墙上的画像分别是贝尔（左）和AT&T总裁西奥多·韦尔（右）。
Ceremony inaugurating the transcontinental telephone line on January 25, 1915, at the Pacific Telephone and Telegraph Company in San Francisco. Thomas Watson (front row, third from left) speaks to Alexander Graham Bell in New York as other dignitaries listen. Portraits on the wall are of Bell (left) and AT&T president Theodore Vail (right).
在开发中继器方面取得了毫无保留的成功跨大陆线路的成功让AT&T的高管们确信，聘请物理学博士从事工业研究是一项明智的商业决策。第一次世界大战期间，该公司继续聘用物理学家，其中包括戴维森，从事诸如将真空管及相关电路应用于无线通信等课题的研究。1915年末，AT&T利用改进的高功率真空管，成功传输了第一条跨洋无线电信号。弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿和巴黎埃菲尔铁塔之间的电话对话，使该公司离韦尔的雄心勃勃的目标又近了一大步。
The unqualified success in developing repeaters for the transcontinental line convinced AT&T officials that paying Ph.D. physicists to do industrial research was good business. And during the Great War the company continued hiring physicists, Davisson among them, to work on topics such as adapting the vacuum tube and related circuitry for wireless communications. Using improved, high-power vacuum tubes in late 1915, AT&T transmitted the first transoceanic telephone conversations between Arlington, Virginia, and the Eiffel Tower in Paris, putting the company a major step closer to Vail’s ambitious goal.
这个研究部门的核心机构在战后继续发展壮大。1925年1月1日，它注册成立为独立的实体，名为贝尔电话实验室；拥有超过3500名员工，几乎占据了整个西街。贝尔实验室的首任总裁是弗兰克·朱厄特，他是一位来自芝加哥大学的物理学家，曾在AT&T公司工作超过20年。他聘请阿诺德来研究中继器问题，阿诺德后来成为贝尔实验室的首任研究主管。
This nucleus of a research department continued to expand after the war ended. On January 1, 1925, it was incorporated as a separate entity called the Bell Telephone Laboratories; with over 3,500 employees, it occupied almost the entire West Street building. The first president of Bell Labs was Frank Jewett, a physicist from the University of Chicago who had been with AT&T for over twenty years. Arnold, whom he had hired to work for him on the repeater problem, became Bell’s first research director.
同年，戴维森和格默开始研究镍表面的电子散射，这项工作源于一项专利。AT&T 和通用电气之间的争端。在实验室里那些技艺精湛的工程师和技术人员的帮助下，他们当时已经熟悉了真空管的各个方面，他们设计并建造了一台复杂的高真空装置，事实证明这台装置非常适合他们的实验。他们偶然发现了电子衍射现象，证实了物质的波动性，这使戴维森获得了 1937 年的诺贝尔奖。首次授予贝尔实验室的科学家。
That same year Davisson and Germer began their investigations of electron scattering from nickel surfaces, work that began due to a patent dispute between AT&T and General Electric. With the help of the skilled engineers and technicians at the labs, who were now familiar with all aspects of vacuum tubes, they designed and built an intricate, high-vacuum apparatus that proved to be ideal for their experiments. Their serendipitous discovery of electron diffraction, confirming the wave nature of matter, led to the 1937 Nobel prize for Davisson—the first ever awarded to a scientist from Bell Labs.
20世纪20年代末， 物理学家对金属内部电子运动的 描述发生了巨大变化，这完全是由于量子力学的影响。过去那种认为电子是气体——表现得像分子气体一样，只是被限制在金属表面之间的旧观念——已经不再流行。在新理论中，电子的运动方式发生了改变。由此可见，电子也像波一样在金属内部往复运动，从金属边缘反射，就像水面上的涟漪。在旧理论中，电子像蜜蜂一样杂乱无章地四处乱窜，撞击金属原子，然后以混乱的速度和能量反弹回来。而在新的量子力学图像中，它们会填充所有可用的能级，直到达到某个特定值（称为势垒）。费米能级（以意大利物理学家恩里科·费米的名字命名），只有极少数电子的能量高于它。这种“电子海”类似于游泳池里的水，其中绝大多数水分子占据了所有可用的“空间”，直至水面，而只有极少数水分子蒸发到上方旋转的空气中。
HOW PHYSICISTS PICTURED the electrons swarming about inside metals was changing dramatically in the late 1920s, due entirely to the impact of quantum mechanics. The old idea of an electron gas—behaving like a gas of molecules, except for the fact that it was somehow confined between the metal surfaces—had fallen out of favor. In the new picture emerging, electrons are also waves that course to and fro inside the metal, reflecting from its edges like ripples in a pan of water. In the old theory electrons swarmed about helter-skelter like bees, bashing into metal atoms and rebounding away with a chaotic range of velocities and energies. In the new quantum-mechanical picture, they fill all available energy levels up to a certain value (called the Fermi level, after Italian physicist Enrico Fermi), with only a few electrons possessing more energy than that. This “electron sea” resembles the water in a swimming pool, in which the vast majority of the H2O molecules occupy all the available “compartments” up to its surface, while only a relatively tiny number of molecules have evaporated away into the air swirling above.
1923 年，JJ Thomson 和 Frank Jewett 在 Western Electric 公司检查高功率电子管。
J. J. Thomson and Frank Jewett examine high-power electron tubes at Western Electric in 1923.
费米、泡利、索末菲和英国理论物理学家保罗·狄拉克在欧洲提出的这一量子图景，通过达罗的著作传入贝尔实验室。达罗在1929年的一期期刊上发表了一篇题为《物质、辐射和电的统计理论》的长篇评论文章。在《贝尔系统技术期刊》上，他展示了泡利著名的不相容原理（即“分区条例”，它只允许每个可用的量子态容纳一个电子）如何导致电子能量的显著分布，所有能级都填满了直至费米能级，而费米能级以上的电子则极少。
This quantum picture, which had been formulated in Europe by Fermi, Pauli, Sommerfeld, and the British theorist Paul Dirac, found its way into Bell Labs through the writings of Darrow, who published a lengthy review entitled “Statistical Theories of Matter, Radiation and Electricity” in a 1929 issue of the Bell System Technical Journal. There he showed how Pauli’s famous exclusion principle, the “zoning ordinance” that permitted only one electron per available quantum state, led to a striking distribution of electron energies, with all the energy levels filled up to the Fermi level and extremely few electrons above it.
新理论开始对理解热电子发射产生重大影响。根据贝克尔和布拉坦的研究，只有处于较高能级（即费米能级以上）的电子才有希望从金属表面逃逸出来。“热电子是达罗观察到：“那些以如此大的向外速度分量游到水面的生物，凭借其向外运动的动能，可以……”就像游泳运动员用手臂和腿将自己从泳池中向上推，然后爬出池边一样。她需要额外的能量（或做功）才能将身体抬离水面，到达周围走道的高度。同样，将金属内部的电子从费米能级提升到更高的能级也需要额外的能量——称为“功函数”。周围空气或真空的能量水平。
The new theory began to have a major impact on the understanding of thermionic emission, and on Becker and Brattain’s research, because it was only electrons at these higher energy levels, those above the Fermi level, that had any hope of escaping from the metal surface. “The thermionic electrons are those which swim up to the surface with an outward-bound velocity component so large,” observed Darrow, “that by means of the kinetic energy of their outward motion they can climb over the wall.” Just like a swimmer who uses her arms and legs to propel herself upward from a pool before clambering out over its edge. Extra energy (or work) must be supplied to raise her body above the water surface to the level of the surrounding walkway. Similarly, additional energy—called the “work function”—is needed to boost electrons from the Fermi level inside a metal to the higher energy level of the surrounding air or vacuum.
贝克尔和布拉坦正在研究如何通过改变钨的表面特性来降低其功函数，从而增强其电子发射。这就像降低泳池周围的池壁或提高水位，使游泳者更容易出水一样。他们通过用氧处理钨表面……例如，通过生成氧化层，可以显著降低真空管的功函数。因此，采用氧化层包裹钨丝的真空管可以在更低的温度下运行，同时保持相同的输出功率。这项进步对当时在其庞大的电话网络电路中使用数百万个真空管的贝尔系统来说至关重要，因为它延长了真空管的使用寿命。节省了大量的电力成本。
Becker and Brattain were studying ways to reduce the work function of tungsten—and thereby enhance the emission of electrons from it—by modifying its surface characteristics. This is like lowering the wall around the pool or raising the water level so that the swimmer has an easier time getting out. By treating the tungsten surface with oxygen to generate an oxide layer, for example, they could substantially reduce its work function. Vacuum tubes with oxide-coated tungsten filaments could therefore operate much cooler and still have the same output. This advance was very important for the Bell system, which by then used millions of vacuum tubes in the circuits of its sprawling telephone network, because it extended the life of the tubes and saved vast sums on its power costs.
但在20世纪30年代初期，人们对于理解热灯丝内部究竟发生了什么仍然存在诸多困惑。“热电子发射的理论解释当时还是一个悬而未决的问题，”布拉坦解释说，“直到索末菲将新的量子力学应用于金属中的电子，这个问题才得以彻底解决。”他试图利用达罗的综述和德国物理学家沃尔特·肖特基的一篇论文来推导出这种辐射如何随温度升高而增加，但未能成功。后来，布拉坦听说索末菲将在1931年密歇根大学理论物理暑期学校授课。他请贝克尔派他去，他的老板也获准让他参加一半的课程。
But there was still plenty of confusion during the early 1930s in trying to understand what was happening inside the hot filament. “The theoretical explanation of thermionic emission was very much a question up in the air,” Brattain explained, “and was not completely resolved until the new quantum mechanics was applied to electrons in metals by Sommerfeld.” He tried to work out how this emission increases with temperature using Darrow’s review and a paper by the German physicist Walter Schottky, but he came up short. Then Brattain heard that Sommerfeld would be lecturing at the University of Michigan’s 1931 summer school on theoretical physics. He asked Becker to send him there, and his boss obtained permission for him to attend half the sessions.
对于这位年轻的物理学家来说，这是一次难忘的机会：能够在六月和七月重返校园五周，与他所在领域的泰斗们近距离交流。除了索末菲之外，泡利也在那里讲授他的电子“自旋”理论。两人都对金属量子理论做出了关键贡献；在他们位于慕尼黑和苏黎世的研究所里，其他物理学家们也正忙于……弄清楚后果。
It was an unforgettable opportunity for the young physicist: to be able to return to campus for five weeks in June and July and rub shoulders with the gods of his discipline. Besides Sommerfeld, Pauli lectured there on his “spinor” theory of electrons. The two had made pivotal contributions to the quantum theory of metals; at their institutes in Munich and Zurich, other physicists were busily working out the consequences.
“索末菲为我们很好地介绍了如何运用费米-狄拉克统计来解释金属中电子的总体特征，”布拉坦回忆道。这些信息可以帮助他计算电子的发射。他从密歇根回来后，因与欧洲量子力学巨匠的交流而精神振奋。在明确了工作的性质之后，他继续深入研究。他和贝克尔最终共同发表了关于热电子发射的第二篇论文，探讨了其功能以及是否会随温度变化。
“Sommerfeld gave us a good introduction to the use of Fermi-Dirac statistics to explain the gross features of electrons in metals,” Brattain recalled. This was information he could use to calculate their emission of electrons. He returned from Michigan energized by his encounters with the European giants of quantum mechanics. After clarifying the nature of the work function and whether it can change with temperature, he and Becker finally published their second paper together on thermionic emission.
那年秋天，布拉坦开始在贝尔实验室讲授金属中电子的量子理论。许多同事渴望了解更多这些奇特的新思想，于是都去听了这些讲座，并在小组学习中试图弄清其中的细节。公司政策鼓励科学家开展与自身工作相关的高级研究，这为贝尔实验室的发展提供了助力。由于经济大萧条的加剧，贝尔实验室没有裁员，而是将正常工作周从六天缩短到四天。员工们很清楚，他们离流落街头、流落时代广场的救济食堂只有一步之遥。贝尔实验室的物理学家们担心失去工作，因此采取了各种措施。他们利用额外的休息时间提升科学技能。与此同时，百老汇的灯光开始闪烁熄灭。
That fall Brattain also began lecturing at Bell Labs on the quantum theory of electrons in metals. Eager to learn more about the strange new ideas, many of his colleagues attended these lectures and tried to figure out the details in smaller study groups. They were aided by company policies that encouraged scientists to pursue advanced studies related to their work. And because of the deepening Depression, Bell Labs reduced the normal work week from six days to four instead of laying off its employees, who well realized they were but a few steps away from the bread lines and soup kitchens of Times Square. Nervous about losing their jobs, Bell’s physicists used the extra time off to bone up on their scientific skills. Meanwhile, the lights were flickering out on Broadway.
大约就 在这个 时候，贝克尔和布拉坦对一种新设备产生了兴趣，铜氧化物整流器引起了工业研究人员的兴趣。它发明于20世纪20年代，由生长在金属铜表面的一层铜氧化物构成，而铜氧化物层是自然界中铜氧化物层形成的。暴露在氧气中。（青铜雕像上出现的绿色薄膜是由于暴露在空气中形成的氧化铜薄膜。）由于氧化铜整流器只允许电子单向流动，因此它们可以用作无线电接收机等电路中的检测器，取代弗莱明振荡管或“猫须”晶体检测器。
ABOUT THIS TIME Becker and Brattain became interested in a new device that was intriguing industrial researchers: the copper-oxide rectifier. Invented during the 1920s, it consisted of a copper-oxide layer grown over metallic copper, which is what occurs naturally whenever copper is exposed to oxygen. (The green film that appears on bronze statues is due to a copper-oxide film that has formed from exposure to air.) Since copper-oxide rectifiers permit electrons to flow in only one direction, they can be used as detectors in electrical circuits such as radio receivers, replacing Fleming’s oscillation valve or the “cat’s whisker” crystal detector.
虽然他没有意识到这一点当时，布拉坦受聘与贝克尔合作研究这个项目。当他接受美国国家标准局无线电部门的工作时，贝尔实验室也在考虑聘用他，只是行动不够迅速。将近一年后，在泰特的巧妙安排下，双方终于在华盛顿的会议上取得了联系。
Although he didn’t realize it at the time, Brattain had been hired to work with Becker on this very subject. When he accepted the job in the radio section at the Bureau of Standards, he was also under consideration to fill this position at Bell Labs, which just did not act quickly enough to get him. Almost a year later, the connection was finally made at the Washington meeting, with the knowing aid of Tate.
1933年之后几乎布拉坦将所有时间都投入到研究氧化铜整流器的工作原理上。“那段时间的难点在于氧化铜的结构非常复杂，极其敏感，”他回忆道。而且只有某些特定类型的铜（例如产自智利特定矿区的铜）似乎才能很好地发挥作用。当时科学文献中对于氧化铜整流器的工作原理存在诸多争议。这种单向整流过程究竟发生在何处——是在氧化铜层本身，还是在其与铜金属更深层的界面处？经过一年多的研究，贝克尔和布拉坦最终确信，该过程发生在两层之间的界面处。
After 1933 almost all of Brattain’s time went into trying to understand the behavior of the copper-oxide rectifier. “The difficulty in this period was that copper oxide [is] such a messy type of structure-sensitive thing,” he recalled. And only certain kinds of copper (such as copper that had come from specific mines in Chile) seemed to work well. There was great confusion in the scientific literature about exactly where this one-way rectification process was happening—whether it came in the copper-oxide layer itself or occurred at its deeper interface with the copper metal. After working over a year on this question, Becker and Brattain finally satisfied themselves that the process took place at the boundary between the two layers.
但当他们最终着手撰写关于他们研究成果的论文时，他们令他们懊恼的是，他们发现自己的研究成果被当时在德国西门子-舒克特公司工作的肖特基抢先发表。事实上，这种情况不止一次发生。“每当我们想到一些关于氧化铜的研究成果，觉得值得发表的时候，”布拉坦回忆道，“我们就会收到一篇来自德国的文章，而沃尔特·肖特基已经发表过了。”
But when they finally got around to writing a paper about their work, they discovered to their chagrin that they had been scooped by Schottky, then working at the Siemens-Schuckert company in Germany. In fact, this happened more than once. “About the time we had something in regard to copper oxide that we thought might be worth publishing,” recalled Brattain, “we would receive an article from Germany that Walter Schottky had already published.”
到20世纪30年代中期，当时人们对氧化铜整流器内部的工作原理还只有粗浅的了解。“当时……人们凭直觉认为，这与功函数差异有关，或者说电子电荷能够从一种材料流出而不能从另一种材料流出，”布拉坦说道。或者，在两种材料之间可能存在某种屏障或“凸起”，使得电子更容易流动。流向某一方向而不是另一方向。
By the mid-1930s there was still only a rudimentary understanding of what went on inside copper-oxide rectifiers. “There was . . . the intuitive idea that somehow work-function differences were involved, or the ability of electron charges to flow out of one material and not out of the other,” claimed Brattain. Or between the two materials there might be some kind of barrier or “hump that made it easier for the electrons to flow one way than the other.”
想象一下两个并排的游泳池，中间隔着一道坚固的、无法穿透的屏障，其中一个游泳池的水位高于另一个。其他。只要两个水池不被打扰，它们之间就不会有水流。但如果孩子们在水池里玩耍嬉戏，一些水就会从较高的水池流到较低的水池；这种情况会非常明显。水从较高的水池溢出障碍物流入另一个水池比反向流动更容易。如果我们把画面反过来，让第二个水池的水位高于第一个水池，那么孩子们玩耍时水流的方向就应该相反。因为这两幅图是对称的，所以我们预期水流方向会相反。水流方向将取决于它在两个水池中的相对水位。
Imagine two swimming pools next to each other, with a solid, impenetrable barrier between them, and the water level in one pool higher than that in the other. No flow occurs between the two pools as long as they are undisturbed. But if children are playing and splashing around in these pools, some water will flow from the higher pool to the lower one; it is much easier for water to slosh from the higher pool, over the barrier, and down into the other pool than for the same process to occur in the opposite direction. If we reverse this picture and make the water level in the second pool higher than in the first, then water should flow in the opposite direction when the children are playing. Because these two pictures are symmetric, we expect that the water will flow in either direction, depending only on its relative levels in the two pools.
以氧化铜整流器为例，其中某种机制导致相邻的两个部分——铜金属和氧化铜层——之间产生不对称性。如果对金属施加负电压，电子很容易从金属流出并进入氧化层；它们似乎能够跃过两者之间的势垒。这两种材料。但如果反向施加相同的电压，则几乎没有电流流动。这种不对称现象的原因直到20世纪30年代末才被人们充分理解。
In the case of the copper-oxide rectifier, something was happening to set up an asymmetry between the two adjacent bodies—the copper metal and the copper-oxide layer. If a negative voltage is applied to the metal, electrons flow easily out of it into the oxide layer; they seem to leap over the barrier between the two materials. But if the same voltage is applied the other way, very little flow occurs at all. This reason for this asymmetry was not well understood until the late 1930s.
但这种困惑并未阻止工业研究人员认识到氧化铜整流器的巨大潜力。这与弗莱明的真空阀类似，在弗莱明的真空阀中，电流只能沿一个方向流动。两个电极之间显然存在一个连接点。“啊，要是能把第三个电极——就像真空管的栅极那样——放到冷整流器里就好了，那样就能得到一个放大器了。”布拉坦略带惆怅地说道。事实上，贝克尔和他曾认真考虑过这个想法，而且花了不少时间。但到了20世纪30年代末，当他们意识到这样的栅极必须非常小——小得多——时，他们最终放弃了这个想法。而真空管中，有几厘米的空间可以用来放置控制电子从一端流向另一端的栅极。
But this confusion did not prevent industrial researchers from grasping the enticing possibilities of the copper-oxide rectifier. The analogy with Fleming’s vacuum valve, in which electric current flowed in only one direction between two electrodes, was obvious. “Ah, if only one knew how to put the third electrode in the cold rectifier—like the grid in the vacuum tube—one would have an amplifier,” remarked Brattain a bit wistfully. In fact, Becker and he spent a fair amount of time considering this idea seriously. They eventually dropped it in the late 1930s when they realized how tiny such a grid had to be—far smaller than in a vacuum tube, where there are centimeters available in which to position the grid that controls the flow of electrons from one end to the other.
在20世纪20年代末和 30年代初，物理学家开始认识到一类被称为“半导体”的新型物质。氧化铜是其中一个例子，硒是另一个例子。这些材料不像几乎所有金属那样是电导体。 半导体内部含有大量自由（或准自由）电子，这些电子承载着电流。它们也不是橡胶或玻璃等绝缘体，后者自由电子含量极低，因此电阻极高。半导体介于导体和绝缘体之间，具有许多独特的性质。在一定范围内，它们的电阻会随着……温度会升高，这与大多数金属的特性相反。而且它们对光极其敏感，光会在暴露的材料两端产生微小的电压差。
IN THE LATE 1920s and early 1930s, physicists were beginning to recognize a new class of substances called “semiconductors.” Copper oxide is one example, selenium another. These materials are not electrical conductors like almost all metals, which have plenty of free (or quasi-free) electrons roaming about inside carrying the current. Nor are they insulators such as rubber or glass, which contain exceedingly few free electrons and therefore possess extremely high electrical resistance. Semiconductors fall in between conductors and insulators; they have a number of unique properties. Up to a certain point, their resistance drops as the temperature rises, which is the opposite of the way most metals behave. And they are extremely sensitive to light, which can generate a small voltage difference across the exposed material.
英国理论家艾伦·威尔逊在1931年发表了两篇题为《电子半导体理论》的论文，使人们对这些奇特材料的理解取得了重大进展。一月份，他凭借洛克菲勒基金会的奖学金来到德国莱比锡的维尔纳·海森堡理论物理研究所，希望深入了解固体物理学。海森堡邀请他做一次关于这个主题的研讨会后，威尔逊便潜心研读了近期的文献，主要是费利克斯·布洛赫和鲁道夫·佩尔斯在1928年和1929年发表的文章，他们运用了完整的理论框架。海森堡的两位学生运用量子力学的理论来确定金属中电子的行为。他们共同揭示了晶体内部电子漂移的许多重要细节。他们理论的核心是能带或能级的概念，即晶体内部电子可以（或不能）占据的允许（或禁止）能量范围。能带很像量子力学中电子在原子中占据的离散的玻尔能级。但金属中涉及的原子数量众多，而不仅仅是少数几个。
A major advance in the understanding of these curious materials was achieved by the British theorist Alan Wilson, who published two papers entitled “The Theory of Electronic Semi-Conductors” in 1931. That January he had come to Werner Heisenberg’s theoretical physics institute in Leipzig, Germany, on a fellowship from the Rockefeller Foundation, wanting to learn more about the physics of solids. After Heisenberg asked him to deliver a seminar on this topic, Wilson immersed himself in the recent literature, mainly articles written in 1928 and 1929 by Felix Bloch and Rudolf Peierls, who applied the full machinery of quantum mechanics to determine the behavior of electrons in metals. Between them, Heisenberg’s two students had figured out many important details about how electrons drift around inside crystals. Central to their theory was the idea of energy “bands” or levels, which are allowed (or forbidden) ranges of energies that electrons confined within a crystal can (or cannot) possess. These bands are a lot like the discrete Bohr energy levels that quantum mechanics allows electrons to occupy when confined in an atom. But in metals we are dealing with many, many atoms—not just a few.
有一天，威尔逊突然意识到绝缘体和导体之间的关键区别：绝缘体具有完全填充的带状结构；而任何导体的最上层带状结构都只是部分填充的。绝缘体内部充满电子，从而为电子提供了足够的空间来跳跃和导电。在绝缘体内部，电子找不到任何可以停留的地方，哪怕是短暂的停留，因为所有合适的停留位置都已被占据。因此，电流无法流动。这再次体现了泡利著名的量子力学分区定律。
One day Wilson suddenly recognized the critical difference between insulators and conductors: insulators have completely filled bands; in any conductor, however, the uppermost band is only partially filled, thereby giving electrons the room they need to jump around and conduct electricity. Inside an insulator, an electron can find nowhere to pause even momentarily since all suitable resting places are already occupied. Therefore current cannot flow. Here, again, was Pauli’s famous quantum-mechanical zoning ordinance at work.
这种情况很像一场宴会，宴会上摆了很多桌子；每桌坐四对情侣。如果人们经常起身走动，桌边就会有很多空位；其他人可以过来坐下聊天。这样一来，交流就会非常频繁，气氛也会非常活跃。但如果他们一直坐在椅子上，只和同桌的伴侣或伴侣交谈，互动就会少得多。
The situation is much like a banquet in which there are many tables; four couples sit at each table. If people get up and walk around frequently, there will be plenty of empty spaces at the tables; others can come over, sit down, and chat. There will be lots of communication going on—lots of current flow. But if they stay bolted to their chairs, talking only to their dinner companions and partners, there will be much less interaction.
我真的必须得到布洛赫“太棒了！”海森堡在听到威尔逊的想法后惊呼道。起初，在听完这些论证后，布洛赫坚决反对：“不，这完全错误，完全错误，完全错误，根本不可能！” 和许多人一样，他已经习惯于认为绝缘体和导体之间的区别是定量的——由一个数字决定，这个数字表示电子从原子跃迁到导体的难易程度。原子论。但在断断续续地反驳威尔逊的“能带理论”一周后，布洛赫最终被说服，并开始向他的同事们宣传这一观点。
“I really must get Bloch in,” exclaimed Heisenberg when told Wilson’s idea. At first, after listening to these arguments, Bloch adamantly objected, “No, it’s quite wrong, quite wrong, quite wrong, not possible at all!” Like many others, he had become accustomed to thinking that the difference between an insulator and a conductor was quantitative—determined by a number that indicated how easily an electron can hop from atom to atom. But after a fitful week of trying to refute Wilson’s “band theory,” Bloch was finally convinced and began to advocate this idea to his colleagues.
有了对导体和绝缘体之间区别的这种新认识，威尔逊将他的研讨会扩展成几个演讲，其中也谈到了半导体（德语称为Halbleiter）的行为。此类材料当时半导体是否存在尚存争议，因为它们的奇特行为可能仅仅是表面效应造成的。威尔逊1931年的两篇论文，基于他的两次演讲，对于确立半导体作为一种独立、独特的材料类别至关重要。
With this new understanding of the difference between conductors and insulators, Wilson expanded his seminar into a couple of presentations that also addressed the behavior of semiconductors, called Halbleiter in German. Whether such materials even existed at all was still debatable at the time, as their curious behavior might have been due merely to surface effects. Based on his two talks, Wilson’s 1931 papers proved pivotal in establishing the existence of semiconductors as a separate, unique class of materials.
“半导体（例如锗）和良导体（例如银）之间存在本质区别，“任何试图解释半导体的理论都必须考虑到这一点，”他的第一篇论文如此宣称。威尔逊承认布洛赫、佩尔斯等人关于电子在晶体内部流动方式的研究，并指出它们的“能级会分解成若干个允许能带，这些能带之间由宽度相当大的禁阻能带隔开。”在接下来的篇幅中，他他以一种粗略的、定性的方式解释了他的新理论如何能够解释绝缘体和半导体截然不同的行为方式。
“There is an essential difference between a semi-conductor, such as germanium, and a good conductor, such as silver, which must be accounted for by any theory which attempts to deal with semi-conductors,” declared his first paper. Acknowledging the work of Bloch, Peierls, and others on how electrons flow inside crystals, Wilson noted that their “energy levels break up into a number of bands of allowed energies, separated by bands of disallowed energies, which may be of considerable width.” In the remaining pages he explained how his new theory could account, in an admittedly crude and qualitative manner, for the distinctly different ways that insulators and semiconductors behave.
威尔逊在第二篇论文中论证道：“半导体的导电性必然是由于杂质的存在。”在原本纯净的物质（例如氧化铜）中，外来原子可以提供电子，这些电子可以导电。能级介于较低的已填充能带和较高的未填充能带之间。虽然晶格的热振动可能不足以将电子从较低的能带跃迁到较高的能带，但它可以将电子从外来原子中推到较高的能带，在那里电子可以自由移动并导电。随着温度升高，更多来自外来原子的更多电子会进入上能带（如今称为“导带”），从而导致导电性越来越高——或者说电阻随温度降低，这是半导体的关键特性之一。相比之下，金属的电阻会随温度升高而增大。
In his second paper Wilson argued that “the observed conductivity of semi-conductors must be due to the presence of impurities.” Foreign atoms in an otherwise pure substance (such as copper oxide) can contribute electrons whose energy levels fall in between a lower, filled band and an upper, unfilled band. Although the thermal vibrations of the crystal lattice may not be enough to boost electrons all the way from the lower band to the upper, they can nudge electrons out of the foreign atoms and into the upper band, where the electrons are then free to roam around and conduct electricity. As the temperature rises, more and more electrons from the foreign atoms find their way into the upper band (called the “conduction band” today), leading to higher and higher conductivity—or an electrical resistance that decreases with temperature, one of the crucial properties of semiconductors. With metals, by contrast, resistance increases with temperature.
艾伦·威尔逊绘制的图示，展示了晶格中存在杂质时的能带结构。电子可以占据能带 1 和 2 以及 AB 能级，后者是由于外来原子的存在而产生的。
Alan Wilson’s drawing, illustrating the energy bands of a crystal lattice in the presence of an impurity. Electrons can occupy bands 1 and 2 and the energy level AB, which occurs due to a foreign atom.
同年晚些时候，威尔逊将他的半导体能带理论应用于氧化铜整流器的行为，并采纳了肖特基关于量子力学“隧穿”的猜想。罪魁祸首是一层极薄的屏障——或许只有几个原子厚。几年后，贝克尔和布拉坦对这层屏障的狭窄尺寸感到惋惜，它不知何故出现在铜-氧化物三明治结构的两层界面上。由于一种令人费解的量子力学效应，金属中的电子可以消失，并立即在氧化物层中重新出现。根据威尔逊的计算，电流仿佛直接穿过了势垒。但由于两层材料的相对能量水平不同，反向（或逆向）过程效果不佳，因此只会产生单向电流。
Later that year Wilson applied his band theory of semiconductors to the behavior of the copper-oxide rectifier, picking up on Schottky’s conjecture that quantum-mechanical “tunneling” through a very thin barrier—perhaps just a few atoms thick—was responsible. This barrier, whose narrow dimensions Becker and Brattain would lament a few years later, somehow cropped up at the interface between the two layers of the copper-oxide sandwich. Due to a baffling quantum-mechanical sleight of hand, an electron in the metal could disappear and immediately reappear in the oxide layer, according to Wilson’s calculations, as if it had actually tunneled right through the barrier. But because of the relative energy levels in the two layers, the process worked poorly in the reverse (or uphill) direction, thus yielding a one-way current flow.
然而，随着20世纪30年代人们对氧化铜整流器特性的理解不断加深，威尔逊的量子力学隧穿效应被证明是错误的。不幸的是，这个想法错误地解释了电流的方向。氧化铜是一种“缺陷”半导体，由于杂质的存在，其中电子数量不足而非过剩。在这种情况下，威尔逊的理论要求电子从氧化层流向金属层——这与实际观察到的现象恰恰相反。这个问题直到1939年肖特基的发现才得以解决。最后，其他人则详细阐述了造成这一障碍的根本原因。
As the behavior of copper-oxide rectifiers became better understood in the 1930s, however, it turned out that Wilson’s quantum-mechanical tunneling idea unfortunately gave the wrong direction for the current flow. Copper oxide is a “defect” semiconductor, in which there is a deficit rather than excess of electrons due to the presence of impurities. In such a case, Wilson’s theory required that electrons should flow from the oxide layer to the metal—just the opposite of what was observed. This problem was not resolved until 1939, when Schottky and others finally gave a detailed account of what caused the barrier to arise in the first place.
所有这些混乱并没有阻止贝尔实验室大规模生产被称为“压敏电阻”的氧化铜整流器。贝克尔和布拉坦在20世纪30年代中期致力于这项工作，试验了多种将电触点施加到氧化物上的方法。他们先在表面沉积了铜氧化物压敏电阻。成功之后，他们建造了一个大型真空室，在氧化层的背面沉积金或银引线。贝尔实验室生产了超过1万个压敏电阻，之后这项工艺被转移到位于新泽西州卡尼附近的西电公司工厂进行大规模生产。铜氧化物压敏电阻逐渐开始取代真空管二极管。贝尔系统。
All this confusion did not prevent Bell Labs from forging ahead with the production of copper-oxide rectifiers, called “varistors,” on an industrial scale. Becker and Brattain worked on this effort in the mid-1930s, experimenting with different methods of applying electrical contacts to the oxide surface. Once they had succeeded, they built a large vacuum chamber in which gold or silver leads were deposited on the back sides of the oxide layer. Bell Labs produced more than 10,000 varistors before the process was transferred to the Western Electric plant in nearby Kearny, New Jersey, for full-scale manufacturing. Copper-oxide varistors gradually began to replace vacuum-tube diodes throughout the Bell system.
1933年 是“固态物理”领域兴起的一个重要转折点，二战后，人们对金属、绝缘体和半导体的研究逐渐为人所知。尤其是在威尔逊的论文发表之后，该领域的理论基础得到了巩固，其基础是基于对晶体中电子运动方式的广泛的量子力学处理。当年出现了几篇关于这些原理的重要评论，其中包括一篇 300 页的文章《金属的电子理论》，这篇文章由索末菲开始撰写，但主要由他的学生汉斯·贝特为《物理学手册》撰写。
THE YEAR 1933 marked a major turning point in the emergence of the field of “solid-state physics,” as the study of metals, insulators, and semiconductors became known after World War II. Especially after publication of Wilson’s papers, the theoretical foundations of the field were secure, based on a broad quantum-mechanical treatment of how electrons cavort about within crystals. Several important reviews of these principles appeared that year, including a 300-page article, “The Electron Theory of Metals,” that was begun by Sommerfeld but written mostly by his student Hans Bethe for the Handbuch der Physik.
沃尔特·布拉坦和他可靠的蒸发器，约摄于 1937 年。
Walter Brattain with his trusty evaporator, about 1937.
注意力的焦点现在转移到解释实际普通物质的行为上。物理学家开始应用新的理论框架，并使用各种近似方法来完成冗长而复杂的数学计算。就像一套优雅但不合身的西装一样，理论也必须进行裁剪以适应实际情况。每种物质的特性。
The focus of attention now shifted to explaining the behavior of actual mundane substances. Physicists began applying the new theoretical framework, using various approximations that allowed them to complete the long, difficult mathematical calculations involved. Like an elegant but ill-fitting suit, theory had to be tailored to accommodate the idiosyncracies of each substance.
1933年对欧洲政治而言也是至关重要的一年，因为那一年阿道夫·希特勒成为了德国总理。这位心怀不满的前陆军下士，曾在海森堡和泡利还在索末菲研究所求学时，领导了一场近乎滑稽的慕尼黑政变，最终获得了他梦寐以求的绝对权力。在国会纵火案及其后的……对犹太人的抵制导致犹太知识分子大规模外流，主要目的地是英国和美国。爱因斯坦在那一年离开，随后是贝特、布洛赫、佩尔斯以及许多其他奠定现代物理学基础的科学家。随着他们的离开，固体物理学的重心从德国向西转移，并且再也没有回到德国。
And 1933 was pivotal in European politics, too, for in that year Adolf Hitler became chancellor of Germany. The disgruntled former army corporal, leader of an almost laughable putsch in Munich at the time when Heisenberg and Pauli were students at Sommerfeld’s institute, finally achieved the absolute power he craved. After the Reichstag fire and the subsequent boycott of the Jews, a swelling exodus of Jewish intellectuals began, mainly to Britain and the United States. Einstein departed that year, followed by Bethe, Bloch, Peierls, and many other scientists who had laid the foundations of modern physics. With their departure the center of gravity for solid-state physics moved westward from Germany, never to return.
在美国，这个新领域在普林斯顿大学和麻省理工学院，这种理论扎根很深。在那里，尤金·维格纳和约翰·斯莱特召集了一批研究生，开始将强大的能带理论应用于特定物质，例如……例如钠和氯化钠。推测性的欧陆理论与务实的美国实用主义相结合，产生了对金属、合金和……行为更为丰富、更为定量的理解。其他固体材料。
In the United States the new field grew deep roots at Princeton and MIT. There, Eugene Wigner and John Slater gathered groups of graduate students to begin applying the powerful band theory to specific substances such as sodium and sodium chloride. Speculative Continental theory mated with hardheaded American pragmatism to produce as offspring a much richer, more quantitative understanding of the behavior of metals, alloys, and other solid materials.
贝尔实验室的高管们意识到，这门新兴学科可能会对员工们正在进行的以产品为导向的研究产生重大影响。默文·凯利是一位物理学博士，曾任真空管部门负责人直至1936年，他开始设想用固态元件来替代当时数百万个笨重且容易出故障的真空管和机电开关。在庞大的贝尔系统中，他与研究主管奥利弗·巴克利一起，力图让公司更深入地参与到固态物理领域。
Executives at Bell Labs recognized that the emerging discipline could have a major impact on the product-oriented research their employees were pursuing. Mervin Kelly, a Ph.D. physicist who headed the vacuum-tube department until 1936, began to dream of solid-state components to substitute for the millions of bulky, balky vacuum tubes and electromechanical switches used in the sprawling Bell system. With research director Oliver Buckley, he sought to get the company more deeply involved in solid-state physics.
但他们的计划却因缺乏对量子力学有深入理解的物理学家而受阻。贝尔实验室的员工只能尝试自学这些新概念——参加“业余时间”课程和自学项目。大萧条时期缩短的工作周——只能部分弥补这一缺口。量子力学涉及一种全新的、令人费解的世界观。而且，它以抽象的数学形式表达，自学起来极其困难。
But their plans were dogged by the lack of physicists with anything more than a rudimentary understanding of quantum mechanics. Attempts on the part of Bell Labs employees to learn the new ideas on their own—in “out of hours” courses and self-study programs during the Depression-shortened workweek—filled the gap only partially. Quantum mechanics involved a radically new and bewildering worldview. And it was expressed in an abstract mathematical formalism that was extremely difficult to master on one’s own.
凯利需要从加州理工学院、麻省理工学院和普林斯顿大学的固态物理学项目中聘请一些新近获得博士学位的物理学家。这些人是他认为，这些人能够为实验室注入活力，并开展固体量子理论的研究工作。但大萧条时期的招聘冻结使他无法做到这一点，直到1936年冻结解除，他才接替巴克利担任研究主任。他尝试理解固态器件，例如贝克尔和布拉坦对氧化铜整流器的研究，但进展并不顺利。基本上，这就是贝尔实验室当时所能调集的全部力量了。
Kelly needed to hire some of the recently trained Ph.D. physicists from the solid-state programs at Cal Tech, MIT, and Princeton. These were the people, he figured, who could inject vigorous new blood into the laboratory and do research work on the quantum theory of solids. But a Depression hiring freeze prevented him from doing this until it was finally lifted in 1936, the year he replaced Buckley as research director. Stumbling attempts to understand solid-state devices, such as Becker and Brattain’s efforts on copper-oxide rectifiers, were essentially all Bell Labs could muster until then.
威廉·肖克利懒散地倚在1929年款德索托敞篷跑车的驾驶座上，沿着尘土飞扬的66号公路飞驰在新墨西哥州，干燥的沙漠风吹拂着他长长的波浪卷发。坐在他旁边的是弗雷德里克·塞茨，一位斯坦福大学毕业生，也是他的物理系同学，他同意和肖克利一起驾车横跨美国。那是1932年9月。赫伯特·胡佛和……之间的总统竞选正在进行中。纽约州州长富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福的政治影响力日渐增强，但这些无忧无虑的年轻人却在西部各州几乎感受不到任何影响。他们正准备前往东海岸的研究生院深造——赛茨将回到普林斯顿大学继续他的第二年学业，而肖克利则将前往麻省理工学院开始他的研究生生涯。
William Shockley slouched at the wheel of his 1929 DeSoto roadster, speeding across New Mexico on dusty Route 66, the dry desert wind whipping through his long, wavy hair. At his side rode Frederick Seitz, a Stanford graduate and fellow physics student who had agreed to drive cross-country with him. It was September 1932. The election campaign between Herbert Hoover and New York governor Franklin Delano Roosevelt was heating up, but the carefree young men saw little evidence of it in the western states. They were headed for East Coast graduate schools—Seitz returning for his second year at Princeton and Shockley to begin at MIT.
从他们身边驶过的另一边，几辆破旧的T型福特汽车和其他一些装满家具和农具的破旧汽车嘎嘎作响地驶过。随着大萧条的加剧，越来越多的农民放弃了农场，带着家人和仅剩的几件家当向西迁徙，希望在加利福尼亚这片应许之地找到更好的生活。当人们看到肖克利的车牌时，脸上都露出了灿烂的笑容，并向他挥手致意。不久之后，一片广袤的沙尘暴将吞噬大平原的大片区域，而这涓涓细流……大量外来务工人员将涌入，形成洪流。
Past them in the other direction clattered a few decrepit Model T Fords and other jalopies piled with furniture and farm implements. As the Depression deepened, an increasing number of farmers were abandoning their farms and heading west with their families and a few remaining possessions toward a hoped-for better life in the Promised Land of California. Broad smiles broke out, and people waved when they spotted Shockley’s licence plate. Soon a vast dust bowl would swallow huge stretches of the Great Plains, and this trickle of migrant farmers would swell to a flood.
去年六月，比尔刚从加州理工学院本科毕业。他期待着回到父亲的母校继续攻读物理学。身材高挑、冷静沉着、金发碧眼的赛茨很快意识到，他这位直言不讳的年轻旅伴“深受当时好莱坞文化的影响，自诩为一名十字军战士” 。介于道格拉斯·费尔班克斯（Douglas Fairbanks, Sr.）和斗牛犬德拉蒙德（Bulldog Drummond）之间，或许还带点罗纳德·科尔曼（Ronald Colman）的影子。”弗雷德几乎无法发表评论，尤其是在政治方面。比尔会谈论当时的社会和经济问题，而不会引用好莱坞演员的观点和言论。此外，赛茨回忆说，他还在手套箱里放了一把上了膛的手枪：“我当时很擅长用步枪，但看起来……”带着一把上了膛的手枪旅行数千英里，这让人感到疑惑。
The previous June Bill had finished undergraduate studies at Cal Tech. He looked forward to continuing his studies of physics at his father’s alma mater. Tall, cool, and unflappable, the fair-haired Seitz soon recognized that his outspoken young traveling companion was “strongly influenced by the Hollywood culture of the day, fancying himself a cross between Douglas Fairbanks, Sr. and Bulldog Drummond, with perhaps a dash of Ronald Colman.” Fred could hardly make a comment, especially on the political, social, and economic issues of the day, without Bill citing the opinions and pronouncements of Hollywood actors. In addition, he kept a loaded pistol in the glove compartment, Seitz remembers: “I was handy with a rifle at the time but looked askance at traveling thousands of miles in the company of a loaded pistol.”
在绕道前往该州东南角的卡尔斯巴德洞窟后，两人向东驶入德克萨斯州，在接近佩科斯河时遭遇暴雨。道路被一英尺深的泥水淹没，他们只好把德索托车停在一处地势较高的地方，试图搭车。他们几乎没怎么睡。远处郊狼的嚎叫声让他们彻夜难眠。最终，比尔再也忍受不了了。他抓起手枪，大步走进夜色中，朝着郊狼的方向胡乱开了几枪。第二天早上，疲惫不堪的两人在路边商店加油时，一个神色紧张的店员警告他们要小心。他刚从警长那里得知，“附近有两个亡命之徒在逃”。
After a detour to Carlsbad Caverns in the southeast corner of the state, the pair headed east into Texas, where they were surprised by torrential rains as they approached the Pecos River. With the road disappearing beneath a foot of mud and water, they parked the DeSoto on a bit of high ground and attempted to catch a little sleep. But coyotes howling in the distance kept them awake. Finally, Bill could take it no longer. He grabbed the pistol and strode off into the night, firing a few wild shots in their direction. The next morning, as the weary pair bought gas at a roadside store, an edgy attendant warned them to be careful. He had just heard from the sheriff that “two desperadoes were loose in the area.”
接下来的旅程同样精彩纷呈。在参观完肯塔基洞穴后，他们在一条狭窄的山路上险些与一辆卡车迎面相撞，差点就冲下陡峭的悬崖。之后，他们继续途经俄亥俄州和宾夕法尼亚州，最终抵达新泽西州，并在一轮满月的照耀下，来到了优雅而充满哥特风情的普林斯顿。
The rest of the trip proved equally eventful. After stopping to visit the Kentucky Caves, they barely avoided a head-on collision with a truck on a narrow mountain road, coming inches from driving off a steep cliff. Then they continuted on through Ohio and Pennsylvania to New Jersey, finally arriving in genteel, gothic Princeton by the light of a full moon.
他们在那里度过了一个舒适的夜晚。肖克利稍作休息，第二天早上挥手告别，沿着1号公路向北驶往波士顿。但在途经泽西市时，他被警察拦下。警察看到他开着敞篷的炫酷德索托，瞥了一眼他的皮夹克和贝雷帽，看到了他的外州驾照，“认定他是个可疑人物”，赛茨回忆道。手枪最终让他下了定论。在威胁之后，肖克利在监狱里待了一夜后，法官最终释放了他——但没收了他的枪。
There they got a comfortable night’s rest before Shockley waved good-bye the next morning and headed north on Route 1 toward Boston. But on his way through Jersey City, he was detained by police, who spotted him driving his racy DeSoto with the top down; they glanced at his leather jacket and beret, saw his out-of-state license, and “pegged him to be a suspicious character,” Seitz recalled. The pistol clinched the matter. After threatening Shockley with a night in jail, a judge finally let him go—but without the gun.
9月15日，他抵达波士顿，暂住在联合俱乐部，同时寻找出租的房间。第二天，他驱车穿过查尔斯河，前往位于剑桥工业区旁的麻省理工学院。“风从肥皂厂或糖果厂吹来，那里的伊士曼大楼看起来就像一座工厂。”“建造。”肖克利开始想，他应该留在普林斯顿。
On September 15 he reached Boston, where he stayed at the Union Club while looking for a room to rent. The next day he drove across the Charles River to MIT, located next to Cambridge’s industrial district, “with the wind blowing from the soap or candy factory, and the Eastman Building there looking like a factory building.” Shockley began to think he should have stayed at Princeton.
一周后，他在剑桥一条爱尔兰裔居民聚居的街道上找到了一间便宜舒适的房间，这条街“周围都是破败不堪、黑人聚居的街道”。房间离麻省理工学院很近，每周只需4美元，外加每月3美元的德索托汽车停车费。近年来股市崩盘后，他的信托基金几乎耗尽了他的所有积蓄。他已故的父亲耗尽了他的积蓄。因此，他不得不谨慎行事，努力依靠每月77美元的微薄津贴（由于经济大萧条，这笔津贴本身也减少了）作为助教的生活。
A week later, he settled on a cheap, comfortable room in Cambridge on “an Irish street . . . surrounded by rather impossible streets, negro and ramshackle.” A short walk from MIT, the room cost only $4 a week plus $3 a month for parking his DeSoto. After the stockmarket collapse of recent years, the trust fund left him by his deceased father had been badly depleted. So he had to be prudent and try to live within his meager stipend of $77 a month (which had itself been reduced because of the Depression) as a teaching assistant.
1932年，肖克利在亚利桑那沙漠喝水。
Shockley drinking water in the Arizona desert, 1932.
肖克利来到麻省理工学院时，决心要学习量子力学。他曾在加州理工学院接触过这门学科，当时他选修了一门理论物理课程，授课教授是威廉·休斯顿，一位年轻的助理教授，曾在慕尼黑与索末菲一起研究金属的电子理论。肖克利还在斯坦福大学选修过达罗教授的原子物理课程。1929年夏天，他在老朋友兼导师珀利·罗斯的实验室里进行X射线实验。第二年夏天，他陪同罗斯前往康奈尔大学参加一个物理学会议，在那里他聆听了威廉·亨利·布拉格爵士关于X射线和晶体结构的演讲。
Shockley came to MIT determined to learn quantum mechanics. He had encountered the subject at Cal Tech in a theoretical-physics course taught by William Houston, a young assistant professor who had worked on the electron theory of metals with Sommerfeld in Munich. Shockley had also taken a course on atomic physics given by Darrow at Stanford during the summer of 1929, while performing X-ray experiments in the laboratory of his old friend and mentor, Perley Ross. The following summer, he accompanied Ross to a physics conference at Cornell, where he listened to Sir William Henry Bragg lecture about X-rays and crystal structure.
肖克利的想象力受到了莱纳斯·鲍林的启发，鲍林是另一位在索末菲公司工作的美国物理学家。鲍林后来成为该研究所的研究员（并最终因其在原子化学键方面的开创性研究而获得诺贝尔奖）。在鲍林大学三年级的一天，他把这位前途无量的年轻物理学家叫到一边，建议他自学量子力学，并阅读相关资料。保罗·狄拉克撰写了一本关于此主题的新书。肖克利对狄拉克简洁的形式体系和推导的优美之处印象深刻。但他不确定自己是否学会了如何计算与现实世界相关的任何事物。
Shockley’s imagination was fired by Linus Pauling, another American physicist who worked at Sommerfeld’s institute (and was eventually awarded a Nobel prize for his groundbreaking research on the chemical bonding of atoms). Pauling took the promising young physicist aside one day in the latter’s junior year and suggested he study quantum mechanics on his own, reading a new book on the subject written by Paul Dirac. Shockley was impressed by the beauty of Dirac’s compact formalism and derivations, but he was not sure he had learned how to calculate much of anything related to the real world.
在麻省理工学院，他最初考虑在菲利普·莫尔斯教授（教授他量子力学课程的教授）的指导下撰写博士论文。但他最终选择与物理系主任约翰·斯莱特合作，斯莱特“建议他以氯化钠（即食盐）中的波函数为研究对象”。斯莱特是一位性格内向的人。他是一位圆脸男子，后来成为美国理论物理学兴起的领军人物。20世纪20年代，他曾在欧洲与玻尔、海森堡和泡利共事，之后回到美国，决心使美国成为该领域的全球强国。他本质上是一位实用主义者，开始将新近发展的量子力学应用于物质研究。
At MIT he first considered writing his dissertation under Philip Morse, the professor who taught his quantum-mechanics course. But he opted instead to work with John Slater, the chairman of the Physics Department, who “suggested doing a thesis on wave functions in sodium chloride”—common table salt. Slater was a quiet, round-faced man who became a leading force in the emergence of American theoretical physics. During the 1920s he had worked in Europe with Bohr, Heisenberg, and Pauli before returning to the United States determined to make it a world power in his field. A pragmatist at heart, he began applying the new quantum mechanics to the study of matter.
美国物理学家的一个显著特点与欧洲同行不同的是，美国物理学家更注重实际应用。当玻尔、爱因斯坦、海森堡和薛定谔就量子力学的哲学意义展开无休止的讨论和激烈的辩论时，斯莱特、范弗莱克和其他美国物理学家则主要将其视为一种强大的新工具，最终使他们能够计算出详细的物理行为和性质。复杂的原子、分子和晶体。然而，要做到这一点，就需要进行粗略的近似，以便评估薛定谔著名方程中出现的那些优美但深奥的数学表达式。
One characteristic that distinguished American physicists from their European counterparts was this emphasis on practical applications. While Bohr, Einstein, Heisenberg, and Schrödinger enjoyed endless discussions and heated debates about the philosophical implications of quantum mechanics, Slater, Van Vleck, and other U.S. physicists employed it mostly as a powerful new tool that finally let them calculate the detailed behavior and properties of complex atoms, molecules, and crystals. To do so, however, involved making rough approximations in order to evaluate the beautiful but esoteric mathematical expressions that cropped up in Schrödinger’s famous equation.
受古典传统的束缚，欧洲人不愿采取如此粗暴而务实的措施，而是宁愿继续沉浸于纯粹的崇高境界。理论。例如，在评价鲁道夫·佩尔斯的一项此类计算时，泡利将其斥为“污垢效应”，声称“人不应该沉溺于污垢之中”。1932年春，剑桥大学物理学家詹姆斯·查德威克发现了中子，从而揭开了原子核的神秘面纱，此后，许多欧洲物理学的领军人物开始在这个奇特的新领域展开研究，将原子核抛在了身后。原子、分子以及新兴的“固态”物理学领域中更为复杂的细节，需要他们那些步履蹒跚的美国同行去弄明白。
Constrained by their classical traditions, Europeans were reluctant to take such crude, pragmatic steps, preferring instead to continue dwelling in the lofty heights of pure theory. In evaluating one such calculation by Rudolf Peierls, for example, Pauli dismissed it as “a dirt effect,” claiming “one shouldn’t wallow in dirt.” After Cambridge University physicist James Chadwick discovered the neutron in the spring of 1932, thus cracking open the atomic nucleus, many of the leading lights of European physics began working in this exotic new domain, leaving behind the messier details of atomic, molecular, and the emerging field of “solid state” physics for their plodding American colleagues to figure out.
1930年，斯莱特从哈佛大学来到麻省理工学院，聚集了一群积极进取的研究生。在他们的帮助下，他开始运用威尔逊的能带理论形式和“胞状”近似法来估算碱金属及其化合物的能量。该方法起源于 1932-1933 年，由塞茨和他的论文导师尤金·维格纳提出。维格纳是一位匈牙利理论家，他一年中有半年时间在普林斯顿大学，另一半年时间在柏林大学。
Arriving at MIT from Harvard in 1930, Slater gathered about him a group of enterprising graduate students. With their aid he began to estimate the energies of alkali metals and compounds using Wilson’s band-theory formalism and a “cellular” approximation method originated in 1932–1933 by Seitz and his thesis adviser, Eugene Wigner, a Hungarian theorist who had been spending half the year at Princeton and the other half at the University of Berlin.
维格纳-塞茨法是一种穷举法，用于计算晶体材料的结合能和其他性质。你将晶体概念化为原子状“单元”的阵列，每个都包含一个原子核内有一个正离子，周围漂移着一个电子，该电子仅受原子核电场的影响。利用这个初始近似，你求解了薛定谔方程；然后，你又进行了另一轮类似的计算，直到计算结果收敛到一个“自洽”的答案。
The Wigner-Seitz method was a brute-force procedure used to calculate the binding energy and other properties of crystalline materials. You conceptualized the crystal as an array of atomlike “cells,” each one containing a single positive ion at its core and a single electron drifting about, influenced only by the electric field of this core. Using this initial approximation, you solved the Schrödinger equation; this result then formed the basis of another round of such calculations, which you repeated until they converged on a “self-consistent” answer.
虽然方法粗糙，但他们的方法奏效了。塞茨回忆说，他首先对金属钠进行计算，这些繁琐的计算“必须用一台老式门罗计算器逐点完成，那台计算器嘎嘎作响，发出砰砰的响声”。尽管存在诸多近似值，以至于“很难认真地接受这些数值结果”，但斯莱特承认，“他们首次提供了一种可用于估算实际能带的实用方法”。晶体。”
However crude, their approach worked. Seitz remembered that its tedious calculations, which he performed first for metallic sodium, “had to be done point by point with an old Monroe calculator that rattled and banged.” Although there were so many approximations that it was “hard to accept the numerical results very seriously,” Slater allowed that “for the first time they had given a useable method for estimating energy bands in actual crystals.”
斯莱特和肖克利组成了一对不太搭调的组合。这位教授性格冷漠僵硬，深受新英格兰和欧洲知识分子的影响，他常常对这位来自南加州、性格张扬的研究生自作聪明、趾高气扬感到恼火。肖克利喜欢捉弄同学，炫耀自己的魔术，还喜欢和他们一起探索波士顿的下水道系统。但肖克利最终还是成功了。他之所以能忍受三年的学徒生涯，或许是因为两人鲜有交流。“斯莱特是一位非常疏远的论文导师，”他评论道。
Slater and Shockley made an unlikely team. A cold, rigid man with deep New England and European intellectual roots, the professor was often chagrined by the smart-aleck bravado of his flamboyant southern California grad student, who enjoyed playing practical jokes on his fellow students, showing off his magic tricks, and exploring the Boston sewer system with them. But Shockley managed to endure his three-year apprenticeship, perhaps because the two had little interaction. “Slater was a very distant thesis professor,” he remarked.
肖克利的博士研究运用维格纳-塞茨法估算氯化钠的能带结构，氯化钠是一种由等量的钠离子和氯离子以有序晶格堆叠而成的化合物。“该论文的主要内容是……”他承认，“这确实需要长时间坐下来运行计算机器。”但这本质上是首次尝试将能带理论应用于化合物而非钠等纯元素。肖克利评估了电子量子波如何在普通食盐晶体中流动（或者更准确地说，是涓流）。“我画出了第一幅逼真的图。”“这是真实晶体中计算出的复杂能带图像，”他吹嘘道。
Shockley’s Ph.D. research involved using the Wigner-Seitz method to estimate the energy bands for sodium chloride, a compound in which equal numbers of sodium and chlorine ions are stacked in an orderly crystal lattice. “The main essence of that thesis,” he acknowledged, “was really the discipline of sitting down and running calculating machines for a very long period of time.” But it was essentially the first attempt to apply band theory to a compound rather than a pure element such as sodium. Shockley evaluated how quantum waves of electrons flowed (or, better yet, trickled) through a crystal of ordinary table salt. “I drew the first realistic pictures of energy bands in—actually calculated complex energy bands for—a real crystal,” he bragged.
乍一看，普林斯顿似乎与麻省理工学院 截然不同。这所古老而 优雅的大学自诩为美国未来文化、政治和科学领袖的摇篮。“你必须时刻系着领带，”赛茨回忆道。数学和物理系的研究生们必须参加在费恩大厅举行的下午茶会。费恩大厅是一座装饰华丽的新建筑，是数学系的所在地。它拥有“精雕细琢的木镶板和描绘数学和物理学著名方程式的彩色玻璃窗”。每天下午4点半，“所有能走路或拄拐杖的人都会聚集在所谓的社交室里，花大约20分钟到半小时聊天”。这晚上，住在研究生院的学生们身穿黑色长袍，列队前往普罗克特大厅吃晚饭；在驻院院长用拉丁语诵读祈祷词后，他们才开始用餐。
AT FIRST GLANCE, Princeton seemed a world apart from MIT. This courtly old university considered itself to be educating the future cultural, political, and scientific leaders of the United States. “You were expected to wear a tie at all times,” Seitz recalls. Graduate students in math and physics had to attend the afternoon teas in Fine Hall, an ornate new building housing the Mathematics Department. It had “richly carved wood panelling and stained-glass windows depicting famous equations from both mathematics and physics.” Each afternoon at 4:30, “everyone who could walk or go on crutches met in what was called the social room and spent about 20 minutes to a half hour talking.” In the evening the students who lived at the Graduate College marched to dinner in Proctor Hall wearing long, black academic gowns; they began eating only after a Latin invocation intoned by the Master in Residence.
为了加强数学和物理系的实力，普林斯顿大学开始吸引一些欧洲顶尖的青年才俊。其中一位早期引进的学者是维格纳，他与儿时好友共同担任该系的职位。数学奇才约翰·冯·诺伊曼。“他们在普林斯顿度过了秋季学期，剩下的时间都在欧洲，”赛茨说。但这种舒适的安排很快就改变了。“1933年2月初，当维格纳收拾行李准备返回德国时，传来消息说，冯·兴登堡总统任命阿道夫·希特勒为德国总理。”不到一年，冯·诺伊曼和维格纳都……已成为普林斯顿大学的全职教授。
To bolster its math and physics departments, Princeton began attracting some of the leading young men from Europe. One early catch was Wigner, who shared a position with his boyhood chum, the math wizard John von Neumann. “They spent the autumn semester at Princeton and the remainder of the year in Europe,” said Seitz. But that cozy arrangement soon changed. “When Wigner was packing his bags to return to Germany in early February of 1933, the news broke that President von Hindenburg had appointed Adolf Hitler the Chancellor in Germany.” Within a year both von Neumann and Wigner had become full-time professors at Princeton.
为了给蜂拥而至的难民科学家提供庇护，普林斯顿大学在范恩楼建立了高等研究院。其中最著名的成员无疑是留着蓬乱头发、穿着宽松裤子的爱因斯坦，当时他已步入创作生涯的暮年，但仍是物理学界为数不多的世界级人物之一。他于1933年末抵达普林斯顿，很快就被……他注意到人们都在摆架子。“这个社区里有些人靠踩高跷来提升自己的地位，”他评论道。
To provide a haven for the surging flood of refugee scientists, Princeton established the Institute for Advanced Study in Fine Hall. By far its most famous member was the shaggyhaired, baggypantsed Einstein, then in the autumn of his productive years but one of the few world-renowned figures in physics. Arriving in late 1933, he was quickly put off by all the posturing he encountered. “Some of the people in this community gain stature by walking on stilts,” he remarked.
尽管表面上存在差异，但麻省理工学院和普林斯顿大学的物理系实际上联系紧密。1930年，普林斯顿大学物理系主任、亚瑟·H·康普顿的哥哥卡尔·T·康普顿成为麻省理工学院的新任校长。他致力于建立……他提拔物理系教授，从哈佛挖走了斯莱特，又从普林斯顿挖走了莫尔斯。教授和研究生频繁的交流和互访，在剑桥和普林斯顿的科学家之间建立了牢固的联盟。“上上个周末，我和一群理论物理学家去了普林斯顿，”肖克利在1932年末写信给母亲说。“这在两地之间似乎是一种惯例。他们去年来过这里。
Despite the outward differences, however, there were actually close ties between the MIT and Princeton Physics departments. In 1930 Karl T. Compton, the older brother of Arthur H. Compton and chairman of physics at Princeton, became the new president of MIT. Intent on building up his physics faculty, he lured Slater away from Harvard and Morse from Princeton. Frequent exchanges and visits of professors and graduate students bred strong alliances between the Cambridge and Princeton scientists. “I went down to Princeton weekend before last with a bunch of theoretical physicists,” Shockley wrote his mother in late 1932. “It is sort of a custom between there and here. They came here last year.”
1933年初，一位安静谦逊的新研究生出现在普林斯顿大学校园里。他最初注册的是数学系，但实际上却对物理学很感兴趣。约翰·巴丁刚刚离开他在匹兹堡海湾研究实验室的地球物理学领域，在那里他从事地球物理学方面的工作，并利用地球内部的微小变形来开发石油勘探技术。利用磁场探测地下结构。“他看似冷静或务实的举止，掩盖了他那一代人中最强大、最坚定的分析头脑之一，”塞茨回忆道。“巴丁的知识和智慧很快赢得了所有与他接触过的人的尊重和钦佩。他看似吝啬地将自己的才能像珍贵的金块一样慷慨地分享出来。”方式，这是他特有的举止。”
In early 1933 a quiet, unassuming new graduate student appeared on the Princeton scene, enrolling at first in the Mathematics Department but thinking seriously about physics. John Bardeen had just left a promising career in geophysics at the Gulf Research Laboratories in Pittsburgh, where he was developing techniques for oil prospecting using tiny distortions in the earth’s magnetic field to detect subterranean structures. “His apparently phlegmatic or matter-of-fact demeanor masked one of the most powerful and determined analytical minds of our generation,” Seitz remembered. “Bardeen’s knowledge and wisdom quickly won him the respect and admiration of everyone who came in contact with him. He doled out his talents like precious nuggets in a seemingly parsimonious way, characteristic of his manner.”
巴丁高中毕业后留在麦迪逊，在威斯康星大学攻读电气工程专业。他并不想像父亲那样成为一名学者，至少一开始不想，所以他选择这个专业是因为它的就业前景好，而且他听说这个专业“运用了很多数学”，而他很喜欢数学。因为他发现标准他最初选修的课程相当琐碎，但很快他就开始学习数学高级课程和物理进阶课程。
Bardeen had remained in Madison after high school and pursued studies in electrical engineering at the University of Wisconsin. He did not want to be an academic like his father, at least not at first, so he picked the subject for its good employment prospects and because he heard that it “used a lot of mathematics,” which he loved. Since he found the standard courses rather trivial, he soon began taking advanced courses in math and additional courses in physics.
约翰刚上大学一年级时只有十五岁，不顾父亲的反对加入了Pi Kappa Alpha兄弟会，并用自己打扑克赢来的钱支付了会费。他住在家里，但经常去兄弟会吃饭、参加社交活动，通常只是和其他成员闲逛、喝酒。啤酒、扑克牌和台球。他还擅长游泳和水球。兄弟会生活似乎激发了巴丁截然不同、更加桀骜不驯的一面。一次与Pi Kappa Alpha兄弟会的其他成员遭遇车祸，受了轻伤。由于在医院等待治疗，他越来越烦躁，最终他跳起来，跺着脚，大喊：“我父亲是医学院院长！”我需要服务！
Only fifteen years old as a freshman, John joined the Pi Kappa Alpha fraternity over his father’s objections, paying the fees by himself from his poker winnings. He lived at home but often ate dinners and socialized at the fraternity, usually just hanging out with the other guys, drinking beer, playing cards, and shooting pool. He also lettered in swimming and water polo. Fraternity life appeared to bring out a different, rowdier side of Bardeen. Slightly injured in a car crash with other Pi Kappa Alphans and getting increasingly upset at having to wait for medical treatment at the hospital, he finally jumped up, stomped his feet, and shouted, “My father’s the Dean of Medicine, and I want service!”
1926年，他在芝加哥的西部电气工厂找到了一份暑期工，负责开发质量控制的检验方法。他非常喜欢这份工作，于是留到了秋季学期，结果因为缺少一些获得学士学位所需的工程课程，不得不晚一年毕业，直到1928年才毕业。
In 1926 he took a summer job at the Western Electric plant in Chicago, developing inspection methods for quality control. He liked the work so much that he stayed on into the fall semester and had to graduate a year late, in 1928, because he lacked a few engineering courses needed for a bachelor’s degree.
之后，约翰一直留在威斯康星大学，直到1930年获得硕士学位。他获得了电气工程学位，并攻读物理学研究生课程。在此期间，他开始学习量子力学，课程由布拉坦在明尼苏达州的老教授范·弗莱克教授讲授，范·弗莱克教授于1928年来到威斯康星州。1929年春天，狄拉克访问麦迪逊，举办了一系列关于量子力学的讲座，巴丁深受启发，甚至考虑转专业。相反，他们从事物理学研究。
After that John remained at Wisconsin until 1930, obtaining a master’s degree in electrical engineering and taking graduate courses in physics. During this time he began to study quantum mechanics in a course taught by Brattain’s old Minnesota professor Van Vleck, who had come to Wisconsin in 1928. Dirac visited Madison in the spring of 1929, giving a series of lectures on quantum mechanics that Bardeen found so stimulating he considered switching his major and instead doing research in physics.
然而，到了找工作的时候，巴丁务实的性格战胜了他对物理学日益增长的热爱。1930年夏天，他接受了海湾石油公司的聘用，该公司当时正在匹兹堡建立一个研究实验室。贝尔实验室原本可能提供的工作机会，但由于该公司实施了招聘冻结，最终未能实现。抑郁时期。在海湾石油公司，他与他在威斯康星大学的论文导师利奥·彼得斯一起从事地球物理学研究，分析地球磁场图以确定石油矿藏的可能位置。
When it came time to look for a job, however, Bardeen’s practical nature won out over his growing love of physics. He accepted an offer in the summer of 1930 from the Gulf Oil Company, which was establishing a research laboratory in Pittsburgh. A potential job offer from Bell Labs failed to materialize when the company instituted a hiring freeze because of the Depression. At Gulf he worked on geophysics with his old Wisconsin thesis adviser, Leo Peters, analyzing maps of the earth’s magnetic field to determine the likely locations of oil deposits.
但三年来一直困在狭小办公室的办公桌前，巴丁厌倦了这种日复一日的例行工作，开始寻求更大的挑战。一位曾试图劝他留在海湾石油的老朋友回忆说，他当时转过身……他转过身，指着黑板说：“我受够了坐在这间小办公室里，盯着这该死的黑板和这四面墙！我要回学校读博士！”
But after three years cooped up at a desk in a small office, Bardeen, bored with this routine, sought greater challenges. An old friend who tried to talk him into staying at Gulf recalls that he swiveled around in his chair and pointed at his blackboard. “I’m tired of sitting here in this little office, staring at the same damn blackboard and the same four walls,” he snapped. “I’m going back to school and get my doctorate!”
巴丁只申请了普林斯顿大学，而普林斯顿很快就录取了他。“我选择普林斯顿是因为那里有杰出的数学系和数学研究所。”“那里有高等研究项目，”他说。“那里汇聚了世界上一些顶尖的数学家和一些理论物理学领域的领军人物。”
Princeton, the only place Bardeen applied, quickly accepted him. “I picked Princeton because there was an outstanding mathematics department there as well as the Institute for Advanced Study,” he said. “They had some of the leading mathematicians in the world and some of the leaders in theoretical physics.”
在考虑了其他选择之后，巴丁加入了维格纳手下的小团队。他很快和赛茨成了好朋友，两人经常在普罗克特大厅的长餐桌旁一起吃饭。他们偶尔也会和其他几位同学一起度过晚上。一群学生和一两位教授在拿骚旅馆喝啤酒，讨论物理学中的最新问题。
After considering other options, Bardeen joined the small group of students working under Wigner. He became fast friends with Seitz, with whom he often shared meals at the long dining tables in Proctor Hall. They occasionally spent evenings with several other students and one or two professors, drinking beer at the Nassau Inn and discussing current problems in physics.
巴丁在普林斯顿结识的另一位物理学家是沃尔特·布拉顿的弟弟罗伯特，他也于1933年开始攻读研究生学位。“约翰是我的保龄球搭档，也是我的桥牌对手，”罗伯特说道。20世纪30年代中期，罗伯特利用周末去纽约探望哥哥的机会，将约翰介绍给了他。老布拉坦当时正在研究氧化铜整流器。“沃尔特时不时会打电话给我在普林斯顿的办公室，说：‘找个人过来周末打桥牌，’”罗伯特回忆道。“我们一直打到大家都困得不行才睡着。然后我们睡一会儿，起来吃点东西，再继续打桥牌。”
Another physicist Bardeen befriended at Princeton was Walter Brattain’s brother Robert, who also began graduate study in 1933. “John was my bowling partner and bridge enemy,” Robert declared. He introduced John to his brother on a weekend visit to New York during the mid-1930s, when the elder Brattain was working on copper-oxide rectifiers. “Every once in awhile, Walter would call me up down at Princeton and say, ‘Get somebody and come up and play bridge for the weekend,’” Robert recalled. “We played until everybody got so sleepy that they went to sleep. Then we’d sleep for awhile, get up, eat something and play bridge.”
巴丁在他的博士论文中试图计算通过扩展维格纳和塞茨开发的胞元法，计算出了钠的逸出功——即从金属内部深处提取一个电子所需的能量。这个问题涉及类似的繁琐计算，需要花费数小时在笨重的手持计算器上敲击键盘。一位同学回忆起当时的沮丧：“看到如此聪明的头脑竟然深陷于如此繁琐的计算中。”
For his dissertation Bardeen attempted to calculate the work function for sodium—the energy input required to extract an electron from deep inside the metal—by extending the cellular method developed by Wigner and Seitz. This problem involved similar tedious calculations that required hours of punching on a clunky hand calculator. One fellow student recalled his distress “at seeing so obviously intelligent a mind bogged down in such a messy calculation.”
为了正确解决这个问题，巴丁不得不面对电子的量子行为。他无法回避这个问题。例如，由于电子的波动性，钠内部大量振动的导电电子会略微超出金属表面，从而形成一层狭窄的负电荷表面层。此外，由于泡利不相容原理，这种“分区规律”……这使得两个电子无法占据相同的量子态，内层电子还有一种额外的倾向，即避开这层表面层，并被束缚在金属内部。当然，这些都是大师会嗤之以鼻的琐碎“污垢效应”。但在任何对电子逸出功进行实际的量子力学计算时，都必须考虑这些因素。
To solve the problem correctly, Bardeen had to wrestle with the quantum behavior of the electrons. He couldn’t avoid it. Because of their wave nature, for example, the vast sea of conduction electrons jittering around inside the sodium extends slightly beyond the metal surface, leading to a narrow surface layer of negative charge. And due to Pauli’s exclusion principle, the “zoning ordinance” that prevents two electrons from occupying the same quantum state, the inner electrons have an additional tendency to avoid this surface layer and stay trapped inside the metal. Of course, these were gritty “dirt effects” that the master would have sneered at. But they had to be faced in any realistic quantum-mechanical calculation of the electron’s work function.
金属表面自然形成的正负电荷双层。巴丁在计算钠的逸出功时考虑了这些表面层的影响。
The double layer of negative and positive charges that arises naturally at the surface of a metal. Bardeen included the effects of these surface layers in his calculations of the work function of sodium.
巴丁到 1935 年春季基本上已经完成了他的博士论文。但维格纳当时不在普林斯顿核对他的计算结果，而是回到了欧洲处理他在那里的事情。与此同时，约翰收到了哈佛大学的邀请，将于当年秋季加入其新成立的研究员协会，担任初级研究员。范·弗莱克从威斯康星州搬到哈佛后，为他这位昔日的学生精心策划了这次邀请，因为他认可约翰的能力和才智。这份研究员职位将提供每年1500美元的津贴，为期三年，外加洛厄尔宿舍的生活费，为他提供一个稳定可靠的住所。在大萧条时期，他得以继续自己的研究。“在当时，那是一笔非常可观的收入，”巴丁承认道。他接受了奖学金，并在年底完成了论文。
Bardeen had essentially completed his dissertation by the spring of 1935. But Wigner was not at Princeton to check his calculations, having returned to Europe to wrap up his affairs there. Meanwhile, John received an invitation from Harvard to join its new Society of Fellows that fall as a junior fellow. Having moved there from Wisconsin, Van Vleck had engineered the invitation for his former student, whose abilities and intelligence he recognized. The fellowship would pay $1,500 a year for three years plus living expenses at Lowell House, offering him a stable, secure base from which to continue his research in the midst of the Depression. “At that time, that was very good money,” Bardeen acknowledged. He accepted the fellowship and finished his thesis by year’s end.
在剑桥，他遇到了另一群志同道合的知识分子，他们致力于科学前沿的研究。这些人包括范·弗莱克、实验物理学家珀西·布里奇曼和哲学家阿尔弗雷德·诺思·怀特海。一位资深研究员经常与其他研究员一起吃饭。与巴丁结为好友的年轻研究员中，有一位是吉姆·菲斯克，他曾在麻省理工学院读研究生时与肖克利是好友。
In Cambridge he encountered another group of like-minded intellectuals working at the frontiers of the sciences. They included Van Vleck, experimental physicist Percy Bridgman, and philosopher Alfred North Whitehead, a senior fellow who frequently joined the other fellows for dinner. Among the junior fellows who befriended Bardeen was Jim Fisk, who was a buddy of Shockley’s while a graduate student at MIT.
搭乘公交车去城另一头的物理学家那里做固态物理研究非常方便。“我会和麻省理工学院的斯莱特交谈，也认识在那里读研究生的肖克利，”巴丁回忆道。“他对表面问题也很感兴趣。”事实上，巴丁经常和斯莱特的团队待在一起，以至于斯莱特开始把约翰视为自己的学生之一。
It was an easy matter to hop a bus to visit the physicists working on solid-state research across town. “I would talk to Slater at MIT, and knew Shockley who was a graduate student there,” recalled Bardeen. “He was interested in surface problems, too.” In fact, Bardeen hung around with Slater’s group so much that Slater began to regard John as one of his own students.
1935 年，约翰·巴丁是哈佛大学的一名初级研究员。
John Bardeen in 1935, when he was a junior fellow at Harvard.
在哈佛期间，他也有机会加深与简·麦克斯韦（Jane Maxwell）的感情。简是一位生物学家，他在匹兹堡认识了她，之后断断续续地交往了好几年。1937年，简接受了波士顿西郊韦尔斯利学院附近一所女子学校的教职。“在我大三最后一年，我经常见到她。”“他是个好伙伴，”巴丁回忆道。1938年7月，巴丁在哈佛大学完成最后一年的学业后，即将返回中西部，在明尼苏达大学担任物理学助理教授，两人结为夫妻。不出所料，范·弗莱克帮助他获得了这份工作，这也是他的第一份学术职位。
While at Harvard he also got the opportunity to deepen his relationship with Jane Maxwell, a biologist he had met in Pittsburgh and had been seeing off and on for several years. In 1937 she accepted a teaching job at a girl’s school near Wellesley College, just west of Boston. “I saw a great deal of her during my last year as a junior fellow,” Bardeen recalled. They married in July 1938, after he finished his final year at Harvard and before he headed back to the Midwest as an assistant professor of physics at Minnesota. Characteristically, Van Vleck had helped him obtain this job, his first academic position.
B ·阿丁 很 幸运能够重返物理学领域，并基本不受阻碍地追求自己的研究兴趣。正值经济大萧条时期。1933年他离开海湾大学前往普林斯顿大学时，该领域已遭受了严重的经济衰退。当时，无论是工业界还是学术界，工作机会都非常稀少。但到了1936年，遭受重创的美国经济开始复苏，这主要归功于罗斯福总统刺激经济的新政政策。“好日子又回来了”的口号响彻全国，罗斯福总统也凭借着满腔热情赢得了压倒性胜利。击败阿尔弗雷德·兰登，赢得连任总统。
BARDEEN WAS FORTUNATE to be able to return to physics and follow his own research interests essentially unhindered in the midst of the Depression. When he left Gulf for Princeton in 1933, the field had suffered deep cuts everywhere. Jobs were scarce—in both industry and academe. But by 1936 the shattered U.S. economy was on the mend, thanks largely to FDR’s pump-priming New Deal policies. “Happy Days Are Here Again” resounded through the land that summer and fall, as an ebullient Roosevelt rode to a landslide victory over Alfred Landon for a second term as president.
1936年，各行各业开始重新聘用科学家和工程师。贝尔实验室解除招聘冻结后，其新任研究主管默文·凯利终于可以开始寻找他需要的、接受过量子物理学训练的博士科学家，以加强他的员工队伍，并加深对固态材料的理解。而且他手头还有一批优秀的应届毕业生可供选择。大量逃离希特勒和墨索里尼的欧洲移民涌入美国，极大地增强了美国物理学系的实力，尤其是在量子力学领域。除了普林斯顿大学的爱因斯坦、冯·诺伊曼和维格纳之外，汉斯·贝特在康奈尔大学任教，费利克斯·布洛赫则在斯坦福大学任教。“美国在物理学领域领先世界，”《新闻周刊》在 11 月大肆报道，此前加州理工学院物理学家卡尔·安德森因发现正电子（电子的反粒子）而获得诺贝尔奖。
Industries were beginning to hire scientists and engineers again in 1936. After Bell Labs lifted its employment freeze, its new director of research, Mervin Kelly, could finally begin seeking the Ph.D. scientists trained in quantum physics that he needed to bolster his staff and provide a deeper understanding of solid-state materials. And he had a good crop of recent graduates to choose from. A growing influx of European immigrants fleeing Hitler and Mussolini had subtantially strengthened U.S. physics departments, especially in quantum mechanics. In addition to Einstein, von Neumann, and Wigner at Princeton, Hans Bethe had settled at Cornell, and Felix Bloch was teaching at Stanford. “The United States leads the world in physics,” crowed Newsweek in November, after the Nobel prize was awarded to Cal Tech physicist Carl Anderson for his discovery of the positron, the antiparticle of the electron.
尽管形势好转，但肖克利在年初，也就是即将毕业前几个月，找工作却并不顺利。“工作机会可不是唾手可得的，”他回忆道。他已结婚。1933年夏天，让·贝利身在加利福尼亚，此时他已成家立业，妻子和两岁的女儿艾莉森需要抚养。他先后参观了贝尔实验室、通用电气和美国无线电公司，最终只在通用电气获得了一份暑期工作。
Despite the improving climate, however, Shockley was having difficulty finding a job early that year, a few months before his impending graduation. “The offers were not just hanging around on trees,” he recalled. Having married Jean Bailey in California during the summer of 1933, he now had a wife and a two-year-old daughter, Alison, to support. After visiting Bell Labs, General Electric, and RCA, all he had to show for his efforts was a summer-job offer at GE.
随后，在菲斯克拒绝耶鲁大学邀请他担任物理学讲师，转而接受哈佛大学的初级研究员职位后，耶鲁大学在三月份向他提供了一个物理学讲师的职位。但这并非肖克利理想的工作。他很想要耶鲁大学的邀请，正准备接受时，凯利却在当月下旬意外出现在他在麻省理工学院的办公室。“我告诉他耶鲁大学的邀请之后，”肖克利几天后写信给母亲说，“他决定打电话到纽约，看看能否提出一个明确的方案，并且同意了我提出的3000美元的条件。” 肖克利对凯利竟然会“从波士顿打长途电话”感到非常惊讶。前往纽约市”以便当场向他提出报价。
Then Yale came through in March with a physics instructorship after Fisk declined the post to accept a Harvard junior fellowship. It was hardly the job Shockley wanted, but he was about to accept it when Kelly unexpectedly appeared at his MIT office late that month. “After I had told him about the Yale offer,” Shockley wrote his mother a few days later, “he decided to call New York to see if he could make a definite proposal and met my figure of $3000.” Shockley was pretty impressed that Kelly would place “a long-distance call all the way from Boston to New York City” in order to put together and make him an offer right on the spot.
在新英格兰贝尔公司当地办事处通过体检后，肖克利接受了这份工作，并开始准备搬家。就在离开剑桥前，他和菲斯克请他们最喜欢的几位麻省理工学院教授在豪华的洛赫奥伯斯餐厅享用了一顿丰盛的晚餐。但肖克利的论文导师约翰·斯莱特他并非该党成员。“最后我相当冷落了他，”肖克利承认道。
After passing a medical checkup at the local offices of New England Bell, Shockley accepted the job and began preparing for his move. Just before leaving Cambridge, he and Fisk treated their favorite MIT professors to an expensive dinner at plush Loch Ober’s Restaurant. But Shockley’s thesis adviser John Slater was not a member of the party. “I snubbed him rather thorougly at the end,” Shockley admitted.
那年六月，他抵达西街463号，成为第一个入住的人。贝尔实验室在大萧条时期的招聘冻结解除后，研究人员重新开始工作。他最初向戴维森汇报，戴维森与达罗共用一间办公室。但很快，肖克利就被“调派”去与其他科学家合作，以协助贝尔实验室的工作。让他熟悉实验室正在进行的研究。“我被安排到实验室里几个不同的地方进行相当严格的入职培训，”他回忆说，“所有这些都与电子学有关。”
He arrived at 463 West Street that June, the first person to be added to the Bell Labs research staff after its Depression hiring freeze was lifted. He initially reported to Davisson, who shared an office with Darrow. But Shockley was soon “farmed out” to work with other scientists in order to help familiarize him with research being done at the labs. “I was put into a pretty rigorous sort of indoctrination period by being sent around to several different places within the laboratory,” he recalled, “all having to do with electronics.”
肖克利早期的项目之一是在真空管部门。他与加州理工学院的应届毕业生约翰·皮尔斯合作，设计并制造了一台电子倍增器。电子管——一种多级放大器，用于响应光脉冲产生电流脉冲。肖克利和皮尔斯成了朋友，经常在竹林餐厅（一家经营惨淡的中餐馆）的花园里一起吃午饭。为了到达那里，他们从实验室沿着贝休恩街漫步到格林威治村的中心地带，途经褐石联排别墅和熙熙攘攘的蔬菜摊。他们经常在人行道上散步。晚上，他们常常一起游览曼哈顿，或者去哥伦比亚大学的伦理文化协会听艺术和历史讲座。皮尔斯回忆说，有一次去肖克利的公寓，肖克利走到外面的屋顶上，开始炫耀自己的本领，用双手在屋顶上摇摇晃晃地行走。
One of Shockley’s early projects was in the vacuum-tube department. With John Pierce, a recent Cal Tech graduate, he designed and built an electron-multiplier tube—a multistage amplifier used to generate pulses of electrical current in response to flashes of light. Shockley and Pierce became friends, frequently eating lunch together in the garden at the Bamboo Forest, a struggling Chinese restaurant. To get there they ambled down Bethune Street from the labs to the heart of Greenwich Village, past brownstone townhouses and vegetable stands crowding the sidewalks. In the evenings they often toured Manhattan together or listened to lectures on art and history at Columbia’s Ethical Culture Society. On one visit to his apartment, Pierce remembers, Shockley stepped onto the roof outside and began showing off, walking precariously along it on his hands.
在这段“灌输期”，肖克利经历了一次令他终生难忘的谈话。余生。有一天，凯利来到他的办公室，谈论他对贝尔电话系统的长远愿景。“他说他期待着有一天，电话交换机中用于连接用户之间的金属触点会被电子设备取代，”肖克利回忆道。而不是使用继电器等机械装置，这些装置会导致为了避免恼人的维护问题，电话交换应该采用电子方式。凯利强调了这一目标的重要性，“其意义之深刻，给肖克利留下了不可磨灭的印象”。这成为他在贝尔实验室工作期间，经常指引他研究的灯塔。
During this “indoctrination period,” Shockley had a discussion that he would remember for the rest of his life. Kelly came by his office one day to talk about his long-range visions for the Bell Telephone System. “He said that he looked forward to the time when metal contacts, which were used to make connections between subscribers in the telephone exchange, would be replaced by electronic devices,” recalled Shockley. Instead of using mechanical devices such as relays, which caused annoying maintenance problems, telephone switching should be done electronically. Kelly stressed the importance of this goal “so vividly that it made an indelible impression” on Shockley. It became a beacon that often guided his research during his Bell Labs years.
凯利的父母分别是威尔士人和爱尔兰人，他在世纪之交的密苏里州乡村长大。高中毕业后，他……十六岁时，他以全校第一名的成绩进入密苏里矿业冶金学院学习，梦想成为一名采矿工程师，并周游世界。然而，在犹他州一家铜矿的暑期工作彻底打消了他的这个念头。在肯塔基大学获得硕士学位后，他前往芝加哥大学攻读博士学位。在那里，他研究了密立根著名的油滴实验。他通过测量电子电荷，深信基础研究的重要性。毕业后，弗兰克·朱厄特邀请凯利到西部电气公司担任研究物理学家，从事真空管的研发工作。到1928年，凯利已成为贝尔实验室真空管部门的负责人，并于1936年升任研究主任。
The son of Welsh and Irish parents, Kelly had grown up in rural Missouri around the turn of the century. Graduating from high school as valedictorian at age sixteen, he enrolled at the Missouri School of Mines and Metallurgy, dreaming of becoming a mining engineer and traveling to faraway places until a summer job in a Utah copper mine cured him of that ambition. After earning his master’s at the University of Kentucky, he went to the University of Chicago to get a Ph.D. There he worked on Millikan’s famous oil-drop experiments measuring the charge of electrons and became convinced of the importance of basic research. Upon his graduation, Frank Jewett offered Kelly a job as a research physicist at Western Electric, working on vacuum-tube development. By 1928, Kelly was head of the Bell Labs vacuum-tube department, becoming director of research in 1936.
同年晚些时候，肖克利帮助在实验室组织了一个研究小组。这个组织效仿了他在麻省理工学院时深受启发的“期刊俱乐部”。大约十到十五位科学家每周下午4:30聚会一次，讨论原子物理和量子力学的最新著作，他们都渴望了解物理学前沿领域的最新进展。他们研读的第一本书是英国物理学家内维尔·莫特和哈里·斯泰尔合著的《金属和合金的理论与性质》 。琼斯。一位参与者回忆说，科学家们轮流在黑板前讲解当周指定章节的内容，同时还要忍受“各种各样的起哄、打断和围攻”。他们常常争论到深夜才回家。
Late that year Shockley helped organize a study group at the laboratories, modeled after the “journal club” he had found so stimulating at MIT. About ten to fifteen scientists who wanted to understand what was happening at the frontiers of physics met once a week at 4:30 P.M. to discuss recent books on atomic physics and quantum mechanics. The first book they pored through was The Theory and Properties of Metals and Alloys by British physicists Nevill Mott and Harry Jones. Individual scientists took turns at the blackboard, trying to lecture the others about the contents of the chapter assigned that week, while enduring the “heckling, interruptions of all description, a general beating up,” recounted one participant. Often they argued well into the evening before heading home.
这项为期四年的研究小组包括布拉坦，他曾担任过讲师。早期小组讨论的是索末菲的金属电子理论。凭借在固体量子理论方面的深厚背景，肖克利很快成为这个研究小组的核心人物。据布拉坦说，他“擅长将量子力学应用于具体问题”。他耐心地向那些年纪较大的科学家解释其中的诸多复杂之处，“他们甚至没有经历过那个时期，对他们来说，这太难了”。量子力学对他们来说完全是陌生的事物，他们几乎无法理解。
Lasting for four years, the study group included Brattain, who had lectured an earlier group about Sommerfeld’s electron theory of metals. With his strong background in the quantum theory of solids, Shockley quickly became the spark plug of this study group. According to Brattain, he was “adept at applying the quantum mechanics to particular problems.” He patiently explained its many intricacies to the older scientists, “who had not even grown up in this period, for whom quantum mechanics was a completely foreign thing, something they could hardly understand.”
1937 年 11 月初的一个早晨，贝尔实验室收到了令人振奋的消息。戴维森因其证明电子具有波动性的实验而荣获诺贝尔物理学奖。这对实验室及其工作人员来说是一项莫大的荣誉——这是世界对物质基础知识涌现的认可。来自应用研究领域。贝尔实验室全体员工放假一下午，举杯香槟，向其首位诺贝尔奖得主致敬和祝贺。
One morning in early November 1937, marvelous news reached Bell Labs. Davisson had won the Nobel prize in physics for his experiments indicating that electrons behaved like waves. It was a great honor for the laboratory and its staff—world recognition that fundamental knowledge about matter could emerge from applied research. Champagne flowed as Bell Labs took an afternoon off to honor and congratulate its first Nobel laureate.
李·德·福雷斯特和默文·凯利。
Lee de Forest and Mervin Kelly.
第二天，Movietone电视台的摄制组来到西街463号，急于拍摄这位突然名扬四海的科学家在实验室里忙碌的新闻短片。但戴维森早已放弃了工作台，改用办公桌了。于是摄制组转向布拉坦，询问是否可以在他的实验室里架设一些设备，那里非常适合拍摄。戴维森掸去灰尘，布拉坦一边摆弄着他的一些旧真空管，一边为他搭建了一个工作间。最后，他们开始在炽热的强光灯下拍摄。由于没有通风，每个人都汗流浃背，戴维森提议休息一下。“他点燃了一支烟，瞥了一眼站在那里、张着嘴、双手插在口袋里的我，”布拉坦回忆道。戴维森慢悠悠地走过去安慰他，说：“别担心，沃尔特，你总有一天会得到一个的。”
The next day a Movietone crew arrived at 463 West Street, eager to shoot newsreel footage of the suddenly world-famous scientist puttering around in his laboratory. But Davisson had long since abandoned his bench for a desk. So the crew turned to Brattain and asked if they could set up some equipment in his lab, which was ideal for the shoot. Davisson dusted off some of his old vacuum tubes while Brattain set up an alcove for him to work in. Finally they began filming under the hot klieg lights. Everybody was sweating profusely because there was no ventilation, and Davisson suggested they take a break. “He lit a cigarette, and he took a gander at me standing around, as I was, with my mouth wide open and my hands in my pockets,” recalled Brattain. Then Davisson ambled over and comforted him, saying, “Don’t worry, Walter, you’ll get one someday.”
1938年，凯利重组了贝尔物理研究部，将肖克利和另外两位科学家——冶金学家福斯特·尼克斯和物理学家迪安·伍尔德里奇——组成一个独立的小组，专注于固体物理学。一份文件指出，该小组将开展“基础研究工作”。固态技术最终应该“有助于发现新材料或旧材料加工方法，这将对电话行业有所帮助”。
IN 1938 KELLY reorganized Bell’s Physical Research Department, putting Shockley and two other scientists—metallurgist Foster Nix and physicist Dean Wooldridge—into an independent group concentrating on physics of the solid state. A document stated that the group would do “fundamental research work on the solid state” that eventually should “aid in the discovery of new materials or methods of processing old materials which will be useful in the telephone business.”
这三人拥有前所未有的自由，可以按照自己的研究方向进行探索，只要他们的工作与公司的总体目标相符即可。肖克利开始利用他新获得的自由在贝尔实验室四处打探，寻找有趣的东西。他发现，他对量子力学的深刻理解或许能在一些问题上发挥重要作用。很快，他就对布拉坦和贝克尔利用氧化铜整流器所做的工作产生了浓厚的兴趣。
The three men had unprecedented liberty to follow their own research noses as long as their work dovetailed with general company goals. Shockley began using his newfound freedom to snoop around Bell Labs and search for interesting problems where his deep understanding of quantum mechanics might make an important contribution. Soon he became intrigued by the work that Brattain and Becker had been doing with copper-oxide rectifiers.
你可能还记得，这两个人曾考虑过通过在整流器的铜层和氧化物层之间的势垒区插入第三个元件来制造放大器的可能性。但贝克尔和布拉坦在20世纪30年代中期否定了这个想法，因为他们认为这个区域太窄了——不到百万分之一英寸。后来的实验表明，这个屏障的宽度可能达到千分之一英寸，但他们仍然觉得太窄了。
These two had considered the possibility of fabricating an amplifier, you recall, by inserting a third element into the barrier region between the copper and oxide layers of such rectifiers. But Becker and Brattain dismissed the idea in the mid-1930s because they thought this region was far too narrow—less than a millionth of an inch. Later experiments indicated that this barrier might be as much as a thousandth of an inch across, but that was still too narrow, they thought.
1938-1939年，沃尔特·肖特基和内维尔·莫特出版了独立期刊。论文解释了这一障碍是如何产生的。首先，它解释了为什么电子只能单向流动。虽然莫特的论文《晶体整流器理论》发表得较晚，但由于它是英文的，更容易理解，因此贝克尔和布拉坦最先接触到的是莫特的这篇论文。莫特写道，当金属和半导体接触时，就会形成双层电荷——一侧带正电，另一侧带负电。另一方面，由于两种材料的功函数不同，其结果为负。
In 1938–1939, Walter Schottky and Nevill Mott published independent papers explaining how this barrier arose in the first place and why it allowed electrons to flow in only one direction. Although it appeared later, Mott’s paper on “The Theory of Crystal Rectifiers” was the one Becker and Brattain encountered first because it was much more accessible, being published in English. Whenever a metal and a semiconductor come into contact, Mott wrote, a double layer of charge crops up—positive on one side and negative on the other—because of the difference in the work functions of the two materials.
这一动作有效地抵消了势差，但却形成了一种势垒，或者说“势垒”，电子必须克服这个势垒才能从势垒的一侧到达另一侧。在艾伦·威尔逊的理论中，电子通过量子力学隧穿效应穿过势垒来实现这一目标，威尔逊认为这种隧穿效应……最初人们认为隧穿效应非常窄。但对于像现在看来如此厚达数千个原子的势垒来说，这种隧穿效应微乎其微。在莫特和肖特基的理论中，电子的行为更像是普通的粒子，而不是量子波。就像爆米花一样，它们在从附近原子继承的热能的推动下，跃过势垒。正如莫特所观察到的，“电子必须被热激发才能越过势垒，而不是穿过势垒。”
This action effectively neutralizes the difference, but it leads to a kind of potential barrier, or “hill,” that electrons must surmout if they are to cruise from one side to the other. In Alan Wilson’s theory, they accomplish this feat by quantum-mechanical tunneling through the hill, which Wilson at first considered to be very narrow. But this tunneling effect would be a negligible trickle for a barrier that is thousands of atoms thick, as now appeared to be the case. In Mott and Schottky’s approach, the electrons behave more like everyday particles than as quantum waves. Like popcorn popping, they jump over the hill, prodded by heat energy that they inherit from nearby atoms. As Mott observed, the “electrons have to be thermally excited so that they go over the barrier, instead of through it.”
由于这座小山不对称，金属侧是陡峭的悬崖，而另一侧是平缓的斜坡，因此电子更容易从半导体流向金属，而不是反向流动。此外，在金属上施加正电压会导致斜坡变得更缓，从而促进电子的流动。更大的电流。就这样，莫特和肖特基终于对整流现象给出了令人满意的解释，这种现象自布劳恩六十五年前首次发现该效应以来一直困扰着科学家们。
Because this hill is asymmetric, with a steep cliff on the metal side and a shallow slope on the other, electrons flow far more readily from semiconductor to metal than in the opposite direction. What’s more, the application of positive voltage to the metal led to an even shallower slope, promoting a still greater flow. In this way, Mott and Schottky finally provided a satisfactory explanation of rectification, a phenomenon that had mystified scientists ever since Braun first discovered the effect sixty-five years earlier.
和布拉坦一样，肖克利也在仔细阅读莫特和肖特基最近发表的论文。他们关于屏障实际上会向外扩散的说法引起了他的兴趣。如果对金属施加正电压，半导体层就会发生变化，从而降低势垒。“肖特基发现……这个势垒层会越来越宽，”他说——就像用铲子把沙丘的顶峰铲到一边一样。在凯利的指导下，他开始寻找可能带来有用器件的物理效应，并意识到这种势垒的扩展可能被利用。“作为一种阀门作用”，用来控制固态放大器中的电流。1939年12月29日星期五下午，他在新泽西州吉列的家中工作时，在一张纸上潦草地写道（后来他把这张纸贴到了他的实验记录本上）：“今天我突然想到，原则上可以使用半导体而不是真空来制造放大器。”
Like Brattain, Shockley was also perusing the recent papers by Mott and Schottky. He was intrigued by their statement that the barrier would actually spread out into the semiconductor layer if a positive voltage were applied to the metal, lowering the barrier. “Schottky established . . . that this barrier layer got wider and wider,” he said—much like what happens to a sand hill when you shovel its peak to one side. Primed by Kelly to look for physical effects that could lead to useful devices, he recognized that such a spreading of this barrier might be used “as a kind of valve action” to control the current flow in a solid-state amplifier. Working at home in Gillette, New Jersey, on Friday afternoon, December 29, 1939, he scrawled on a sheet of paper (which he later pasted into his lab notebook): “It has today occurred to me that an amplifier using semi conductors rather than vacuum is in principle possible.”
但肖克利第一次试图捏造利用这种效应的装置极其简陋，简直可笑。接下来的一个月，他在与尼克斯共用的实验室里秘密工作，将两根电线连接到……这是一块风化的细网铜丝网的正反两面。伍尔德里奇在1940年初的一天偶然发现了这个临时搭建的装置，他笑着说，这网“显然是从某种非常古老的铜片上切割下来的”。用一把非常钝的剪刀剪后廊的纱窗，边缘非常参差不齐！而且这纱窗显然已经在户外风吹日晒多年，因为氧化非常严重。
But Shockley’s first attempt at fabricating a device using this effect was extremely crude. Indeed, it was laughable. Working secretively for the following month in a laboratory he shared with Nix, he attached two wires to the opposite sides of a weathered piece of fine-mesh copper screen. Wooldridge, who chanced upon the jury-rigged apparatus one day in early 1940, chuckled that this mesh “had apparently been cut out of some very old copper back porch screen with some very dull scissors. It was extremely jagged! And this screen had evidently been out in the elements for years and years because it was all heavily oxidized.”
肖克利小心翼翼地将两根导线摆放好，使它们刚好接触到屏幕两侧的绿色氧化物涂层。他希望通过调节施加在网格上的电压来控制电流。电流会从一根导线流向另一根导线，就像真空管放大器栅极上的电压控制着电子从灯丝流向阳极一样。随着栅极电压升高，铜和氧化物交界处形成的势垒会扩散到周围的氧化层中，阻碍导线间的电流流动，就像沙丘被风吹过道路阻挡交通一样。交通。“所以他这里有晶体管的三个元件：这两根导线和铜网，”伍尔德里奇解释说。“当然，他离真正能用的东西还差得远呢！”
Shockley gingerly positioned the two wires so that they just barely touched the green oxide coating on either side of the screen. By adjusting the voltage that he applied to the mesh, he hoped to control the current flow from one wire to the other, just as the voltage on the grid of a vacuum-tube amplifier controls the flow of electrons from its hot filament to its plate. As the mesh voltage rose, the barrier that had formed where the copper and oxide met would spread out into the surrounding oxide layer and impede the current flowing between the wires, like a sand dune blowing across a road and blocking traffic. “So here he had the three elements of a transistor, these two wires and the copper screen,” explained Wooldridge. “Of course, he was orders of magnitude away from anything that would work!”
肖克利并未气馁，他意识到自己需要实验室技术更精湛的人的帮助。“有一天他来找我，说他认为如果我们能用……制造出一个氧化铜整流器，“用正确的方法，或许我们能做出一个放大器，”布拉坦回忆道。沃尔特起初认真地听着，但随后嘲笑他说：“我和贝克尔两三年前就讨论过这些了。”他确信这行不通。但肖克利坚持不懈，布拉坦只好爽快地同意试一试。“比尔，这太重要了，所以如果你告诉我你想要什么，我一定告诉你。”“它成功了，如果我能用那种方法制造出氧化铜整流器，”他告诉他，“我会试试的！”
Undaunted, Shockley recognized he needed help from people more accomplished in the laboratory arts. “He came to me one day and said that he thought that if we made a copper-oxide rectifier in just the right way, that maybe we could make an amplifier,” recalled Brattain. Walter listened intently at first, but then laughed at him and said, “Becker and I have been through all that about two or three years ago.” He was absolutely sure it wouldn’t work. But Shockley persisted, so Brattain good-naturedly agreed to give it a try. “Bill, it’s so damned important that if you tell me how you want it made, and if I can make the copper oxide rectifier that way,” he told him, “I’ll try it!”
按照肖克利的指示，布拉坦在一张薄铜片上切出几道深槽，然后对表面进行氧化处理，使铜条埋在氧化层中。接下来的几个月里，他制作了两三个这样的装置，但都无法正常工作。比尔满怀期待地看着他，他把……他们将导线连接到铜条上，施加适当的电压，并观察是否有放大效应。“这些结构没有表现出任何控制作用，”肖克利说，“完全没有控制作用。”
Following Shockley’s prescription, Brattain cut several deep grooves in a thin copper sheet and then oxidized the surface so that copper strips lay buried in the oxide layer. He made two or three such units over the next few months, but none of them worked. With Bill watching expectantly, he attached leads to the copper strips, applied the appropriate voltages, and looked for evidence of amplification. “These structures did not exhibit any control action,” said Shockley, “no control action at all.”
同年春天 ，西欧上空被战机遮蔽，凶猛的德国国防军轰然 入侵比利时和荷兰等低地国家。英国和法国军队事实证明，他们根本无法抵挡一波又一波猛烈进攻的德军装甲师。到5月底，超过30万英军被困在敦刻尔克。弗兰德斯海岸；多亏英国空军和海军的英勇努力，他们才得以安全渡过英吉利海峡返回家园。到六月中旬，法国沦陷，胜利的希特勒骑马凯旋，穿过巴黎宽阔的林荫大道。
THAT SAME SPRING, the skies over Western Europe had darkened with war planes as the fierce German Wehrmacht thundered into the Low Countries of Belgium and the Netherlands. British and French forces proved to be no match for the waves of panzer divisions thrusting relentlessly at them. By the end of May, more than 300,000 British troops were trapped at Dunkirk on the Flanders coast; only a heroic effort of British air and sea forces got them safely home across the Channel. By mid-June France had fallen, and the victorious Hitler rode triumphantly through the broad boulevards of Paris.
喜欢第二次世界大战是前所未有的战争，它将参战各方的科学、技术和工业资源置于对立面。不列颠空战于当年八月爆发，英国皇家空军借助早期简陋的雷达，竭力保卫英国领空，抵御德国空军的夜间空袭。德国U型潜艇在北海和大西洋游弋，击沉了数百架盟军飞机。货轮和驱逐舰。
Like no war before it, World War II would pit the combatants’ combined scientific, technical, and industrial resources against one another. The Battle of Britain began that August as the Royal Air Force—aided by early, crude forms of radar—desperately tried to defend British skies against nightly raids of the Luftwaffe. German U-boats prowled the North Sea and Atlantic Ocean, sinking hundreds of Allied freighters and destroyers.
在美国，探测此类威胁至关重要，物理学家们开始搁置常规研究，转而全力投入战争。1940年至1941年间，巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利都暂停了固态物理领域的研究，转而从事雷达、潜艇探测、水雷和鱼雷等领域的工作。
Detection of such threats had paramount importance in the United States, where physicists began putting aside their normal research to concentrate on the war effort. In 1940–1941, Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley all shelved their work in solid-state physics to work on topics like radar, submarine detection, and mines and torpedoes.
20世纪30年代的美国物理学随着大萧条的结束，德国的科研水平已经与欧洲同行不相上下，甚至在应用研究领域也开始崭露头角。然而，如今，这些年轻而雄心勃勃的科研人员的科学才能和技术能力，越来越多地投入到赢得战争中。诸如半导体放大器的研发等更具理论性和长期性的研究目标，则不得不暂时搁置。
During the 1930s American physics had attained parity with its European counterparts and even began to excel in applied research as the Depression wound down. Now the scientific talents and technical abilities of its mostly young and ambitious practitioners were increasingly devoted to winning the war. More theoretical and longer-term research goals such as developing a semiconductor amplifier would have to wait.
1940年3月6日下午，贝克尔和布拉坦接到凯利的紧急电话，凯利让他们立即到他的办公室来。贝克尔表示他们正在测量，但凯利态度坚决，厉声说道：“别干了，快上来！”
On the afternoon of March 6, 1940, Becker and Brattain took an urgent call from Kelly, who asked them to come to his office immediately. When Becker objected that they were right in the midst of a measurement, Kelly became adamant. “Drop it,” he snapped, “and come on up here!”
几分钟后，他们焦急地赶到凯利的办公室，在那里他们发现还有其他几个小组。贝尔公司无线电部门的领导和两名员工也在场。其中一位是当时的无线电研究主管拉尔夫·鲍恩，另一位是罗素·奥尔，一位身材矮小、戴着眼镜的宾夕法尼亚荷兰裔男子，他总是带着一丝狡黠的笑意。那天，他的笑意更是灿烂无比。
A few anxious minutes later they reached Kelly’s office, where they found several other group leaders and two men from Bell’s radio department. One of them was Ralph Bown, then director of radio research, and the other was Russell Ohl, an elfin, bespectacled Pennsylvania Dutchman who often had a merry twinkle in his eye. He certainly did that day.
在奥尔面前的桌子上放着一套简单的电气装置：一个电压表和几根导线，导线连接到一根近一英寸长的漆黑的金属棒上。很长。那是一根硅棒，一种常见的元素，奥尔已经研究它的性质五年了；硅棒两端各连着一根金属导线。他拿起手电筒，打开开关，把光束直接照向那根昏暗的棒子。
On a table in front of Ohl was a simple electrical apparatus: a voltmeter and wires hooked up to a coal-black rod of material almost an inch long. It was a piece of silicon, a common element whose behavior Ohl had been studying for five years; two metal leads were attached to it, one at either end. He picked up a flashlight, switched it on, and pointed its light beam directly upon the dusky rod.
突然，电压表的指针猛地跳到了将近半伏。布拉坦目瞪口呆，难以置信地摇了摇头。这简直太不可思议了！这种效应——比他和贝克尔以往用任何其他类型的光电管观察到的效应都要强十倍以上。当时曝光表常用的氧化铜和硒整流器在室内光线下会产生微弱的电压，但远不及这根神秘的硅棒。
Suddenly, the voltmeter’s needle sprang up to almost half a volt. Dumbfounded, Brattain shook his head in disbelief. This was an enormous effect—more than ten times greater than anything he and Becker had ever observed with any other kinds of photocells. Copper-oxide and selenium rectifiers, often used at the time in exposure meters, would generate tiny voltages in room light. But nothing like this mysterious silicon rod.
“奥尔的演示让我们完全惊呆了，”布拉坦后来向一位贝尔实验室的老同事透露。“我甚至觉得我的腿，或许，“它被拉了出来，但后来奥尔给了我那块或者从同一块上切下来的另一块，所以我可以在自己的实验室里进行研究。”果然，每当他用光照射硅片时，都会出现同样的惊人电流。
“We were completely flabbergasted at Ohl’s demonstration,” Brattain later confided to an old Bell Labs colleague. “I even thought my leg, maybe, was being pulled, but later on Ohl gave me that piece or another piece cut out of the same chunk, so I was able to investigate it in my own laboratory.” Sure enough, he got the same astounding surge whenever he flashed light on the silicon.
奥尔对硅的研究源于他对超短波无线电通信的兴趣。随着战争的临近，这一领域的研究也随之展开。由于短波辐射——尤其是波长小于一米的辐射——在雷达应用中非常理想，因此这项工作变得更加紧迫。（调幅广播通常需要300米波长，而调频广播则使用3米波长。）但当时产生和探测这些超短波绝非易事。数百名科学家和工程师在欧洲和美国致力于解决这些问题。各州。
Ohl’s work on silicon stemmed from his interest in very short-wave radio communications. As war approached, this area of work took on added urgency due to the fact that shortwave radiation—especially at wavelengths of less than a meter—was highly desirable for use in radar. (AM radio typically requires 300 meter wavelengths, while FM uses 3 meter.) But generating and detecting these ultrashort waves was no mean feat at the time. Hundreds of scientists and engineers were working on these problems in Europe and the United States.
其中一位是乔治·索斯沃思，他与奥尔在贝尔位于新泽西州霍姆德尔的野外无线电实验室共事，该实验室位于斯塔滕岛以南约十英里处。20世纪30年代中期，索斯沃思试图利用特制的真空管探测波长约为十分之一米的超短无线电波——他当时称之为“超高频”，如今被称为微波。但他进展甚微。失败了。电子流经电子管时固有的时间延迟实在太大，电子管根本无法应对这些极短且快速振荡的波。氧化铜整流器也好不到哪里去。
One of them was George Southworth, who worked with Ohl at Bell’s field radio laboratory in Holmdel, New Jersey, about ten miles south of Staten Island. In the mid-1930s Southworth was trying to detect ultrashort radio waves around a tenth of meter long—what he then dubbed “hyper-frequencies” and are today called microwaves—using specially designed vacuum tubes. But he was having little success. Inherent time lags in the flow of electrons through them were simply too great for the tubes to cope with these extremely short, rapidly oscillating waves. Copper-oxide rectifiers didn’t work any better, either.
感到沮丧的索斯沃思决定尝试一下他在第一次世界大战期间在陆军通信兵团服役时在收音机里使用过的老式“猫须”晶体检波器。随着真空管在20世纪20年代的流行，这些奇特的设备逐渐被淘汰。到了20世纪30年代中期，在普通的无线电商店里几乎买不到这种设备了。
Frustrated, Southworth decided to try one of the old “cat’s whisker” crystal detectors he had used in radio sets during the Great War, when he served in the Army Signal Corps. These quirky devices had fallen gradually out of favor when vacuum tubes became popular during the 1920s. By the mid-1930s it had become almost impossible to buy one in an ordinary radio store.
于是，索斯沃思跳上一列开往曼哈顿下城的火车，他知道在运河街附近的科特兰巷有一家二手收音机市场。他在一家小店布满灰尘的后排货架上翻找着，他很快找到了一些旧的猫须探测器。和店主讨价还价后，他把它们带回了霍尔姆德尔，掸去灰尘，小心翼翼地把其中一个放进接收装置里。他开始在探测器表面寻找合适的信号热点。最后，经过近一个小时的搜寻，他终于找到了一个。而且它真的有效！他终于能够探测到他的超短波、高频信号了。辐射。
So Southworth hopped a train bound for lower Manhattan, where he knew of a secondhand radio market on Cortlandt Alley, near Canal Street. Rummaging around on the dusty back shelves of one tiny shop, he soon found a few old cat’s-whisker detectors. After bargaining with the shopkeeper, he carried them back to Holmdel, where he dusted them off and carefully inserted one into his receiving apparatus. He began searching around on its surface for a suitable hot spot. Finally, after hunting almost an hour, he found a good one. And it worked! At last, he could detect his ultrashort-wave, hyper-frequency radiation.
由于奥尔当时也在研究超短波无线电，索斯沃思自然而然地将自己的成功告诉了他。但这并没有让奥尔感到惊讶，因为他几十年来一直在断断续续地使用晶体检波器。奥尔曾在宾夕法尼亚州立大学接受过电化学方面的训练，二战期间，他作为信号兵中尉服役时，开始对无线电产生了兴趣。在西屋公司工作两年后，他加入了美国电话电报公司（AT&T）。1922年出生，五年后加入贝尔实验室，专注于无线电研究。“我学习并报告了相关情况。”他说：“我向公司通报了当时的无线电设备情况。我让公司随时了解相关技术。”
Since Ohl was also working on ultrashort-wave radio, Southworth naturally told him about his success. But it didn’t surprise Ohl, who had been using crystal detectors on and off for decades. Trained as an electrochemist at Penn State, he became interested in radio during the war, while serving as a lieutenant in the Signal Corps. After two years at Westinghouse, he came to AT&T in 1922 and joined Bell Labs five years later, concentrating on radio research. “I studied and reported what the situation was—the radio equipment situation,” he said. “I kept the company knowledgeable with regard to the art.”
因此，索斯沃思几乎毫不费力地就说服奥尔对晶体探测器进行全面研究，以确定哪些材料效果最佳。奥尔测试了超过他测试了上百种不同的材料，发现硅探测器（他大学时期就制作过一个，之后也偶尔使用过）的灵敏度最高。事实上，早在20世纪20年代中期，他住在布朗克斯时就做过短波接收实验：
Therefore Southworth had little difficulty convincing Ohl to undertake a comprehensive study of crystal detectors to determine the materials that worked best. Ohl tested over a hundred different materials and found that silicon detectors, which he had used occasionally since making one during his college years, were by far the most sensitive. In the mid-1920s, in fact, he had experimented with shortwave reception while living in the Bronx:
我尝试过很多种接收电路，包括花生型真空管和其他特殊真空管，但都无法正常工作。于是我翻出了我的老式硅晶体探测器，用了起来。结果，它灵敏得惊人！我甚至能接收到扬克斯西区高架线路的反射信号。而我唯一能把接收器带走的方法就是用拉斯的婴儿车。我把接收设备装上车，推着它在纽约大学周围转了一圈。我收到了强烈的干扰信号。从哈莱姆河西岸高架线反射出的图案，让我开始意识到晶体探测器的强大之处——而这台探测器是硅探测器。
I tried many kinds of receiving circuits, with peanut-type vacuum tubes and other special vacuum tubes, and none of them worked. So then I got out my old silicon crystal detector and used it. Lo and behold, it was sensitive as the dickens! And I could get reflections from the elevated lines on the West Side Yonkers, and the only way I could cart the receiver around was with Russ’s baby carriage. I loaded that up with receiving equipment, and I went all around New York University with it. I was getting strong interference patterns from reflections from the elevated line from across the Harlem River on the West Side. There I began to appreciate the power of the crystal detector—this was the silicon detector.
大萧条时期，贝尔实验室实行每周四天工作制，奥尔利用这段休息时间钻研原子和晶体结构。他试图弄明白是什么原因导致探测材料表现出特定的行为。他回忆说： “我发现某些晶体结构是有利的，而且这些结构通常由第四族元素（价态为四）组成。”
When Bell Labs went to a four-day workweek during the Depression, Ohl used the time off to bone up on atomic and crystal structure. He was trying to figure out what made detecting materials behave the way they did. “I found that certain crystal structures were favorable,” he recalled, “and usually the structures were made up of elements of the fourth group—valence four.”
元素周期表——这张基于俄国科学家德米特里·门捷列夫于1869年开始的研究而绘制的图表，如今在大多数高中和大学的化学教室里都醒目地展示着——将大约一百种元素排列成一个紧凑的阵列。元素周期表由行和列组成。化学性质相似的元素出现在同一列。在第四列的顶部是碳，其下方是硅，这两种元素都是地壳中最丰富的元素。它们都容易与氧结合，生成二氧化碳（一种动物呼出并被植物吸收的常见气体）和二氧化硅（俗称沙子）。硅的下方是锗。这是一种极其罕见的元素，它最初只是门捷列夫早期元素周期表中的一个空缺——他预言这个空缺终将被填补。1886年，它果然被发现——由德国化学家克莱门斯·温克勒发现，他自豪地以自己的祖国德国的名字命名了这种新元素。
The periodic table—a chart based on studies begun in 1869 by Russian scientist Dmitri Mendeleev, now prominently displayed in most high-school and college chemistry classrooms—organizes about a hundred elements into a compact array of rows and columns. Elements with similar chemical properties appear in the same column. At the top of column IV, one encounters carbon and below it silicon, two of the most abundant elements in the Earth’s crust. Both combine readily with oxygen to form carbon dioxide, a common gas exhaled by animals and taken up by plants, and silicon dioxide, better known as sand. Just below silicon is germanium, a much rarer element that appeared only as a gap in one of Mendeleev’s early tables—a gap he predicted would eventually be filled. In 1886 it was indeed discovered—by the German chemist Clemens Winkler, who proudly named the new element after his native country.
晚年的拉塞尔·奥尔。
Russell Ohl in his later years.
随着20世纪初原子结构量子理论的出现，这些元素之间相似性的原因变得更加清晰。碳、硅和锗原子在与其他原子结合形成分子时，都拥有四个电子可供共享。而氧原子，每个原子都比“满壳层”少两个电子，因此它们之间也存在相似之处。含有八个电子的原子可以接受这些电子，形成二氧化碳、二氧化硅或二氧化锗分子。实际上，每个分子中的三个原子之间存在着四个电子（称为“价电子”）的量子力学交换；这种共享在原子间形成一对被称为“共价键”的强键，将每个分子紧密地结合在一起。由于碳、硅和锗在分子市场上拥有四个价电子，因此它们被称为“四价元素”。
As the quantum theory of atomic structure emerged early in the twentieth century, the reason for the similarities among these elements became clearer. In combining with other atoms to form molecules, the atoms of carbon, silicon, and germanium all have four electrons to share. Two atoms of oxygen, each of which is two electrons shy of having a “filled shell” containing eight electrons, can take them on to yield a molecule of carbon dioxide, silicon dioxide, or germanium dioxide. Actually, there is a quantum-mechanical exchange of the four electrons—called “valence electrons”—among the three atoms in each molecule; this sharing leads to a pair of strong bonds known as “covalent bonds” between the atoms that bind each ménage à trois in a tight embrace. With four such valence electrons to offer in the molecular marketplace, carbon, silicon, and germanium are said to have “valence four.”
第四列元素的独特之处在于它们可以相互共享电子，形成由广泛的共价键网络结合在一起的固体物质。四加四等于八。一个原子中的四个电子会与另一个原子配对。来自附近原子的四个电子晶格结构形成一个充满八个电子的壳层。金刚石和石墨完全由碳原子构成；它们的主要区别在于这些原子的排列方式。硅和锗形成类似的晶体结构——到了20世纪30年代，这种结构开始引起奥尔、索斯沃思和其他无线电研究人员的兴趣。
The elements of the fourth column are unique in that they can share their electrons with each other to form solid materials bound together by an extensive network of covalent bonds. Four plus four equals eight. The four electrons in a given atom pair up with four electrons from nearby atoms in the crystal lattice to yield a filled shell of eight electrons. Diamond and graphite are made up entirely of carbon atoms; they differ mainly in how these atoms are arranged. Silicon and germanium form similar crystal structures—which by the 1930s had begun to intrigue Ohl, Southworth, and other radio researchers.
硅曾被用于晶体探测器。自1906年格林利夫·惠蒂尔·皮卡德（此前四年一直在AT&T公司工作，研究无线电话的可能性）获得该设备的美国专利以来，人们就一直在使用这种材料。金刚砂（一种硅和碳的混合物，用作常见的磨料）也是另一种常用的材料。这些以及其他半导体材料，例如方铅矿（硫化铅）和黄铁矿（硫化铁，或称“愚人矿”），也曾被用于制造金属探测器。直到 20 世纪 20 年代中期，人们仍然使用金”作为最常用的无线电探测器。
Silicon had been used for crystal detectors ever since 1906, when Greenleaf Whittier Pickard (who had worked for AT&T the previous four years, studying the possibility of wireless telephony) obtained an American patent on the device. Carborundum, a combination of silicon and carbon used as a common abrasive, was another popular choice. These and other semiconducting materials, such as galena (lead sulfide) and pyrite (iron sulfide, or “fool’s gold”), were used in the favorite radio detectors until the mid-1920s.
无线电操作员使用金属丝（最终发现钨丝效果最佳）在这些材料表面四处搜寻，以找到接收良好的“热点”。如今我们知道，这种令人困惑的差异是由于材料的多晶性质以及表面不同区域的杂质含量不同造成的。但在二十世纪初，这看起来就像是黑魔法。“这种近乎神秘的变数，”塞茨回忆道，“困扰着晶体检波器的早期发展，并导致后世许多真空管专家对晶体整流技术近乎不光彩。”在AT&T和通用电气完善了德福雷斯特的Audion之后，真空管技术……在收音机中，电子管逐渐取代了晶体检波器。
Radio operators hunted around on the surface of these materials using a metal wire—tungsten was eventually found to work best—to find “hot spots” where there was good reception. Today we know that this maddening variability was due to the polycrystalline nature of the materials and to differing impurity levels across the surface, but early in the twentieth century it seemed like black magic. “Such variability, bordering on what seemed the mystical,” recalled Seitz, “plagued the early history of crystal detectors and caused many of the vacuum tube experts of a later generation to regard the art of crystal rectification as being close to disreputable.” After AT&T and General Electric perfected de Forest’s audion, vacuum tubes gradually replaced crystal detectors in radio sets.
晶体探测器采用20世纪30年代市面上常见的冶金级硅制成。这种硅曾用作炼钢助剂，通常含有少量杂质，例如铝。就像20世纪20年代的猫须探测器一样，你仍然需要四处寻找有效的信号热点。“当时“你可以拿一块硅片，……把一根猫须放在其中一个点上，它就会非常活跃，并且整流效果非常好，而且是单向的，”布拉坦指出。“你稍微移动一下——也许只有几分之一英寸，千分之一英寸——你可能会找到另一个活跃点，但这里的整流方向会相反。”在某个点上，电流只会从导线流向硅片，因为例如，这种情况会发生，但反过来则不会。在另一个地方，情况可能相反，或者在另一个地方根本不会发生。
Crystal detectors were made from the metallurgical-grade silicon that was commercially available during the 1930s. Used as an agent in steelmaking, this commonly contained a few percent of impurities, such as aluminum. And just as for cat’s whisker detectors of the 1920s, you still needed to hunt around for good hot spots. “At that time you could get a chunk of silicon, . . . put a cat’s whisker down on one spot, and it would be very active and rectify very well, in one direction,” noted Brattain. “You moved it around a little bit—maybe a fraction, a thousandth of an inch—and you might find another active spot, but here it would rectify in the other direction.” At one spot current would flow only from the wire to the silicon, for instance, but not the other way. And vice versa at a different spot, or not at all at another.
奥尔猜测，硅探测器的这种不稳定行为是由于杂质造成的。为了获得更均匀的样品，他决定提纯硅。1937年，他从一家德国化学公司获得了纯度超过99%的硅粉，并尝试在自家地下室的实验室里将其熔化成固体。随后，他寻求贝尔实验室一位化学家的帮助，这位化学家尝试在真空炉中熔化原始硅，希望杂质能够沉淀下来。从液态中析出。但硅的熔点为 1410°C (2570°F)，这个温度足以熔化许多其他材料，坩埚壁上的杂质很容易使熔融硅中毒。此外，硅冷却时通常会开裂，这使得它难以合作。
This erratic behavior of silicon detectors, guessed Ohl, occurred because of impurities. To get more uniform samples, he decided to purify silicon. In 1937 he obtained powdered silicon better than 99 percent pure from a German chemical company and tried to fuse it into a solid mass in his basement laboratory. Then he enlisted the aid of a Bell Labs chemist, who attempted to melt the raw silicon in a vacuum furnace, hoping the impurities would settle out of the liquid. But silicon liquifies at 1410°C (2570°F), which is hot enough to melt a lot of other materials, and impurities from the crucible walls could easily poison the molten silicon. In addition, silicon usually cracked upon cooling, making it difficult to work with.
奥尔认为他需要一台特殊的熔炉来解决这些问题。但在1938年末，他的上司试图终止他的硅研究，并将他的才能转移到电子开关的开发项目中。他向贝尔实验室的高层申诉，最终获得了喘息之机，并被允许继续他的研究。然而，回到霍姆德尔后，他“遭受了彻底的打击” 。“精神崩溃”，并被告知在佛罗里达州休息两个月。
Ohl figured he needed a special furnace to solve these problems. But in late 1938 his supervisors attempted to terminate his silicon research and enlist his talents in the program to develop electronic switching. Appealing to the highest levels of Bell Labs, he finally got a reprieve and was permitted to continue his work. On his return to Holmdel, however, he “suffered a complete nervous collapse” and was told to take two months off in Florida for rest.
奥尔对硅的研究在次年夏天重新进入高潮。1939年8月，他得到了贝尔实验室两位冶金学家杰克·斯卡夫和亨利·图尔勒的帮助。他们使用一台充满氦气惰性气氛的电炉，将置于炉内的石英管中的硅熔化。待硅冷却后，他们进行了后续研究。凝固后，他们敲掉石英，得到黑色多晶“锭”。
Ohl’s research on silicon got back into high gear by the following summer. In August 1939 he got help from two Bell Labs metallurgists, Jack Scaff and Henry Theuerer. Using an electric furnace filled with an inert atmosphere of helium gas, they melted the silicon in quartz tubes placed inside. After the silicon had cooled and solidified, they cracked away the quartz to obtain black polycrystalline “ingots.”
奥尔将这些硅锭带回霍姆德尔后，让人从中切割出小块，并开始进行电子测试。他发现，现在同一样品的整流特性更加均匀了。在某些硅锭中，电流从导线流向硅，而在其余硅锭中，电流则从相反的方向流向硅。他当时仍然没有预先控制这种行为的方法。硅锭从炉子里出来后，就自然而然地表现出这两种不同的行为。“我们意识到有两种硅，”奥尔回忆说，一种他称之为“商业硅”，另一种是“提纯硅”。
Bringing these ingots back to Holmdel, Ohl had smaller pieces cut from them and began making electronic tests. The rectification properties, he found, were now much more uniform across a given sample. In certain ingots current flowed from the wire to the silicon, and in the rest it flowed the other way. But he still had no a priori way of controlling this behavior. The silicon ingots just came out of the furnace behaving in one manner or the other. “We recognized there were two types of silicon,” recalled Ohl, one he called “commercial” and the other “purified.”
10月份，奥尔寄给贝克尔几根棒材和圆盘，这些样品是从斯卡夫和图尔勒用纯度为99.8%的硅锭中切割出来的。这些样品是从电冶金公司获得的。奥尔请他测定样品的导电性——即它们导电的能力。贝克尔很快退还了一根黑色棒状物，表示他根本无法对这个样品进行任何可重复的测量。它的表现“极其不稳定，无法得出任何一致的数值”。
In October Ohl sent Becker a few rods and disks cut from one of the ingots Scaff and Theuerer had prepared using 99.8 percent pure silicon obtained from the Electro Metallurgical Company. Ohl asked him to determine the conductivity of the samples—their ability to conduct electrical current. Becker soon returned one of the black rods, indicating that he simply could not make any repeatable measurements on this sample. Its behavior was “so erratic that no consistent values could be reported.”
奥尔将鱼竿安装到位。通常用于测试硅。他发现示波器上出现了一个“奇特的环路”，表明硅中存在某种势垒。在与老板哈拉尔德·弗里斯讨论了这一怪异现象后，他又尝试了一些其他测试，但都没有取得令人鼓舞的结果。于是，他建议斯卡夫短暂提高熔炉的熔化功率，以生产更均匀的硅锭。这种神秘的障碍显然是需要避免的——这是制造硅探测器时的一个明显劣势。
Ohl installed the rod in the setup he normally used for testing silicon. He discovered that it generated a “peculiar loop” on his oscilloscope that “indicated the presence of some kind of barrier in the silicon.” After discussing this oddity with his boss, Harald Friis, he tried a few other tests but without any encouraging results. Then he advised Scaff to raise the melting power of his furnace briefly to produce more uniform ingots. This mysterious barrier was obviously something to avoid—a clear disadvantage in fabricating silicon detectors.
但奥尔直到次年年初才注意到他那根故障的鱼竿。2月23日星期五早上——就在布拉坦开始尝试按照肖克利的方案制作氧化铜放大器的同一周——奥尔开始研究有多少电流会通过。他穿过这根棒子。他在实验记录本中写道：“棒子一端附近出现了晶体结构的变化，表现为裂纹”，他认为这可能是示波器屏幕上出现奇特环路的原因。突然，他注意到当棒子放在一碗水上方时，环路的形状发生了变化。靠近热烙铁时也出现了同样的情况。这真是一块奇特的零件。确实是硅基的！
But Ohl paid little attention to his malfunctioning rod until early the following year. On Friday morning, February 23—during the same week Brattain began trying to fashion a copper-oxide amplifier according to Shockley’s prescriptions—Ohl started to examine how much current would pass through this rod. In his lab notebook he wrote that “near one end of the rod there is a change in the crystal structure indicated by a crack,” which he figured might be responsible for the peculiar loop on his oscilloscope screen. Suddenly he noticed that the loop changed shape when the rod was placed above a bowl of water. It did the same thing near a hot soldering iron. This was a curious piece of silicon indeed!
奥尔在一篇未发表的回忆录中写道，到了下午早些时候，“我们发现，白炽灯的存在对这个回路产生了很大的影响。”打开附近一盏40瓦的台灯就足以改变它的形状。当奥尔把光源放在旋转风扇后面时，回路以每秒20次的频率脉动，这与风扇的转速相对应。刀片的阴影笼罩着硅胶棒。
By early afternoon, Ohl recalled in an unpublished memoir, “we had found that the loop was greatly effected [sic] by the presence of an incandesent [sic] lamp.” Turning on a nearby 40-watt desk lamp was enough to alter its shape. And when Ohl placed a light source behind a rotating fan, the loop pulsated at 20 cycles per second, corresponding to the frequency at which the fan’s blades shadowed the silicon rod.
这是奥尔在 1940 年 2 月 23 日的实验室笔记中记录的，他用以测量硅棒电阻的电路。流过硅棒的电流的奇特行为促使他发现了 PN 结。
Circuit used by Ohl to measure the resistance of a silicon rod, from an entry in his laboratory notebook dated February 23, 1940. The odd behavior of the current passing through the rod led to his discovery of the P-N junction.
接下来的星期一，他向弗里斯展示了这些奇特的现象，弗里斯百思不得其解，为什么每当这时都会有微弱的电流从杆中渗出。奥尔闪耀上面亮着灯。这显然是要给西街的科学家们看的，他们对固态物理更了解。但弗里斯不愿去找凯利，暴露自己的无知。两人关系很差。奥尔记得弗里斯曾告诉他，这位强硬咄咄逼人的研究主管有一次把他气得“恨不得立刻把凯利毙了”。当场。”
The following Monday he showed these peculiar effects to Friis, who was at a loss to explain why a small current began trickling through the rod whenever Ohl shined a light on it. This was obviously something to show the scientists at West Street, who better understood solid-state physics. But Friis was reluctant to approach Kelly and reveal his ignorance. The two just did not get along. Ohl remembered Friis telling him that the tough, aggressive director of research had once made him “so mad that if he had had a pistol, he would have shot Kelly dead right on the spot.”
然而，一周后，奥尔出现在凯利的办公室，向他演示那根神秘的硅棒，周围围着许多其他科学家，包括贝克尔和布拉坦。除了布拉坦之外，没有人知道发生了什么。布拉坦提出了一个初步的解释：电流一定是在内部的屏障处产生的——类似于用光照射时发生的情况。在氧化铜整流器的界面上。令他惊讶的是，硅中竟然能产生如此高的电压。凯利似乎对他的快速解释印象深刻。布拉坦补充说，据他所知，“这是人们首次在基本材料中发现光伏效应。”
A week later, however, Ohl ended up in Kelly’s office demonstrating the mysterious silicon rod, surrounded by a lot of other scientists, including Becker and Brattain. Nobody had a clue as to what was happening except for Brattain, who suggested a tentative explanation: the electrical current must be generated at the barrier inside—comparable to what happens when you shine a light on the interface of a copper-oxide rectifier. What amazed him was how high a voltage could be generated in silicon. Kelly seemed very impressed by his quick explanation. To his knowledge, Brattain added, “this was the first time that anybody had ever found a photovoltaic effect in elementary material.”
在这块看似普通的硅碎片内部，竟意外地发生了一个小小的奇迹。返回9月份，斯卡夫和图尔勒在生产用于切割硅棒的硅锭时，格外小心地缓慢冷却，力求避免之前硅锭经常出现的开裂问题。冷却凝固后，硅锭内部的杂质自发分离，中心附近部分为“纯硅”，顶部部分为“商用硅”。切割过程中，硅锭内部的杂质会逐渐减少。奥尔寄给贝克尔的那根棒材，一位技术人员在不知情的情况下，正好切过了这两个区域的交界处。因此，棒材的一端表现得像纯硅，另一端则像商用级硅。
A small miracle had occurred serendipitously inside this innocent-looking silicon shard. Back in September, when they produced the ingot from which the rod was cut, Scaff and Theuerer took great pains to cool it slowly, attempting to avoid the cracking that had often plagued previous ingots. Upon solidifying, the impurities inside the ingot had separated spontaneously, leaving a portion near the center as “purified” silicon and another portion at the top as “commercial” silicon. In cutting out the rod Ohl sent to Becker, a technician had unknowingly sliced right across the boundary between these two regions. So one end of the rod behaved like purified silicon and the other end like the commercial grade.
在两个区域交界处的表面上，形成了一个屏障，这与莫特和肖特基所说的在铜和氧化铜界面处必须形成的屏障非常相似。实际上，硅棒本身就是一个整流器，只允许电流单向流动，这也是贝克尔难以测量其电导率的原因之一。势垒一侧的硅由于杂质的存在而具有额外的电子，是一种“过剩”半导体。而另一侧则由于其他类型的杂质而存在电子不足；这里的硅是一种……就像氧化铜一样，半导体也存在“缺陷”。当电子为了中和电荷差异而从一侧涌向另一侧时，就会形成势垒。
At the surface where the two regions met, a barrier had formed that was much like the barrier Mott and Schottky said must form at the interface between copper and copper oxide. In effect, the silicon rod was itself a rectifier, allowing current to flow in only one direction, which is one reason Becker had difficulty measuring its conductivity. The silicon on one side of the barrier was an “excess” semiconductor with extra electrons due to the impurities present there. On the other side there was an electron deficit due to other kinds of impurities; the silicon here was a “defect” semiconductor just like copper oxide. The barrier arose when the electrons rushed from one side to the other in an attempt to neutralize the difference.
当奥尔用光照射这个势垒时，照射到周围材料上的光子会使硅原子中的额外电子脱离原子，这些电子随后可以自由移动。但由于存在整流势垒，这些电子无法被阻挡。电子只能沿一个方向穿过它，从而产生了令困惑的科学家和工程师们观察到的电流和高电压。在贝尔实验室，布拉坦和其他人见证了巨大的“光伏效应”。他们当时并未意识到，自己正在见证现代太阳能电池的直接雏形。
When Ohl flashed light on this barrier, the photons impinging on the surrounding material jarred loose from the silicon atoms additional electrons, which were then free to scamper about. But because of the rectifying barrier there, these electrons could pass in only one direction across it, yielding the current and the large voltage observed by the mystified scientists and engineers at Bell Labs. This was the big “photovoltaic effect” that astounded Brattain and the others. Little did they realize at the time that they were witnessing the immediate ancestor of modern solar cells.
布拉坦在凯利心中的地位迅速提升。奥尔说，由于贝克尔对这种光伏效应的即兴解释，他错失了良机，损失惨重，“因为他的系里就有活性硅，就在他手里，但他却没发现。” 奥尔继续滔滔不绝地谈论起研究人员的困境：
While Brattain rose mightily in Kelly’s esteem because of his impromptu explanation of this photovoltaic effect, Becker suffered a lot from missing it, said Ohl, “because he had that active silicon in his department, in his hands, and he didn’t find it.” Ohl waxed on, philosophizing about the plight of researchers:
这就是你在科研中会遇到的情况。你必须留意这类事情，留意任何异常情况。如果这种情况发生，你必须学会识别它。
That is what you are up against in research. You’ve got to watch for things like that, for something unusual. If that happens, you have got to learn to recognize it.
三月 下旬，身高近六英尺、体格魁梧的斯卡夫决定仔细检查奥尔切割出光敏硅棒的那块硅锭。在技术员比尔·普凡的帮助下，他发现这块硅锭是从顶部表面缓慢冷却到中心的。更重要的是，普凡用硝酸处理了六分钟后，发现了……在硅锭中部，也就是硅棒被切割出来的地方，有一条清晰的分界线。分界线以下是“提纯”型硅，而分界线以上的硅则表现得像“商业”级硅。正如奥尔在3月25日的笔记本中所记录的那样：
IN LATE MARCH, Scaff, a great bear of a man almost six feet tall, decided to look closer at the ingot from which Ohl had cut the photoactive silicon rod. With the help of technician Bill Pfann, he determined that the ingot had cooled slowly from its top surface down into its center. What’s more, after treating it with nitric acid for six minutes, Pfann discovered a clear-cut dividing line part way down into the ingot, right where the rod had been cut out of it. Below this line was the “purified”-type silicon, while the silicon above the line behaved like the “commercial” grade. As Ohl recorded in his notebook on March 25:
根据斯卡夫先生的建议，沿[从硅锭垂直切割而成的硅片]侧面移动的点接触产生了非常明显的形变。（1）在晶片底部附近具有纯化硅的特性。（2）在有源光电区具有高电阻和可忽略的电流。（3）在熔体顶部附近具有商用硅的特性。
A point contact moved along the sides [of a silicon slab cut vertically from the ingot] at Mr. Scaff’s suggestion yielded very distinctly (1) purified silicon characteristics near the bottom end of the slab. (2) high resistance with negligable [sic] current . . . in the active photo electric region (3) Commercial silicon characteristics near the top of the melt.
这就是奥尔和布拉坦之前推测可能存在的障碍物。而且你甚至能亲眼看到它！
Here was the actual barrier that Ohl and Brattain had suggested might exist. And you could even see it!
他们意识到自己偶然发现了一种重要的现象，奥尔和斯卡夫认为，这两种硅需要更贴切的名称来描述它们的物理特性。他们创造了“P型”（正极）和“N型”（负极）这两个术语来表示这两个不同的区域，“因为在硅锭的上部，当硅相对于点接触呈正极时，电流最容易流动……而在下部……”在硅锭的某一部分，情况则相反。”此外，P型硅在光照下会产生正电压，而N型硅则会产生负电压。这两种类型之间的光敏势垒由此被发现。就叫它“PN交汇处”吧。这一切似乎都是非常自然的选择。
Recognizing that they had stumbled across an important phenomenon, Ohl and Scaff decided that the two types of silicon needed names that corresponded better with their physical behavior. They coined the terms “P-type” (for positive) and “N-type” (for negative) to denote these two distinct regions “since in the top part of the ingot the easy direction of current flow occurred when the silicon was positive with respect to [a] point contact . . . , and in the lower portion of the ingot the converse was true.” In addition, P-type silicon gave a positive voltage when illuminated, while a negative voltage arose with N-type silicon. The photoactive barrier between the two types became known as the “P-N junction.” It all seemed a very natural choice.
奥尔、斯卡夫和图伊勒逐渐开始怀疑，这些异常现象是由于残留的少量杂质造成的。在高纯度硅样品中，例如，同一制造商生产的硅锭，其性能始终如一；但来自不同供应商的样品，其性能却截然不同。如果这两个样品含有不同的杂质，并且杂质对硅的电学性能有显著影响，就会出现这种情况。在产生这种神秘硅锭的过程中，硅锭缓慢冷却。光敏棒，即斯卡夫和图尔勒熔化的第十八块硅锭（使用从电冶金公司购买的批号为14743的硅），这些杂质在熔体中的位置应该会根据不同原子的重量而上升或下降。较轻的杂质原子会聚集在硅锭的顶部，导致P型行为，而较重的原子则会聚集在底部。其中心并产生N型。
Ohl, Scaff, and Theuerer gradually began to suspect that the unusual effects were due to small impurities remaining within the high-purity silicon samples. A sample from one manufacturer behaved the same way from ingot to ingot, for example, but samples from two different suppliers behaved quite differently. That would occur if these two samples contained different impurities—and if impurities strongly influenced the electrical behavior of silicon. During the slow cooling of the mysterious ingot that produced the photoactive rod, the eighteenth ingot Scaff and Theuerer had fused (using the silicon from lot number 14743 purchased from the Electro Metallurgical Company), these impurities should have risen or fallen in the melt, according to how heavy the different atoms were. Lighter impurity atoms would congregate at the top of the ingot, causing P-type behavior, while heavier atoms would gather at its center and yield N-type.
“我们确信这些效应是由杂质的分离造成的，”斯卡夫回忆道，“尽管当时我们并不知道具体是哪些杂质。”后来，贝尔冶金学家在P型硅中检测到了微量的硼——一种非常轻的元素，位于元素周期表碳的左侧。铝位于硼的正下方，硅的左侧紧邻着另一种轻杂质，研究发现它能诱发 P 型行为。
“We became convinced that these effects were due to the segregation of impurities,” Scaff reminisced, “although the specific impurities were not then known.” Later the Bell metallurgists detected tiny amounts of boron—a very light element that appears just to the left of carbon in the periodic table—in the P-type silicon. Aluminum, which sits right below boron and immediately left of silicon, is another light impurity that was found to induce P-type behavior.
确定导致N型硅的杂质成分并非易事。斯卡夫和图勒注意到，每当他们从石英管中取出主要由N型硅组成的硅锭时，都会闻到一种特殊的气味。奥尔用金刚石砂轮切割硅锭时也发现了这种气味。据布拉坦说，这种气味“非常像……”“以前汽车上用的乙炔灯，在电灯普及之前，会散发出一种味道。”然而，图勒尔意识到，这种气味并非来自乙炔本身，而是来自乙炔中含有的磷杂质——磷是一种比硅略重、在元素周期表中位于硅右侧的元素——产生的微量磷化氢气体。“通过他们的鼻子……”“他们检测到的磷浓度远低于光谱检测限，”布拉坦惊叹道。微小的磷杂质迁移到了正在凝固的硅锭中心，聚集在那里形成了N型硅。
Determining what impurities caused N-type silicon proved to be more involved. Scaff and Theurer had noticed a peculiar odor whenever they broke predominantly N-type ingots out of the quartz tubes. So did Ohl when he cut them with his diamond wheel. According to Brattain, this odor was “very much like the smell you used to have on these acetylene lamps that you had on automobiles before [they] had electric lights.” Theuerer recognized that this odor was not due to the acetylene itself, however, but to tiny traces of phosphine gas that occurred because of impurities of phosphorus—an element slightly heavier than silicon and just to the right of it in the periodic table—in the acetylene. “By their noses they were detecting concentrations of phosphorus way below the spectroscopic limit,” marveled Brattain. The minute phosphorus impurities had migrated to the center of the solidifying ingots, gathering there to produce N-type silicon.
因此，在20世纪40年代初期，人们逐渐认识到元素周期表第三列的元素——碳、硅和锗左侧的元素——具有铅含量。硼和铝会形成P型硅，而第五列元素（例如磷）则会形成N型硅。光敏棒中可见的势垒（或PN结）标志着两种硅类型的分界线：一种硅中第三列元素的杂质多于第五列元素，另一种硅中第五列元素的原子过量。硼和铝以某种方式在晶体结构中造成了空隙。硅的缺陷在于缺乏电子，而磷杂质则导致电子过剩。“我们知道，硅的一侧像氧化铜一样存在空穴，而另一侧则存在电子，”布拉坦解释说。“缺陷和过剩导电性是当时技术领域中常用的术语。”
Thus it gradually became known during the early 1940s that the elements from the third column of the periodic table—just to the left of carbon, silicon, and germanium—led to P-type silicon, while elements from the fifth column, such as phosphorus, yielded N-type silicon. The visible barrier, or P-N junction, in the photoactive rod marked the dividing line between the two silicon types: one with more third-column than fifth-column impurities, the other with excess atoms from the fifth column. Boron and aluminum somehow created gaps in the crystal structure of silicon—a lack of electrons—while phosphorus impurities contributed a surfeit. “We knew that there were holes on one side as in copper oxide, and it was electrons on the other side,” explained Brattain. “These two types, defect and excess conductivity, were names in the technology at that time.”
元素周期表的第3、4、5列。
Columns 3, 4, and 5 of the periodic table.
1940年3月之后，凯利邀请贝克尔和布拉坦参与贝尔公司的硅研究项目。随着二战在当年愈演愈烈，他对硅研究的重视程度也越来越高。“我们照做了，”布拉坦回忆道，“我想我们算是放弃了氧化铜的研究工作。”凯利在担任贝尔公司研究主管之前，曾领导过真空管部门。他曾投入巨资试图研发用于雷达的小型、高速真空管探测器。但最终，当这些努力被证明徒劳无功，而硅材料看起来更有前景时，他便放弃了。
AFTER MARCH 1940 Kelly asked Becker and Brattain to play a role in Bell’s silicon research effort, which he accorded greater and greater priority as World War II deepened that year. “And we did,” Brattain recalled. “I guess we kind of quit the copper-oxide work.” Having headed Bell’s vacuum-tube department before he became director of research, Kelly spent large sums trying to develop small, fast vacuum-tube detectors for use in radar. But he finally threw in the towel when these efforts proved futile and silicon looked much more promising.
战争期间，硅晶体探测器成为雷达接收机的关键部件。高频短波雷达能够探测到敌机反射回来的高频短波辐射。信号仍然需要转换成低频信号。在电子电路中更容易放大的振荡。在十分之一米（约四英寸）或更短的超短波长（即所谓的厘米波或微波波段）下，真空管和氧化铜整流器无法实现这种转换。硅（以及后来的锗）晶体探测器成为唯一的希望。通过磨尖其触点，工程师们可以使它们对更短的波长更加敏感，并实现对微波信号的出色检测。
Silicon crystal detectors became a key component of radar receivers during the war. Rebounding from enemy aircraft, the high-frequency, shortwave radar signals still had to be converted into lower-frequency oscillations that could be more readily amplified in an electronic circuit. At ultrashort wavelengths of a tenth of a meter (about four inches) or less—the so-called centimeter or microwave range—vacuum-tube and copper-oxide rectifiers could not achieve this conversion. Silicon (and later germanium) crystal detectors proved to be the only hope. By sharpening their point contacts, engineers could make them sensitive at ever shorter wavelengths and attain excellent detection of microwave signals.
1940年夏天，不列颠空战正式打响。一波又一波的德国空军轰炸机昼夜不停地轰炸伦敦上空，将这座城市化为一片火海。在早期地面雷达系统（工作波长超过一米）的帮助下，英国皇家空军展开反击，给德国空军造成了沉重打击。损失惨重。英国人一旦接到即将遭受攻击的警报，便能迅速派出战斗机，在敌机抵达前升空迎战。仅8月15日一天，数量远少于德军的英国皇家空军喷火战斗机就击落了180架德军飞机。然而，尽管英勇奋战，伦敦、曼彻斯特和其他城市仍在夜间空袭中化为废墟和浓烟。
In the summer of 1940, the Battle of Britain began in earnest. Wave after wave of Luftwaffe bombers filled the London skies by day and then night, setting the city ablaze. Aided by early, ground-based radar systems that operated at wavelengths above a meter, the Royal Air Force struck back, inflicting heavy losses. Alerted to an impending attack, the British could scramble their fighters and have them in the air before the enemy arrived. On August 15 alone, the vastly outnumbered RAF Spitfires downed 180 German planes. But despite these heroic efforts, London, Manchester, and other cities were being reduced to rubble and smoke by the nightly air raids.
局势变得岌岌可危眼看希特勒的“海狮行动”入侵迫在眉睫，英国首相温斯顿·丘吉尔做出了一项经过深思熟虑的冒险决定。8月下旬，他派遣了一支绝密代表团前往美国，由著名物理学家亨利·蒂扎德爵士率领。蒂扎德爵士一直倡导与美国全面交换国防技术信息。蒂扎德的代表团在美国停留了一个多月，并取得了丰硕的成果。随附的是一个密封的黑盒子，里面装着英国几项至关重要的军事技术机密。其中包括一种名为“磁控管”的装置，它能产生波长仅为9厘米的强电磁辐射。盒子里还有工作在微波波段的晶体探测器原型。
With the situation becoming desperate and Hitler’s Operation Sea Lion invasion seemingly imminent, British prime minister Winston Churchill took a calculated gamble. In late August he sent a top-secret mission to the United States led by Sir Henry Tizard, a prominent physicist who had been advocating the full exhange of technical defense information with the Americans. Spending over a month in the United States, Tizard’s mission brought with it a sealed black box containing several of Britain’s crucial secrets in military technology. Among them was a device called the “cavity magnetron,” which could generate powerful electromagnetic radiation at a wavelength of only 9 centimeters. Also in the box were prototype crystal detectors that operated in the microwave range.
比任何来源都强大一百多倍，美国研究人员磁控管能够在这种波长下产生微波，几乎一夜之间就改变了雷达探测图像。这种装置轻巧紧凑，足以连同所需的发射和接收设备一起安装在战斗机或轰炸机上。利用其强烈的微波辐射，飞行员能够分辨出敌机以及地面目标。夜间，甚至穿过浓云或浓雾，都能进行探测。由于分辨率随波长缩短而提高，这些磁控管产生的超短波辐射有望在定位此类目标方面达到惊人的精度。正如一位军事观察家恰如其分地描述的那样，腔式磁控管使英国和美国得以“将巨人的力量集中到矮人的手臂上”。它彻底革新了原本的探测技术。一场革命。
Over a hundred times more powerful than any source U.S. researchers had been able to produce at this wavelength, the cavity magnetron changed the radar picture almost overnight. Here was a device light and compact enough to be installed, together with the required transmitting and receiving equipment, aboard a fighter or bomber. Using its intense microwave radiation, pilots would be able to distinguish individual enemy aircraft as well as ground targets at night and through dense clouds or fog. And because resolving power grows as the wavelength decreases, the ultrashort-wave radiation from these magnetrons promised spellbinding accuracy in locating such targets. The cavity magnetron allowed Britain and the United States to concentrate “a giant’s strength in a dwarf’s arm,” as one military observer aptly put it. “It revolutionized what was already a revolution.”
由麻省理工学院的范内瓦尔·布什担任主席的新成立的国家国防研究委员会设立了一个紧急项目，总部设在该委员会，旨在尽快将磁控管开发成完整的机载雷达系统。该项目被称为辐射实验室，简称辐射实验室，后来发展成为一个庞大的工程，涉及数百名科学家和工程师。在二十多所大学和四十多家工业企业从事雷达相关工作。
Chaired by Vannevar Bush of MIT, the recently organized National Defense Research Committee established a crash program headquartered there to develop the magnetron into a complete airborne radar system as expeditiously as possible. Called the Radiation Laboratory, or simply the Rad Lab, this program swelled into a huge operation that involved hundreds of scientists and engineers working on radar at more than twenty universities and over forty industrial firms.
贝尔实验室迅速成为雷达研发的关键力量。自1938年以来，它一直在与海军秘密合作，在新泽西州惠帕尼（位于曼哈顿以西约25英里处）的实验室开发雷达系统。在那里研发的一种工作在40厘米波段的舰载雷达装置即将投入生产。由西部电气公司制造，用于安装在海军舰艇上，以探测来袭飞机并控制对其的炮火攻击。
Bell Labs quickly became a key player in the radar effort. Since 1938 it had been secretly working with the Navy to develop radar systems at a laboratory in Whippany, New Jersey, about twenty-five miles due west of Manhattan. A seaborne radar unit developed there, operating at 40 centimeters, was about to be manufactured by Western Electric for installation on Navy ships to detect approaching aircraft and control gunfire at them.
因此，当蒂扎德任务的成员于1940年10月3日星期五将磁控管带到西街时，实验室里已经有一支庞大且经验丰富的团队在研究雷达。在凯利的办公室讨论之后，他们把磁控管留给了他，让他周末照看；途中，他顺道把磁控管送到了惠帕尼。他把机器运回了位于肖特希尔斯的家中。到了下周一，那里的科学家和工程师们已经让它以6.4千瓦的功率运行，比他们以往在微波范围内所能产生的任何功率都要高出数百倍。“这件事带来的兴奋感令人激动不已，”一位目瞪口呆的观察者说道。“谁曾梦想过看到发射机输出端产生电弧呢？”波长短至10厘米！
So the labs had a large, experienced team already working on radar when members of the Tizard mission brought the magnetron to West Street on Friday, October 3, 1940. After discussions in Kelly’s office, they left it with him over the weekend; he dropped it off at Whippany on the way to his home in Short Hills. By the following Monday, the scientists and engineers there had it operating at a power level of 6.4 kilowatts, hundreds of times greater than anything they had ever been able to generate in the microwave range. “The excitement created by this event was electrifying,” remarked one astonished observer. “Whoever dreamed of seeing arcs drawn from a transmitter output at a wavelength as short as 10 centimeters!”
凯利对磁控管的评价则更为谨慎。他在近四年后撰写的一份报告中（措辞典型的官僚主义风格）指出：“尽管该装置仍处于雏形阶段，人们对其基本工作原理知之甚少，但显而易见的是，一种极具潜在价值的新工具已被研制出来。”可用的。”
Kelly was more restrained in his evaluation of the cavity magnetron. “While the device [was] still in rudimentary form and little was yet known of the fundamentals of its operation,” he observed in a report written (in characteristic bureaucratese) almost four years later, “it was at once obvious that a new tool of potentially great value had been made available.”
在时任AT&T副总裁兼布什委员会成员的朱厄特的敦促下，凯利接管了贝尔公司的雷达研发工作。凯利聘请了肖克利在麻省理工学院的老朋友吉姆·菲斯克（菲斯克在哈佛大学担任初级研究员后于1939年加入贝尔实验室）来领导磁控管的研发项目。他还充分利用了……霍姆德尔无线电实验室——特别是弗里斯、奥尔和索斯沃思的实验室——在微波传输和探测方面做出了卓越贡献。拉尔夫·鲍恩在协调贝尔公司与无线电实验室的合作方面发挥了主导作用。
At the urging of Jewett, then an AT&T vice president as well as a member of Bush’s committee, Kelly took command of Bell’s radar development efforts. Kelly drafted Shockley’s old MIT buddy Jim Fisk (who had come to the labs in 1939 after completing his stint as a Harvard junior fellow) to direct its magnetron development program. He also called upon the extensive experience at the Holmdel radio laboratory—particularly that of Friis, Ohl, and Southworth—in microwave transmission and detection. Ralph Bown took the lead role in coordinating Bell’s contributions with those of the Rad Lab.
凯利富有远见且强有力的领导推动了贝尔公司战时雷达项目的成功。他时而严厉督促，时而哄劝鼓励，促使手下发挥出最佳水平，而这些手下常常小心翼翼、谨小慎微。在他周围，人们都畏惧他那出了名的爱尔兰式暴脾气。“他一旦被激怒，脸就会涨得通红，但过一会儿又会恢复正常，”约翰·皮尔斯说道。“我不敢主动接近他，生怕被雷劈。”贝尔实验室的一位副总裁私下透露，他“学会了永远不要在他发火的时候和他作对”，宁愿过一两天再冷静地讨论此事，那时凯利……会更平易近人。
Kelly’s enlightened, forceful leadership drove the success of Bell’s wartime radar program. He alternately bullied and cajoled the best possible work out of his men, who frequently tiptoed around him, fearing his legendary Irish temper. “When provoked, he would turn dark red, but a moment later he would be normal again,” remarked John Pierce. “I did not seek him out for fear of being struck by lighting.” A Bell Labs vice president confided that he “learned never to oppose him when he had the bit in his teeth,” preferring to discuss the matter calmly a day or two later, when Kelly would be more approachable.
在凯利征召的第一批动员人员中，布拉坦最初从事硅提纯工作。他改造了自己的真空系统——就是他之前用来在氧化铜整流器上镀金的那套设备——用来在金属导线上蒸发和沉积硅，试图去除其中的杂质。用这种硅制造的晶体探测器是噪声最低的探测器之一。贝尔实验室制造的探测器。但他的方法生产的硅性能过于不稳定，无法用于大规模生产。
Among the first group Kelly drafted for the mobilization, Brattain worked at first on purifying silicon. He modified his vacuum system—the same unit he had used for putting gold leads on copper-oxide rectifiers—to evaporate and deposit silicon on metal wires in an attempt to rid it of impurities. A crystal detector fabricated with this silicon was one of the lowest-noise detectors made at Bell Labs. But silicon produced by his process proved too variable in its behavior for use in mass production.
英国人也认识到硅晶体是很好的微波辐射探测器。1939年至1940年间，电气工程师丹尼斯·罗宾逊以及与英国电信研究机构（英国的同类机构）合作的物理学家赫伯特·W·B·斯金纳。雷达实验室的研究人员开发了一种猫须状晶体二极管，这种二极管由掺杂少量铝的冶金级硅制成。到 1940 年底，英国的汤姆逊-休斯顿公司和通用电气公司开始大量生产这种探测器，并将其封装在小型卡匣中，以便轻松插入雷达接收机。但这些公司仍然使用市售的现有产品。硅中含有几个百分点的杂质，导致探测器性能不稳定。在密封每个硅片盒之前，生产工人会在硅片表面仔细寻找热点；然后对所有硅片盒进行测试，只保留性能良好的，其余的则丢弃。
The British, too, had recognized that silicon crystals make good detectors of microwave radiation. During 1939-1940 electrical engineer Denis Robinson and physicist Herbert W. B. Skinner, working with the Telecommunications Research Establishment—Britain’s equivalent of the Rad Lab—developed a cat’s-whisker crystal diode made from metallurgical-grade silicon doped with tiny amounts of aluminum. By late 1940 the British Thompson-Houston Company and General Electric Company were beginning to manufacture substantial quantities of these detectors in small cartidges that could readily be inserted into radar receivers. But these firms still used commercially available silicon, which contained impurities of a few percent that led to unpredictable detector performance. Before sealing each cartridge, the production workers hunted around on the silicon surface for a good hot spot; then they tested them all and kept only those that worked well, throwing the others away.
“遗憾的是，这些单位……往往彼此之间存在巨大差异，有时，“性能不稳定，”赛茨回忆道。早期的雷达操作员通常会随身携带许多这样的弹药筒，“寻找一个能用的，如果一个停止工作或性能不稳定，就换上另一个。”1941年，赛茨和一群同事在宾夕法尼亚大学与雷达实验室签订合同，开发了一种化学工艺，利用……杜邦公司生产出了纯度极高的硅——纯度高达99.99%（最终达到99.999%），杂质含量仅为百万分之一百。然后，可以将精确控制量的铝或其他元素添加到这种“4-9”（后来是“5-9”）硅中，从而获得大规模生产晶体探测器所需的非常均匀且可预测的电特性。
“Unfortunately, the units . . . tended to differ radically from one to another and, on occasion, to behave erratically,” remembered Seitz. Early radar operators would commonly carry a number of such cartridges with them “and search for one that worked, replacing it with another if and when it stopped functioning or became erratic.” During 1941, working at the University of Pennsylvania under a contract with the Rad Lab, Seitz and a group of co-workers developed a chemical process with the du Pont Company that yielded extremely pure silicon—99.99 (and eventually 99.999) percent pure, or only one hundred parts per million in impurities. Carefully controlled amounts of aluminum or other elements could then be added to this “4–9” (and later “5–9”) silicon to achieve the very uniform, predictable electrical characteristics needed to mass-produce crystal detectors.
这款超纯杜庞氏硅在从事晶体探测器研究的科学家和工程师中需求量很大。奥尔通过辐射实验室，每隔几个月就能获得几磅庞氏硅。这足以满足他的研究需求，包括如何切割、蚀刻和抛光掺杂硅片，以及如何最好地将金属触点连接到硅片的背面。斯卡夫则专注于大规模的研发工作，包括如何大规模生产大量 P 型硅，供 Western Electric 的制造工厂使用。
This ultrapure du Pont silicon was in great demand among scientists and engineers working on crystal detectors. Through the Rad Lab, Ohl managed to get several pounds of it every few months. This was enough for his research efforts, which included how to cut, etch, and polish the doped silicon wafers and how best to attach metal contacts to their back sides. Scaff concentrated on large-scale development work, including how to mass-produce large volumes of P-type silicon for use in Western Electric’s manufacturing plants.
贝尔公司还向其他从事晶体探测器研究的美国机构提供了大量的硅材料。其中一些甚至送到了与美国研究人员通过辐射实验室密切合作的英国科学家手中。“我们向他们寄送了样品，以及我们探测器的样品，超过……”斯卡夫说：“外交邮袋里还附有完整的技术资料。”英国和美国的科学家，包括赛茨在内，经常访问实验室，讨论最新的研究进展。
Bell also sent substantial quantities of its silicon to other U.S. institutions working on crystal detectors. Some even went to the British scientists who were working closely with U.S. researchers through the Rad Lab. “We were sending samples to them, as well as samples of our detectors, over in the diplomatic pouches, as well as complete technical information,” said Scaff. British and U.S. scientists, Seitz among them, often visited the labs to discuss the latest advances.
战争的紧迫性促使不断扩大的从事晶体探测器研究的科学家和工程师网络之间进行了非常公开的信息共享——当然，这一切都是在军事机密的阴影下进行的。成员该网络成员大约每两个月参加一次“水晶会议”，最初在哥伦比亚大学，后来在帝国大厦，以审查正在进行的研究并交流心得。
Wartime urgency encouraged a remarkably open sharing of information among the expanding network of scientists and engineers working on crystal detectors—all, of course, under the dark umbrella of military secrecy. Members of the network attended “crystal meetings” every two months or so, at first at Columbia and later in the Empire State Building, to review research in progress and compare notes.
但凯利禁止贝尔实验室以外的任何人谈论一件事——PN结。这是一项太重要的突破，不能随意散播。“我必须把熔体取出来，然后把PN结切出来——切出奥尔说：“我们把其中的N型材料取出来，把剩下的P型材料送到英国人那里进行加工。我们没有泄露公司机密信息，也没有把这些信息交给英国人。”
But Kelly embargoed any talk outside Bell Labs on one matter—the P-N junction. It was too important a breakthrough to bruit about. “I had to take the melts that were produced and cut the junctions out of them—cut the N-type material out of it and send the remaining P-type material to the British to fabricate,” Ohl said. “We did not break the confidential basis of the company information and turn that over to the British.”
1941年12月的一个星期天 下午，布拉坦在家工作，撰写一份关于他一年多来对晶体探测器进行的研究报告。他的论文是他当时正躺在客厅的桥牌桌上，妻子凯伦坐在旁边。突然，“收音机里传来消息——当时收音机开着，我们正在听交响乐之类的——日本人偷袭了珍珠港，”他回忆道。美国一直在为之准备的世界大战，如今已成为残酷的现实。第二天，12月8日，罗斯福总统对日宣战——那周晚些时候，德国和意大利也出现了。
ONE SUNDAY AFTERNOON in December 1941, Brattain was working at home, writing a report about the research he had been doing for more than a year on crystal detectors. His papers were spread out on a bridge table in the living room, and his wife Keren was sitting nearby. Suddenly “the news came over the radio—the radio was on, we were listening to a symphony or something—that the Japs had struck Pearl Harbor,” he recalled. The world conflict for which the United States had been preparing was now a grim reality. The next day, December 8, President Roosevelt declared war on Japan—and later that week on Germany and Italy.
这些事件标志着布拉坦对整流器的研究工作告一段落。当月，他迅速完成了报告；这份报告被列为机密，并在一个由研究人员组成的紧密网络中传阅，这些研究人员来自麻省理工学院、宾夕法尼亚大学、普渡大学、通用电气公司以及英国和其他地方，他们都在从事晶体探测器的研究。同年一月，一个代表团抵达贝尔实验室，寻找科学家。布拉坦邀请工程师们加入一项高优先级的潜艇磁探测项目。该项目总部设在哥伦比亚大学，由贝尔实验室声学专家哈维·弗莱彻和布拉坦的论文导师约翰·泰特领导；他们成功说服了海军和布什的委员会，让他们相信这是一项重要的目标。布拉坦渴望直接为战争做出贡献，也想换个工作，于是欣然接受了邀请。挑战。
These events marked the end of Brattain’s work on rectifiers. That month he quickly finished up his report; it was classified Secret and circulated among the tight network of researchers—at MIT, Pennsylvania, Purdue, General Electric, and in Britain and elsewhere—working on crystal detectors. That January a delegation arrived at Bell Labs seeking scientists and engineers to join a high-priority project on the magnetic detection of submarines. Headquartered at Columbia, it was led by Bell Labs acoustics expert Harvey Fletcher and John Tate, Brattain’s old thesis adviser; they had convinced the Navy and Bush’s committee that it was an important goal. Eager to contribute directly to the war effort and restless for a change, Brattain quickly accepted the challenge.
军事研究，特别是雷达部件和系统方面的研究，很快就占用了贝尔实验室一半以上的技术人员——这些实验室分别位于西街、霍姆德尔、惠帕尼以及正在默里山建设的新实验室。到1942年，贝尔实验室已有超过700名科学家和工程师专注于军事项目，这些项目最终占到了其预算的近90%。美国军方使用的雷达系统超过一半是由西部电气公司制造的。像赛茨和斯莱特这样的学术顾问经常来实验室参观。甚至布什总统或他的委员会成员也偶尔会来和鲍恩、巴克利或凯利交谈，并视察实验室。正在进行中。
Military research, particularly on radar components and systems, soon consumed more than half the technical manpower of Bell Labs—at West Street, Holmdel, Whippany, and the new laboratory under construction in Murray Hill. By 1942 Bell had over 700 of its scientists and engineers concentrating on military projects, which eventually accounted for almost 90 percent of its budget. And over half the radar systems used by the U.S. armed forces were manufactured by Western Electric. Academic advisers and consultants, such as Seitz and Slater, frequently visited the labs. Even Bush or his committee members occasionally came by to talk to Bown, Buckley, or Kelly and to inspect the efforts under way.
布拉坦离开熙熙攘攘的西街将近两年，最初在……工作他先是在罗德岛州的昆塞特海军航空站工作，后来又搬到了长岛北岸的冷泉港。他的团队研发出灵敏的磁力计，用于探测潜艇引起的地球磁场异常——这与巴丁当年寻找石油矿藏的方法非常相似。1942年末，该团队制造出第一台潜艇探测器原型机后，他便参与了风险极高的测试工作。“见鬼， ……因为我们找不到其他练习对象，我们只好穿着便服，带着磁性探测设备飞到大西洋上空，去探测德国潜艇，”他声称。“而且我们连保险都没有！”
Brattain left frantic West Street for almost two years to work at first at Quonset Naval Air Station in Rhode Island and then at Cold Spring Harbor on the north shore of Long Island. His group developed sensitive magnetometers to detect anomalies in the Earth’s magnetic field caused by submarines—in much the same way that Bardeen had searched for oil deposits. After the group built its first, prototype, submarine detector in late 1942, he became involved in the risky testing phase. “Hell, . . . because we couldn’t find anything else to practice on, we were flying out with our magnetic detecting equipment in civilian clothes over German subs in the Atlantic,” he alleged. “And we didn’t even have insurance!”
肖克利也从事雷达研究和反潜战方面的工作。1940 年末蒂扎德考察团访问结束后，他离开西街前往惠帕尼工作。他先是和菲斯克一起研究磁控管，后来又参与了潜艇雷达系统的晶体测距装置的研究。但设备并非肖克利的强项，因此，当有机会运用他卓越的分析能力为美国的战争努力做出贡献时，他毫不犹豫地抓住了这个机会。
Shockley, too, worked in radar research and antisubmarine warfare. After the Tizard mission’s visit in late 1940, he departed West Street to work at Whippany, first on magnetrons with Fisk and then on a crystal ranging unit for submarine-based radar systems. But equipment was never Shockley’s forte, so he jumped at the chance when an opportunity came along to use his superb analytical skills to aid the U.S. war effort.
1942年5月，肖克利离开贝尔实验室，担任反潜作战研究小组的研究主任。该研究所由海军在哥伦比亚大学设立，由菲利普·莫尔斯教授指导，莫尔斯是麻省理工学院的教授，也是肖克利学习量子力学的老师。肖克利的工作使他经常前往华盛顿和五角大楼，在那里他结识了许多高级政府官员和军官。“我们直接参与军事行动，”他回忆道，“研究军事行动的结果，设计战术等等。”
In May 1942 Shockley took leave from Bell Labs to become research director of the Anti-Submarine Warfare Operations Research Group, set up by the Navy at Columbia under the direction of Philip Morse, the MIT professor who taught him quantum mechanics. Shockley’s work took him frequently to Washington and the Pentagon, where he met many top government officials and military officers. “We were involved directly with the military,” he recalled, “studying the results of military operations, designing tactics, and things like this.”
该团队与英国的同行一起，将概率和统计学技术应用于反潜作战。从某种意义上说，运筹学就像将量子力学应用于军事行动：应对敌方行动中固有的不确定性，并提出相应的战术。其实践者制定了诸如如何以最佳方式组织舰船等战略。为了最大限度地减少潜艇袭击造成的损失，他们制定了护航策略；为了最大限度地提高击沉U型潜艇的比率，他们还研究了投放深水炸弹的最佳模式。事实上，这些以及其他策略在赢得残酷的大西洋战争中如此有效，以至于当布拉坦的磁探测系统准备就绪时，战争实际上已经结束了。1943年底，他回到贝尔实验室，在贝克尔的指导下工作。关于用于轰炸瞄准器的红外线探测器。“当德国潜艇开始在水面作战时，”他承认，“使用磁性探测装置就毫无用处了。”
Together with its counterpart in Britain, this group applied techniques of probability and statistics to antisubmarine warfare. In a way, operations research was like applying quantum mechanics to military operations: dealing with the inherent uncertainties in enemy actions and suggesting appropriate tactics. Its practitioners developed strategies such as the best ways to organize ships within convoys in order to minimize losses from submarine attacks, or the optimum patterns for dropping depth charges to maximize U-boat kill ratios. So effective were these and other strategies in winning the brutal Atlantic war, in fact, that it was essentially over by the time Brattain’s magnetic detection system was ready for deployment. He returned to Bell Labs at the end of 1943, working under Becker on detectors of infrared rays for use in bombsights. “When the German subs started staying on the surface and fighting,” he allowed, “there was no use having something that would magnetically detect them.”
布拉坦于那年十二月 返回时，贝尔实验室的战时工作已接近尾声。当时几乎所有人都投入到军事研究中。项目主要包括先进的雷达设备。系统工作波长为10厘米的所谓“S波段”雷达即将被当时正在生产的、工作波长接近3厘米（约1英寸）的“X波段”雷达所取代。与此同时，研究人员正在迅速克服阻碍实现1厘米波段雷达系统的技术障碍。
WHEN BRATTAIN RETURNED that December, Bell Labs was nearing the peak of its wartime effort. Almost everyone there was now working on military projects, primarily advanced radar equipment. Systems that operated at wavelengths of 10 centimeters—the so-called “S-band” radar—were about to be superseded by new equipment then going into production that functioned at “X-band” wavelengths near 3 centimeters (about an inch). And researchers were rapidly overcoming the technological barriers that remained in the way of achieving radar systems at 1 centimeter.
那时，放射实验室正在迅速发展。在雷达产量方面，贝尔实验室与麦斯登实验室不相上下。两家实验室在为盟军开发各种系统时，共享理念和设计。为了给新型B-29轰炸机紧急研制一种精确的高空雷达瞄准器，贝尔实验室的工程师们迅速采用了H2X系统的组件。H2X系统是麦斯登实验室为欧洲战场上的B-17轰炸机开发的X波段雷达系统。到1944年初，尽管西电公司每月生产1万个X波段磁控管，但这仍然无法满足激增的需求。雷神公司试图弥补这一缺口，采用了贝尔实验室提供的设计方案。
By then the Rad Lab was fast catching up with Bell Labs in its radar output. The two laboratories shared ideas and designs in the various systems they were developing for the Allied forces. In a crash program to produce an accurate high-altitude radar bombsight for the new B-29 bomber, Bell engineers quickly adapted components from the H2X system, an X-band system developed by the Rad Labs for B-17 bombers over Europe. By early 1944, even though Western Electric was manufacturing 10,000 X-band magnetrons per month, this was still not enough to meet the surging demand. Raytheon tried to pick up the slack, using designs supplied by Bell Labs.
在对晶体整流器的理解方面也取得了巨大进展。贝尔实验室、辐射实验室、宾夕法尼亚大学、普渡大学和其他机构之间也存在类似的信息共享。在制备P型硅材料的过程中，硼取代铝成为首选掺杂剂。随着杜邦公司高纯度“5-9”硅的普及，研究人员可以通过在熔体中添加微量的硼和其他元素，更好地控制半导体的电学特性。1942年末，塞茨及其宾夕法尼亚大学的同事发表了相关研究报告。例如，指出如何利用硼、铍、铝和磷杂质来改变硅的导电性。
Great progress had also been made in the understanding of crystal rectifiers, with a similar sharing of information among Bell Labs, the Rad Lab, Pennsylvania, Purdue, and other institutions. In treating silicon to make P-type materials, boron had replaced aluminum as the dopant of choice. With du Pont’s high-purity “5–9” silicon now readily available, researchers could control the electrical characteristics of semiconductors much better by adding tiny amounts of boron and other elements to their melts. Studies reported in late 1942 by Seitz and his Pennsylvania colleagues, for example, indicated how to alter the conductivity of silicon using boron, beryllium, aluminum, and phosphorus impurities.
二战期间，西尔瓦尼亚（左）和西电（右）生产的晶体整流器筒的横截面图。
Cross-sectional drawings of crystal rectifier cartridges produced by Sylvania (left) and Western Electric (right) during World War II.
例如，当一个外来的磷原子进入硅晶格时，它会占据原本属于硅原子的位置。但由于磷是第五族元素，它有五个电子可以与其他原子共享，形成四个共价键。四个硅原子相邻，每个硅原子都需要一个电子。因此，多出的一个电子无法在晶格中找到合适的位置。根据周围环境的扰动程度，它要么停留在原有的磷离子周围，要么开始一段不稳定的漂移，随波逐流，受到各种电磁波的影响。通过掺杂添加到硅中的额外电子因此，磷可以增强其导电能力。
When a foreign atom of phosphorus enters the silicon crystal lattice, for example, it occupies a site that would otherwise contain a silicon atom. But being a fifth-column element, phosphorus has five electrons to share in forming four covalent bonds with its four silicon neighbors, each of which needs one electron. Thus there is an excess of one electron that cannot find a natural home in the lattice. Depending on the amount of commotion in its neighborhood, it either hangs around its native phosphorus ion or sets off on an erratic voyage, drifting with whatever electromagnetic winds happen to buffet it. The extra electrons added to silicon by doping it with phosphorus therefore enhance its ability to conduct electrical currents.
相比之下，在硅晶体中添加一个硼原子意味着只有三个电子可用于与其四个相邻原子形成共价键。因此，硼原子周围现在缺少一个电子。事实上，正是从对这种电子耗尽状态的抽象理论处理中，涌现出了一种量子力学理论。物理学家将这种实体称为“空穴”，它对应于晶格中特定位置缺少一个电子。这些空穴的行为就像真实的物理实体一样，在适当的作用下（例如电场）可以在晶体内部移动。此外，还可以向硅中添加空穴来增强其导电性。
By contrast, adding a boron atom to a silicon crystal means that only three electrons are available to form bonds with its four neighbors. Thus there is now a deficit of one electron around the boron site. In fact, out of the abstract theoretical treatment of this depleted condition there emerged a quantum-mechanical entity physicists call a “hole,” which corresponds to the lack of one electron at a given position in the lattice. And these holes behave just like real, physical entities that can actually move about inside the crystal under appropriate influences, such as an electric field. Holes, too, can be added to silicon to enhance its conductivity.
在我们的宴会比喻中，过剩的或N型半导体这就好比到场人数超过座位数的尴尬局面。迟到的人只能在桌间徘徊，希望能找到空位。而对于缺陷型或P型半导体来说，情况则恰恰相反，座位数超过了人数。许多桌子上的空位，或者说“空洞”，可以让其他人过来坐坐聊天，从而促进更广泛的社交互动。
In our banquet analogy, an excess or N-type semiconductor corresponds to the awkward situation where more people show up than there are seats. Late arrivals are left to drift around from table to table, in hopes of finding an empty seat. With a deficit or P-type semiconductor, the analogy is reversed so that seats outnumber people. Empty seats, or “holes,” at a number of tables allow others to drop by and chat, promoting wider social interaction.
兴奋剂纯硅与磷和其他第五列元素混合会形成N型硅，其电子过剩。添加硼、铝和其他第三列元素则会形成P型硅，其电子不足——即空穴过剩。奥尔和斯卡夫提出的这些新术语迅速取代了战前使用的“过剩”和“不足”导电性术语。
Doping pure silicon with phosphorus and other fifth-column elements leads to N-type silicon, having an excess of electrons. Adding boron, aluminum, and other third-column elements yields P-type silicon with an electron deficit—an excess of holes. The new terms coined by Ohl and Scaff were rapidly replacing the terminology of “excess” and “deficit” conductivity in use before the war.
1942年，通用电气和普渡大学的研究人员他们还开始使用纯锗制造整流晶体。他们发现，添加氮、磷、砷、锑和锡杂质可以得到N型半导体。锗的熔点比硅低，更容易加工，而且也不会与石英坩埚发生反应。但是，用锗制造的整流器却表现出诸多缺陷。对温度变化更敏感。
In 1942 researchers at General Electric and Purdue also began fabricating rectifier crystals using purified germanium. They found that adding nitrogen, phosphorus, arsenic, antimony, and tin impurities resulted in N-type semiconductors. With a lower melting point, germanium was easier to work with than silicon, and it did not react with quartz crucibles either. But rectifiers fabricated with it proved to be much more sensitive to temperature changes.
布拉坦返回贝尔实验室后，肖克利则留在华盛顿，于1944年初开始参与一项秘密项目，该项目充分利用了他在雷达和作战研究方面的丰富经验。作为战争部长亨利·L·史汀生办公室的专家顾问，他负责建立和管理B-29轰炸机机组人员使用雷达瞄准器的训练。高空轰炸。B-29超级堡垒轰炸机由波音飞机公司为美国陆军航空队建造，是在“哈普”·阿诺德将军的紧急计划下完成的。这种轰炸机可以在30000英尺以上的高空巡航——远远超出防空炮火和大多数敌方战斗机的射程。
While Brattain returned to Bell Labs, Shockley remained in Washington to begin work in early 1944 on a secret project that employed his extensive experience in both radar and operations research. As an expert consultant in the office of Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson, he set up and managed the training of B-29 crews in the use of radar bombsights for high-altitude bombing. Built by Boeing Aircraft for the Army Air Forces under a crash program directed by General “Hap” Arnold, B-29 Superfortresses could cruise at altitudes above 30,000 feet—well beyond range of antiaircraft flak and most enemy fighters.
他们的APQ-13轰炸瞄准器由贝尔实验室设计，西电公司生产，使用波长为3厘米的X波段微波。它能穿透云层和黑暗，提供地面目标的精细图像。“这款雷达将使高空轰炸机能够在阴天或夜间进行轰炸，”凯利在1944年7月指出。APQ-13雷达将使人员和飞机得到最有效的利用，因为“只要能飞，就能投弹”。
Their APQ-13 bombsights, designed by Bell Labs and produced by Western Electric, used X-band microwaves at a wavelength of 3 centimeters to penetrate clouds and darkness, yielding fine-grained images of ground-based targets. “This radar will make it possible to bomb through overcast or at night from the altitude ceiling of these high altitude bombers,” observed Kelly in July 1944. The APQ-13 would allow the most efficient possible use of men and aircraft because “when they can fly, they can bomb.”
但从如此高的高度进行精确轰炸这带来了一些独特的问题，但如果飞行员和投弹手接受过使用新型雷达设备的正确培训，其中大部分问题都可以得到解决。1944年上半年，随着B-29轰炸机开始从波音公司的生产线下线，肖克利日夜兼程地在美国空军基地组织培训项目。9月，他开始了为期三个月的环球之旅。他飞往英国、意大利、埃及、印度……他前往澳大利亚和太平洋的马里亚纳群岛，评估人员和装备在实际战时条件下的表现。然后，他分析这些信息，以开发更新更好的轰炸技术，或者将信息传回国内，帮助贝尔实验室设计下一代轰炸瞄准器。
But accurate bombing from such heights presented unique problems, most of which could be solved if pilots and bombardiers were properly trained in the use of the new radar equipment. As the B-29s began to roll off Boeing production lines during the first half of 1944, Shockley worked day and night to organize training programs at U.S. air bases. In September he began a three-month world tour. He flew to England, Italy, Egypt, India, Australia, and the Marianas Islands in the Pacific Ocean—assessing the performance of men and equipment under actual wartime conditions. Then he analyzed this information to develop new and better bombing techniques, or relayed it back home to aid Bell Labs in the design of its next-generation bombsights.
他从印度出发，跟随第二十军统帅、叼着雪茄的柯蒂斯·李梅少将。轰炸机司令部飞越喜马拉雅山脉，抵达中国西部的机场。在这些基地，远程B-29轰炸机正准备执行对日作战任务，但为这些偏远机场提供后勤补给的问题成为了主要障碍。12月中旬，肖克利飞往澳大利亚，然后又飞往刚刚解放的马里亚纳群岛，在塞班岛度过了圣诞节，期间他在潮间带的潮池里嬉戏，观察着奇特的生物。鱼。“这是一次非常有趣的旅行，但他不能写太多关于这件事的内容，”他在从布里斯班寄出的一封信中告诉他的母亲（这封信已经过军队审查员的拆封和批准）。
From India he rode with the cigar-chomping Major General Curtis Le May, leader of the Twentieth Bomber Command, over the Himalayas to airfields in western China. At these bases the long-range B-29s were preparing to fly sorties over Japan, but the logistical problems of supplying these remote fields had proved a major obstacle. In mid-December Shockley flew to Australia and then to the recently liberated Marianas, spending Christmas on Saipan wading around in tide pools, examining weird fish. “It has been a very interesting trip, but I can’t write very much about it,” he told his mother in a letter mailed from Brisbane (which had been opened and approved by an Army censor).
11月下旬，B-29轰炸机首次从塞班岛起飞，对东京工业区进行了空袭，但风向和天气状况严重限制了其作战效能。肖克利研究了这些困难，并提出了他的建议。随后，美国空军第二十一轰炸机司令部接到了这一指令。对东京和其他日本城市的后续轰炸更加彻底，最终迫使敌人屈服。
The first B-29 raid on Tokyo industries had flown from Saipan in late November, but wind and weather drastically limited its effectiveness. Shockley studied these difficulties and gave his recommendations to the Twenty-first Bomber Command. Subsequent pattern bombing of Tokyo and other Japanese cities proved much more thorough, bringing the enemy to its knees.
1945年1月，他终于回到了位于新泽西州麦迪逊的家中。他越来越厌倦战争工作，迫切希望重返科学研究领域。与凯利的一次会面促成了这一转变。“我一直……”“自从我回来后，我一直在华盛顿和纽约之间往返，还去了一趟波士顿，”他在二月份写信给母亲说。“我计划在不久的将来回到贝尔实验室兼职，协助制定战后研究计划。”
In January 1945 he finally returned to his home in Madison, New Jersey. He was becoming increasingly weary of war work and getting very impatient to return to scientific research. A meeting with Kelly helped seal the transition. “I have been shuttling between Washington and New York with a trip to Boston since I returned,” he wrote his mother in February. “I am planning to go back part time to Bell Labs in the near future to help with planning post-war research programs.”
大约两年前 ，凯利就开始为战后贝尔实验室的未来做规划。他从宏观的角度指导了贝尔实验室庞大的战时生产工作。 他认识到，尤其是在微波和雷达系统领域的努力，一旦国家的科学家和工程师们重返民用领域，通信技术将取得巨大进步。在1943年5月1日的一份长篇备忘录中，他指出，过去三十年的研究已经彻底改变了电话通信。考虑到近期取得的巨大进步在微波技术领域，他预计“战后十年可能会出现比过去三十年更为重大的变化”。
ALMOST TWO YEARS earlier, Kelly had begun planning for the future of Bell Labs after the war ended. From his broad perspective in directing its extensive war production efforts, especially in microwave and radar systems, he recognized that enormous improvements in communications technology would be possible once the nation’s scientists and engineers returned to civilian work. In a lengthy memorandum dated May 1, 1943, he noted that research had revolutionized telephone communications during the past three decades. Considering the tremendous recent advances in microwave technology, he expected that “in the decade following the war there may well be changes of even greater significance than those of the past thirty years.”
尽管贝尔实验室在微波技术领域明显领先于美国，但他认为，一旦战争结束，它将面临激烈的竞争。一场新的战争即将爆发。“所有这些 技术都已向广大用户开放。”“这是广播行业的一个领域，”他继续说道。
Although Bell Labs clearly led the United States in microwave technology, he argued, it could expect stiff competition once the war ended. A new kind of battle was about to erupt. “All of this art has been made available to a large sector of the radio industry,” he continued.
该行业竞争异常激烈。争夺市场的斗争将持续推动低成本技术的发展。他们的工程技术大胆创新，有时甚至过于激进，但最终会带来有价值的贡献。他们的战争努力将增强他们的经济和技术实力。目前已有大量证据表明，他们“对战争感到不满”。战后，我们才得以“得到它”。
The industry is highly competitive. The struggle for markets will continue to force the development of low-cost techniques. Their engineering is daring; it will often be too much so, but contributions of value will come out of it. Their war effort will strengthen them financially and technically. There is already much evidence of their “chafing at the bit to get at it” after the war.
凯利曾亲身经历过贝尔实验室和西部电气公司在战时紧急情况下设计、研发和制造新型雷达组件和系统的速度之快，这让他警醒不已。通常情况下，特定系统的下一代产品在设计图纸上就已经绘制完成。前一款产品已经开始陆续下线了。新设备的研发人员利用来自前线科学技术顾问的反馈，对产品进行改进。在战后争夺通信市场主导权的斗争中，这种紧密协作的研发和生产模式对AT&T的成功至关重要。
Kelly had been chastened by his experiences with how rapidly new radar components and systems could be designed, engineered, and manufactured by Bell Labs and Western Electric under conditions of wartime urgency. Usually the next generation of a particular system was on the drawing boards just as the previous one was beginning to roll off production lines. And developers of the new units used feedback from scientific and technical advisers on the front lines of combat to design improvements into their products. In the postwar struggle to dominate the communications marketplace, such a close-knit organization of research, development, and production would be crucial to AT&T’s success.
固态物理将在这些研究工作中发挥关键作用。凯利对此深有体会。他在战时接触硅材料的经历，尤其是奥尔和斯卡夫的研究成果，使他转而关注新型半导体器件。在1940年至1942年间授权开展固态物理研究时，他指出：“固态物理的研究方法非常基础，而且可能具有深远的意义，因此我们应该开展此类研究，作为我们各种研究的背景。”材料发展。”自 1941 年以来一直停滞不前的贝尔固态研究工作，在战争结束后不得不重新启动。
Solid-state physics would play a key role in these research efforts, Kelly recognized. He had been converted to the new semiconductor devices by his wartime experiences with silicon, primary among them the work of Ohl and Scaff. In authorizing research on solid-state physics during 1940-1942, he observed that “its method of approach is so basic and may well be of such far-reaching importance that we should have such studies in progress as background for our various materials developments.” Languishing since 1941, Bell’s solid-state research effort would have to be revived after the war’s end.
凯利认为，在战后即将出现的先进的高频微波通信技术中，设备将比之前使用的音频和射频频段的设备小得多。这意味着固态器件将……就像晶体整流器取代雷达一样，晶体管将继续取代真空管。为了保持AT&T在新技术领域的领先地位，贝尔实验室必须成为固态物理领域的全球领导者，并掌握最新的研究进展。凯利想要领导这项关键研究项目的人选，正是他近十年前从麻省理工学院聘请的那位才华横溢、洞察力敏锐的年轻人——威廉·肖克利。
In the advanced high-frequency, microwave-based communications technology that would emerge after the war, Kelly argued, the apparatus would be much smaller than that of the audio- and radio-frequency bands previously used. Which meant that solid-state devices would continue to replace vacuum tubes—just as crystal rectifiers did in radar. To keep AT&T at the forefront of the new technology, Bell Labs needed to be a world leader in solid-state physics, conversant with the latest advances. The person Kelly wanted to captain this key research program was the brilliant, piercing young man he had hired from MIT almost a decade earlier, William Shockley.
焦点战后研究工作的一个重要成果是位于默里山的新实验室——默里山是新泽西州沃特昌山脉的一座低矮、树木繁茂的玄武岩山脊，位于纽瓦克以西约12英里处。该实验室由西电公司的工程中心于1925年改建而成，位于西街的实验室空间狭小、环境脏乱且噪音较大，无法满足固态物理和其他现代科学领域所需的高精度实验工作。学科。“一年中有四五个月必须开窗通风，”凯利在1945年的一封信中抱怨道，“来自西街、贝休恩街和高架公路的灰尘严重干扰了电子实验室的实验。”卡车和火车隆隆驶过时产生的机械振动和电磁干扰很容易影响超灵敏的电子显微镜。设备。
The focus of these postwar research efforts was to be the new laboratory on Murray Hill—a low, wooded, basalt ridge of New Jersey’s Watchung Mountains about twelve miles west of Newark. Converted in 1925 from Western Electric’s engineering center, the West Street labs had proved too cramped, dirty, and noisy for the high-precision experimental work needed in solid-state physics and other modern scientific disciplines. “During the four or five months of the year when it is necessary to have windows open,” Kelly complained in a 1945 letter, “the dirt from West and Bethune Streets and from the elevated highway seriously interferes with the electronic laboratory type of experimentation.” Mechanical vibrations and electromagnetic disturbances from trucks and trains rumbling by could easily upset ultrasensitive equipment.
自朱厄特和阿诺德以来，实验室主任们一直梦想在纽约附近宁静的乡村地区建造一座类似大学校园的实验室。但这些计划在大萧条时期被迫搁置。20世纪30年代末经济开始复苏时，在默里山厂址上开始建造一座可容纳1000名员工的实验实验室，该实验室的设计预留了扩建空间，可根据需要随时扩建。——肖克利已安排他原本打算租用这栋楼里的一间办公室，但1940年他却搬到了惠帕尼，从事雷达方面的工作。
Since Jewett and Arnold, lab directors had dreamed of building a campus-like laboratory in a quiet rural setting close to New York. But those plans had to be put on hold during the Depression. When the economy began to recover in the late 1930s, an experimental laboratory for 1,000 employees was begun on the Murray Hill site, designed to be expanded as required. Shockley was scheduled to occupy one of the offices in this building, but he moved instead to Whippany in 1940 to work on radar.
1941年末，贝尔实验室研究部的大部分人员——包括斯卡夫和图尔勒，但不包括贝克尔和布拉坦——开始搬迁到新大楼，该大楼很快被改建为战时研发项目用地。到凯利1943年撰写备忘录时，该实验室已有近900名员工。这座四层高的米黄色砖砌建筑坐落在300英亩缓坡地上。其办公室和实验室空间采用灵活的设计，使用金属隔断，工人们可以在周末轻松拆卸和更换。面向一片宽阔、修剪整齐的草坪，点缀着栎树，四周环绕着树林，默里山庄是凯利设想的“创意技术研究所”的理想选址。表彰贝尔战后的研究工作。
In late 1941 much of the Bell Labs Research Division—including Scaff and Theuerer, but not Becker and Brattain—began moving to the new building, which was speedily converted for wartime R&D projects. By the time Kelly wrote his 1943 memo, there were almost 900 employees working at this lab—a four-story buff-brick structure set on the gently sloping 300-acre site. The flexible design of its offices and laboratory spaces involved metal partitions that workmen could easily take down and change over a weekend. Facing out onto a broad, well-groomed lawn dotted with pin oaks and bordered by woods, Murray Hill was an ideal setting for the “institute of creative technology” that Kelly envisioned for Bell’s postwar research efforts.
1945年初，肖克利往返于纽约和华盛顿之间，一边努力组织贝尔公司的固态研究项目，一边逐步结束他在五角大楼的战时工作。“这些天我过得相当忙碌，每周在贝尔实验室工作两天，”他在那 年三月写道，“我把工作时间从周一和周二改成了周六和周一。”默里山。这意味着周五和周一都要在火车上度过，这总比周六晚上在火车上度过要好得多。”
IN EARLY 1945 Shockley was shuttling back and forth between New York and Washington, trying to organize Bell’s solid-state research program while winding down his war work at the Pentagon. “I am leading a pretty busy life these days working two days per week at BTL,” he wrote that March. “I have changed this from Monday and Tuesday to Saturday and Monday at Murray Hill. This means spending Friday and Monday on trains, which is preferable to so spending Saturday night.”
在华盛顿，他下榻于大学俱乐部，这是一栋七层高的红砖建筑，拥有精美的大理石屋檐和石灰岩门楣下的白色窗框。它位于白宫正北五个街区，宽阔的第十六街上，与总部隔街相望。他是国家地理学会的成员。他经常在俱乐部的游泳池里游泳，或者坐在俱乐部的图书馆和木镶板休息室里，与其他科学家和学者争论，这些科学家和学者在战争期间开始频繁出入美国首都。
In Washington he stayed at the University Club, a seven-story, red-brick building with intricate marble roof cornices and white-sash windows beneath limestone lintels. It is located five blocks due north of the White House on broad Sixteenth Street, directly opposite the headquarters of the National Geographic Society. He often swam laps in the club’s pool or sat around in its library and wood-paneled lounge, arguing with other scientists and academics who began to frequent the nation’s capital during the war.
周末，肖克利会回到位于新泽西州麦迪逊枫树大道上的一栋两层小别墅，从那里步行五分钟即可轻松到达伊利和拉克瓦纳铁路的车站。铁路。他的妻子琼在那里操持家务，开辟了一大片菜园，并照顾他们的孩子：十岁的艾莉森和他们两岁的大儿子比利。从麦迪逊出发，驱车穿过山丘和树林，很快就能到达默里山。或者，如果肖克利需要去西街，他也可以很方便地搭乘火车前往曼哈顿。
On weekends Shockley returned to a small, two-story cottage on Maple Avenue in Madison, New Jersey, an easy five-minute walk from the station on the Erie and Lackawanna Railroad. There his wife Jean kept house, raised a large victory garden, and minded their children: ten-year-old Alison and their first son Billy, then two. From Madison it was a short drive through hills and woods to Murray Hill. Or Shockley could easily hop a train to Manhattan, if he needed to visit West Street.
1945年3月24日星期五早上，凯利开车送他和菲斯克——菲斯克当时也在工作。贝尔战后计划的一部分——前往霍姆德尔拜访奥尔，讨论他对硅的研究。贝克尔、鲍恩、弗里斯以及另外两人也加入了他们。奥尔首先向他们简要介绍了PN结、光伏效应以及他用于晶体探测器的硅加工方法。肖克利对这些交叉路口很感兴趣。“你有没有想过，如果在护栏处设置一个接触点，“你能控制流过的电流吗？”他问道。
On Friday morning, March 24, 1945, Kelly drove him and Fisk—who was also working on Bell’s postwar planning—over to Holmdel to visit Ohl and discuss his research on silicon. There they were joined by Becker, Bown, Friis, and two others. At first Ohl briefed them about P-N junctions, the photovoltaic effect, and his methods of processing silicon for crystal detectors. Shockley was intrigued by the junctions. “Did you ever think that if you put a point contact at the barrier, that you could get control of the current flowing through?” he asked.
事实上，奥尔一直在摆弄一种与此类似的装置。那是一块硅片，他在上面镀了一层薄薄的铂金；然后在铂金表面，他又沉积了一层硅。“这是一层非常非常薄的金属镀层，用来作为两层硅表面之间的导体，”奥尔说道。后来他解释说：“我们的想法是控制流过硅的电流，从而得到类似真空管的效果。”
Actually, Ohl had been puttering with a device somewhat along these lines. It was a piece of silicon on which he plated a thin layer of platinum; on the surface of this metal, he then deposited another layer of silicon. “This was a very, very thin plating of metal to be a conductor in between the two silicon surfaces,” Ohl later explained. “The idea was to control the current that would go through the silicon, and thus we could get the equivalent of a vacuum tube.”
接下来，奥尔向三人展示了他用一种他称之为“阻断器”的点接触式探测器作为简易放大器制作的无线电接收器。电池提供的直流电流过阻断器，并以某种方式降低了其电阻——可能是通过内部发热实现的。借助这些装置，他可以消除电路损耗，使微弱的无线电信号也能引发高振幅振荡。“奥尔证明，放大后的无线电广播可以通过小型扬声器播放出来，”肖克利回忆道。但由于热效应导致的严重不稳定性，这种放大器不稳定且不可靠。然而，正如肖克利三十年后指出的那样，“奥尔的收音机确实是一项令人兴奋的固态技术发展。”
Next Ohl showed the three men a radio receiver he had built using point-contact detectors he called “desisters” as crude amplifiers. Direct current from a battery flowed through a desister and somehow reduced its resistance—perhaps by internal heating. With the aid of these devices, he could cancel out circuit losses so that feeble incoming radio signals could provoke high-amplitude oscillations. “Ohl demonstrated that amplified radio broadcasts could be heard over a small loudspeaker,” Shockley recalled. But gross instabilities due to thermal effects made this amplifier erratic and unreliable. Nevertheless, as Shockley noted thirty years later, “Ohl’s radio set was indeed an exciting solid-state development.”
尽管奥尔拥有卓越的实验天赋，但凯利也意识到，他本质上和爱迪生、德福雷斯特一样，是一位系统性的修补匠。凯利渴望借助肖克利的分析能力，从微观的原子层面更好地理解硅内部的运作机制。这些信息对于硅的研发至关重要。战后通信技术中的新型固态器件。
Despite all of Ohl’s experimental genius, Kelly recognized, he was essentially a systematic tinkerer like Edison and de Forest. Kelly was eager to engage Shockley’s analytical skills to understand better—on a microscopic, atomic level—what was happening inside the silicon. Such information could easily prove decisive in developing new solid-state devices for postwar communications technology.
奥尔对与肖克利的交流持有不同的看法。他觉得信息似乎总是单向流动——从霍姆德尔到默里山——而不是反向流动。就像晶体探测器中的电流一样。“实际上，科研是由一些天性中带有某种盗窃倾向的人组成的，”他承认道。坦率地说：“我当时是个很难对付的人，因为他们会说些什么，让我得到一些信息，然后我就可以把这些信息转化成可以申请专利的材料。所以这对默里山公司来说很不利。”
Ohl had a different opinion of the exchange between him and Shockley. He felt that information always seemed to flow in only one direction—from Holmdel to Murray Hill—and not the other. Like the current flow in a crystal detector. “Really research is made up by people who have a certain amount of larceny in their nature,” he admitted candidly. “And I was a dangerous man to deal with because they would say something that would give me a little information, and I could convert it into patentable material. So that was bad for Murray Hill.”
4月13日星期五，肖克利从五角大楼返回默里山，准备度过一个长周末。受到奥尔演示的启发，他开始构思半导体放大器。他的实验记录本。但他并没有回到战前基于氧化铜的方法，而是采用了“与战争期间硅和锗技术发展相关的理念”。这些物质，“都是第四纪元的元素”。“元素周期表上的这一列，成为了现存控制最好的两种半导体，”他继续说道。塞茨、斯卡夫和图尔勒他已经开发出提纯硅并掺杂硼和磷的方法，从而获得具有所需电性能的P型和N型半导体。这比老旧的氧化铜整流器是一个全新的、更好的起点。他为此感到兴奋不已。
On Friday, April 13, Shockley returned to Murray Hill from the Pentagon for a long weekend. Stimulated by Ohl’s demonstrations, he began writing ideas about a semiconductor amplifier into his lab notebook. But instead of returning to his prewar approach based on copper oxide, he used “ideas associated with the development of the technology for silicon and germanium that had occurred during the war.” These substances, “both elements of the fourth column of the periodic table, became two of the best-controlled semiconductors in existence,” he continued. Seitz, Scaff, and Theuerer had developed ways to purify silicon and dope it with boron and phosphorus to obtain P-type and N-type semiconductors with the electrical properties desired. Here was a new and better starting point than the crusty old copper-oxide rectifiers. He was excited by the possibilities.
周六，肖克利开始设计半导体器件，标题为“小型‘固态’阀门图纸”。（或可忽略不计的）控制电流。”他在接下来的星期一早上，也就是4月16日，继续描述道：“这里讨论的这种器件或许可以用含有硼和磷杂质的硅制成，”他在笔记本中写道。“硼在元素周期表中比硅早一列，因此会缺少一个电子。”他运用布洛赫、威尔逊等人发展的量子力学思想，对于其他人，他绘制了P型和N型硅的能带或能级图。接下来，他演示了当在PN结上施加强电场时，这些能级应该如何变化。“这个系统可以集成到一个用于控制导电路径中电流的装置中，”他总结道，并概述了一个使用这种装置的简单电路。“没有除了充电损耗之外，这种控制方法还需要一定的功率。
On Saturday Shockley began to design semiconductor devices under the heading “A ‘Solid State’ Valve Drawing Small (or negligible) Control Current.” He continued his description the following Monday morning, April 16. “It may be that the type of device considered here can be made of Silicon with Boron and Phosphorus impurities,” he entered in his notebook. “Boron being one column earlier in the periodic table produces a deficit of one electron.” Using quantum-mechanical ideas developed by Bloch, Wilson, and others, he sketched diagrams of the energy bands, or energy levels, expected for P-type and N-type silicon. Next he illustrated how these levels should change when one applied strong electric fields across a P-N junction. “This system may be embodied into a device for controlling the flow of electricity in a conducting path,” he concluded, outlining a simple circuit that used such a device. “No power, except that due to charging losses, is required for this control method.”
肖克利思想的本质是利用外部电场（这种电场很容易通过电路控制）来影响窄半导体层内电子和空穴的行为。例如，通过对N型硅晶体施加电场，就可以诱导电子和空穴的有序行为。它的单身电子会被迫聚集在晶体的一侧，通过提高该区域的电导率或（等效地）降低其电阻，从而促进更大的电流流过该区域。这些额外的“电荷载体”应该会在第二个电路中促进更大的电流。
The essence of Shockley’s idea was to use external electric fields, which are easily controlled by electrical circuits, to influence the behavior of electrons and holes inside narrow semiconductor layers. By applying electric fields to an N-type crystal of silicon, for example, one could induce orderly behavior among its bachelor electrons. They would be forced to congregate on one side of the crystal, helping promote greater current flow through that region by raising its electrical conductivity or (equivalently) lowering its resistance. Such additional “charge carriers” should promote higher currents in a second electrical circuit.
肖克利推断，N型硅或P型硅都可以用来制造他在笔记本中描述的就是这种“固态阀”。在足够薄的硅层中，由于电场的作用，电子或空穴会聚集到表面，瞬间降低材料的电阻，从而增强电流通过的能力。
Either N-type or P-type silicon, Shockley reasoned, could be used to make the “solid-state valve” he was describing in his notebook. In a sufficiently thin layer of silicon, electrons or holes should swarm to the surface because of the electric fields, momentarily lowering the resistance of the material and thereby enhancing the ability of current to flow through it.
两周后，肖克利开始检验这些想法。在同事的帮助下，他获得了一小块……他们制作了一个陶瓷圆柱体，上面沉积了一层薄薄的硅膜。将一个90伏的电池连接到圆柱体的两端，他们只能检测到通过硅膜的微弱电流。然后，他们在硅膜上方一个不到一毫米宽的狭窄间隙上施加了一千伏的电压。如此强大的电场会将电子吸引到表面，应该会产生一个电流浪涌。已经发生过，但没有观察到任何变化。“电流没有出现可观察到的变化，”肖克利写道。“初步计算表明，应该会产生非常大的影响。”
Two weeks later Shockley began testing these ideas. With the help of co-workers, he obtained a small ceramic cylinder onto which a thin film of silicon had been deposited. Attaching a 90-volt battery to its two ends, they could detect only the tiniest current trickling through the silicon film. Then they applied a thousand volts across a narrow gap—less than a millimeter wide—above the silicon layer. With such a powerful electric field pulling electrons to the surface, a surge of current should have occurred, but none was observed. “No observable change in current resulted,” Shockley wrote. “Preliminary calculations indicate a very large effect should occur.”
肖克利的场效应理论。他希望通过给外部金属板（底部）充电，在半导体表面附近感应出一层负电荷；这将极大地提高该层的导电性，并放大流过该层的电流。
Shockley's field-effect idea. By charging an external plate (bottom), he hoped to induce a layer of negative charge near the semiconductor surface; this would drastically increase the conductivity in this layer and amplify the current flowing through it.
在五月和六月初的几次穆雷山之行中，他使用其他硅样品和各种配置进行了更多实验。在一次实验中，他的助手测量了一块硅片的电阻，两人反复开关电场，拼命寻找指针哪怕最轻微的偏转。但指针纹丝不动。“什么都测量不到，没有任何可测量的结果，”肖克利回忆道，“真是太神秘了。”
On subsequent visits to Murray Hill during May and early June, he tried more experiments using other silicon samples and various configurations. In one setup his assistant measured the resistance across a piece of silicon as the two of them turned the electric field on and off repeatedly, searching desperately for the slightest deflection of the needle. It adamantly refused to budge. “Nothing measurable, no measurable results,” Shockley recalled. “Quite mysterious.”
6月23日，他进行了最后一次测试，结果也失败了。什么事也没发生。那天他在笔记本上匆匆记下的估算表明，他所追求的效果应该显而易见。但硅膜内部实际发生的情况——如果有的话——至少比他预想的小1500倍！他被自己的失败彻底难住了，于是放弃了这项研究，转而追求其他奇思妙想。
On June 23 he made one last test that also failed. Nothing happened. A quick estimate scrawled in his notebook that day indicated that the effect he was seeking should have been obvious. But what was actually occuring inside the silicon film—if anything—had to be at least 1,500 times smaller than he had expected! Thoroughly mystified by his failures, he abandoned the effort and turned to other fancies.
当肖克利在五月 初开始这些实验时，随着柏林陷落和德国投降，欧洲战事告一段落。盟军得以集中全部兵力对付日本，第二次世界大战的最终结局似乎近在眼前。一波又一波的B-29轰炸机将东京、大阪和其他日本城市夷为平地，人们期待已久的血腥入侵日本似乎已近在眼前。
WHILE SHOCKLEY WAS beginning these experiments in early May, the war in Europe ended with the fall of Berlin to Soviet troops and the surrender of Germany. Now that the Allies could concentrate all their efforts on Japan, the ultimate end of World War II was finally in sight. As high-flying waves of B-29 bombers turned Tokyo, Osaka, and other Japanese cities into smoking cinders, the anticipated bloody invasion of Japan seemed only months away.
雷达有雷达在盟军的胜利中发挥了巨大作用，尤其对英国和美国而言更是如此。它使盟军在夜间或穿过云雾时能够精准定位敌方舰船、潜艇、战斗机、轰炸机和地面目标，从而获得了至关重要的优势。辐射实验室、贝尔实验室、西电公司以及许多其他参与雷达研发的公司和机构都做出了关键贡献。最终促成了盟军的胜利。
Radar had played an enormous role in the success of the Allies, especially for Britain and the United States. It gave them crucial advantages in locating enemy ships, submarines, fighters, bombers, and ground targets at night or through clouds and fog. The Radiation Laboratory, Bell Labs, Western Electric, and many other companies and institutions involved in radar development had made a crucial contribution to the Allied victory.
和平时期，微波技术的商业效益即将开始显现。没有人比凯利更清楚这项技术的巨大潜力。作为贝尔实验室新上任的执行副总裁，他于那年春天全身心投入到对其庞大研究部门的全面重组计划中，为战后预期的挑战做好准备。通信市场。
The peacetime harvest of commercial benefits from the new microwave technology was about to begin. And nobody recognized its vast promise better than Kelly. Recently appointed executive vice president of Bell Labs, he was immersed that spring in planning a sweeping reorganization of its big research division, mobilizing his troops for the anticipated postwar struggle in the communications marketplace.
在协助凯利策划这次进攻行动并完成战时工作六个月后，肖克利度过了一段疲惫但又充满活力的时光。八月初，他终于迎来了期待已久的假期。他和妻子琼以及艾莉森驱车北上，前往纽约州偏远的阿迪朗达克山脉，享受了两周的露营和划船之旅。“我们已经在乔治湖待了快一个星期了，可能还会一直待到……”“下周日，”他在1945年8月6日星期一写道。“我们还在山上进行了一些徒步旅行和攀爬，也游了好几次泳。”
After an exhausting but invigorating six months helping Kelly plan this assault while finishing up his war work, Shockley took a much-needed vacation in early August. With Jean and Alison, he motored north to New York’s remote Adirondack Mountains for two weeks of camping and boating. “We have been at Lake George for almost a week now and will probably stay until next Sunday,” he wrote on Monday, August 6, 1945. “We have also done quite a little hiking and scrambling in the mountains and have had quite a few swims.”
由于与外界完全隔绝，肖克利直到一周后才得知当天摧毁广岛的可怕新型原子弹。据《纽约时报》报道，周二上午，侦察机仍然可以……由于城市上空被巨大的尘埃云笼罩，无法确定损失程度。肖克利于八月中旬返回新泽西，得知了日本投降的消息——以及一个发生了翻天覆地变化的战后世界，这个世界向像他这样的物理学家敞开了大门。
Cut off entirely from sources of news, Shockley did not learn until later in the week about a terrible new bomb that had obliterated Hiroshima that day. On Tuesday morning, according to the New York Times, reconaissance planes still could not determine the extent of the damage because of a huge dust cloud over the city. Shockley returned to New Jersey in mid-August to news of the Japanese surrender—and to a radically changed postwar world whose doors stood wide open to physicists like him.
随着欧洲战事结束，太平洋战争也即将进入白热化阶段，范内瓦尔·布什于1945年7月向哈里·S·杜鲁门总统提交了一份长达四十页的报告。报告中，他敦促这位新总统在战后初期采取更加积极主动的措施，推动科学研究的发展。“促进新领域的开放一直是美国的基本政策。”“边疆，”他声称。“它为快船开辟了海洋，也为拓荒者提供了土地。虽然这些边疆大多已经消失，但科学的边疆依然存在。”
With the war in Europe over and the Pacific conflict headed for its climax, Vannevar Bush delivered a forty-page report to Harry S. Truman in July 1945. In it he urged the new president to take a much more aggressive role in promoting scientific research during the coming postwar years. “It has been basic United States policy that Government should foster the opening of new frontiers,” he claimed. “It opened the seas to clipper ships and furnished land for pioneers. Although these frontiers have more or less disappeared, the frontier of science remains.”
《科学：无尽的前沿》一书向美国政府发出了振聋发聩的呼吁，要求其认识到科学研究给国家带来的财富，并以适当的资金和机构支持这项活动。为了佐证自己的观点，布什可以列举成千上万爱国科学家的贡献，他们多年来搁置自己的研究，投身于军事项目。“我们当中有些人知道雷达在帮助盟军战胜纳粹德国，以及将日军逐步赶出其岛屿堡垒的过程中发挥了至关重要的作用，”他宣称。“这同样是一项艰苦卓绝的工作。”“雷达的出现是多年来科学研究的成果。”
“Science: The Endless Frontier” was a clarion call for the U.S. government to recognize the riches that scientific research brings to the nation and to support this activity with appropriate funding and institutions. To make his case, Bush could cite the contributions of the thousands of patriotic scientists who had put aside their own research for years and labored on military projects. “Some of us know the vital role which radar has played in bringing the Allied Nations to victory over Nazi Germany and in driving the Japanese steadily back from their island bastions,” he declared. “Again it was painstaking scientific research over many years that made radar possible.”
在布什的优先事项清单中，重点之一是大力发展物理、化学和生物学等基础科学领域的基础研究。近五年来，由于科学家们将知识和才能投入到战争中，美国的基础研究资源逐渐匮乏。这种趋势必须扭转——而且迅速地。“新产品、新产业和更多就业机会需要不断积累自然规律方面的知识，并将这些知识应用于实际用途。这至关重要，新知识只能通过基础科学研究获得。
Near the top of Bush’s priority list was a major emphasis on basic research in such fundamental scientific fields as physics, chemistry, and biology. For nearly half a decade, the nation had gradually been starved for basic research while its scientists applied their knowledge and talents to the war effort. This trend had to be reversed—and quickly. “New products, new industries and more jobs require continuous additions to knowledge of the laws of nature, and the application of that knowledge to practical purposes. This essential, new knowledge can only be obtained through basic scientific research.”
这份具有里程碑意义的报告反映了当时整个科学界的观点。到1945年中期，美国科学家们极其……他们迫不及待地想要放下战争工具，重返实验室。布什建议联邦政府在协助这一过渡中发挥重要作用。然而，贝尔实验室自身并不打算坐等政府做出决定。早在年初，其研究团队就已开始大规模集结。凯利、鲍恩、菲斯克和肖克利都已准备就绪。在布什发表那份著名的报告时，美国已经开始制定战后计划。
This landmark report echoed the sentiments of the scientific community at large. By mid-1945, American scientists were extremely restless to put aside the instruments of war and return to those of the laboratory. Bush recommended that the federal government play a major role in aiding this transition. For its own part, however, Bell Labs was not about to wait for the government to make up its mind. A major mobilization of its research groups had been under way since early that year. Kelly, Bown, Fisk, and Shockley were well along in planning its postwar programs by the time Bush issued his famous report.
默里山一带早已流传着贝尔研究所研究部门即将迎来重大改组的传言。七月初，凯利突然召集所有研究组组长及其他主管人员开会，传言得到了证实。据伍尔德里奇院长回忆，凯利当时坐在会议室的前排。他念着一张清单，宣布“从现在开始，你必须做这个，你必须做那个，你必须负责这个小组，你必须搬到这里来做这类工作。”他几乎把新的组织架构图都详细地制定好了。“他把图摆在这里，花了一整天的时间，”伍尔德里奇回忆道，“有些人被裁员了，有些人被降职了。”
Rumors had been drifting around Murray Hill that a big shake-up was in the offing for Bell’s Research Division. They were confirmed early that July when Kelly abruptly called a meeting of all the group heads and anybody else in a supervisory role. According to Dean Wooldridge, Kelly sat at the front of the room and read from a list, declaring that “from now on thou shalt do this and thou shalt do this and thou shalt have this particular group and you’re going to move over here and do this kind of work.” He had the new organization chart worked out in almost complete detail. “And he laid it out here, and it took all day,” Wooldridge recalled. “Some people got their heads chopped off and others got demoted.”
此次人事变动最引人注目的是物理系新成立了三个致力于基础研究的小组：伍尔德里奇领导的物理电子学小组；菲斯克领导的电子动力学小组（菲斯克后来也成为了弗莱彻领导下的系主任助理）；以及肖克利和化学家斯坦利·摩根领导的固态物理小组。第三个小组自三月份就开始筹备了，没错。在肖克利开始从华盛顿返回贝尔实验室之后，军事工作集中在另一个小组，其余人员则可以自由地进行基础研究，这些研究在未来几年可能具有重要的商业应用价值。
Quite noteworthy about the shake-up was the establishment of three new groups in the physics department devoted to basic research: Physical Electronics headed by Wooldridge; Electron Dynamics led by Fisk (who also became assistant director of the department under Fletcher); and Solid State Physics under Shockley and chemist Stanley Morgan. The third group had been in formation since March, right after Shockley began returning to Bell Labs from Washington. Military work was concentrated in another group, leaving the rest free to do basic research that could have important commercial applications in the coming years.
此次重组的核心是对固体物理和化学的重大新重视，主要集中在摩根和肖克利的研究小组。正如凯利在1945年的授权书中写道。因为它的工作：
At the heart of this reorganization was a major new emphasis on the physics and chemistry of solids, focused in Morgan and Shockley’s group. As Kelly wrote in the 1945 authorization for its work:
量子物理学对物质结构的探索极大地增进了我们对固态现象的理解。由此产生的现代固体组成概念表明，通过寻找控制物质排列和行为的物理和化学方法，我们极有可能获得新的、有用的性质。构成固体的原子和电子。
The quantum physics approach to [the] structure of matter has brought about greatly increased understanding of solid state phenomena. The modern conception of the constitution of solids that has resulted indicates that there are great possibilities of producing new and useful properties by finding physical and chemical methods of controlling the arrangement and behavior of the atoms and electrons which compose solids.
运用固态量子物理的新理论方法和相应的实验技术进展，可以建立一个统一的理论框架。解决所有固态问题的方法前景广阔。因此，目前固态领域的所有研究活动都在整合，以实现理论和实验的统一方法。固态领域的工作。
Employing the new theoretical methods of solid state quantum physics and the corresponding advances in experimental techniques, a unified approach to all of our solid state problems offers great promise. Hence, all of the research activity in the area of solids is now being consolidated in order to achieve the unified approach to the theoretical and experimental work of the solid state area.
那些多年来一直担任研究组组长、研究课题涵盖晶体和磁性材料等各种领域的学者，发现自己在新研究组里只是普通成员。肖克利同意担任研究组的学术领导，前提是不必承担太多行政事务。摩根承担了大部分行政职责。他是个“随和的人” 。他“心地善良”，喜欢与人交往，并且擅长外交手腕。斯坦·摩根与肖克利相得益彰，帮助他缓和了性格中的硬朗一面。
Men who had been group leaders for years, doing research on such diverse topics as crystals and magnetic materials, found themselves just regular members of the new group. Shockley agreed to provide its intellectual leadership as long as he was not burdened with too many administrative details. Morgan assumed most of these responsibilities. An “easy-going fellow” who “had a heart of gold,” he liked people and had a knack for diplomacy. A good complement to Shockley, Stan Morgan helped to soften his harder edges.
在大会议召开前几天，布拉坦收到了一份名单，名单上的人员将在日韩战争结束后加入固态能源集团。他很高兴（也略感欣慰）地发现自己的名字也在名单上。那年早些时候，他曾为此担忧。他担心会被安排和即将离开物理系的贝克尔一起从事仪器研发工作。布拉坦坚持说他只想做研究——而且只做研究。如果做不到，他准备大闹一场。他又扫了一眼名单，惊叹道：“我的天哪，这群人里居然没有一个哭哭啼啼的！”
Several days before the big meeting, Brattain received a list of people who were to join the solid-state group once hostilities ended with Japan. He was glad (and a bit relieved) to find his own name on the list. Earlier that year he worried that he might be asked to work on apparatus development with Becker, who was leaving the physics department. Brattain insisted he wanted to do research—and only research. He was ready to make a big fuss if he couldn’t. Glancing through the list again, he marveled, “By golly, there isn’t an s.o.b. in the group!”
日本在八月中旬投降后，布拉坦和其他人仍在从事军事工作。项目开始正式启动。与他一同加入新成立的固态物理小组的还有杰拉尔德·皮尔逊，这位出生于俄勒冈州、毕业于斯坦福大学的物理学家酷爱抽雪茄，沃尔特曾在贝克尔手下与他共事，在战争期间共同研发红外探测器。两人既是桥牌搭档，又是挚友，他们在默里山共用一间实验室和一间办公室，那里常常弥漫着令人窒息的灰色烟雾。
After Japan surrendered in mid-August, Brattain and the others still working on military projects began their moves in earnest. With him into the new solid-state group came Gerald Pearson, an Oregon-born, Stanford-educated, cigar-smoking physicist with whom Walter had worked under Becker, developing infrared detectors during the war. Bridge partners and good friends, the two men shared a laboratory and an office at Murray Hill that were often filled with a choking gray haze.
立即首要任务是尽快为这些新团队招募物理学及相关领域（如电子学和化学）的顶尖人才。凯利希望打造出类似于战时卓有成效的、以任务为导向的多学科研究团队。这意味着也要吸纳顶尖的理论物理学家。辐射实验室和洛杉矶实验室的战时经验表明，必须尽快组建一支高效的团队。阿拉莫斯已经证明，理论家对于这类团队的成功至关重要。
An immediate priority was to fill out these new groups as quickly as possible with top-notch men in physics and related fields such as electronics and chemistry. Kelly wanted to fashion the equivalent of the mission-oriented, multidisciplinary research teams that had proved so effective during the war. That meant including leading theoreticians in the mix, too. The wartime experiences of the Rad Lab and Los Alamos had shown how crucial theorists could be to the success of such teams.
肖克利还接管了固态物理系的一个小组，该小组专门研究半导体，并在那年夏秋两季开始组建。布拉坦、皮尔逊和他们的两名技术人员在八月和九月加入了这个团队。还有希尔伯特（“伯特”）·摩尔，一位腼腆、说话轻声细语的电子工程师。一位专家，经常开着一辆破旧的灵车上班，这辆车是他改装的，加装了各种奇奇怪怪的小玩意儿。寻找一位优秀的化学家子群的计算花费的时间稍长一些。正如肖克利在九月初写给莱纳斯·鲍林（加州理工学院的教授，正是他让他初次接触量子力学）的信中所说：
Shockley also took over a subgroup of Solid State Physics that was to concentrate specifically on semiconductors, and which was just beginning to take shape that summer and fall. Brattain, Pearson, and their two technicians joined this team in August and September. So did Hilbert (“Bert”) Moore, a shy, soft-spoken electronics expert who often drove to work in a beat-up hearse he fixed up with all kinds of odd gadgetry. Finding a good chemist for the subgroup took a bit more time. As Shockley wrote in early September to Linus Pauling, the Cal Tech professor who had given him his first taste of quantum mechanics:
针对校正问题，需要进行类似性质的研究。良好的物理性能一位能够理解所获得的物理结果的意义，并能提出新材料建议，同时又能融入合作研究计划的化学家，对我们来说将非常有价值。
Studies of a similar nature will be required in connection with the rectification problem. A good physical chemist, who could understand the meaning of the physical results obtained and make suggestions for new materials and [who] would at the same time fit into a cooperative research program, would be of great value to us.
但经过那年秋天广泛的外部遴选，他们最终选择了贝尔公司化学系的罗伯特·吉布尼。吉布尼多年来一直致力于蓄电池的研究，他已经做好了准备。他欣然接受了调动，并做出了改变。
But after an extensive outside search that fall, they settled on Robert Gibney from Bell’s chemistry department. Having toiled on storage batteries for years, he was ready for a change and eagerly accepted the transfer.
为了加强团队实力，为团队增添一位精通固体物理学的顶尖理论物理学家，肖克利希望得到他在麻省理工学院最后一年结识的那位来自哈佛大学的杰出青年研究员。在与约翰·巴丁在哈佛结下深厚友谊的菲斯克的帮助下，肖克利向固态物理小组推荐了巴丁。凯利最终促成了巴丁的加入。5月19日，约翰在返回华盛顿途中访问默里山时，正式向默里山发出邀请。
To bolster his team with another leading theorist well versed in the physics of solids, Shockley wanted the brilliant junior fellow from Harvard he had met during his final year at MIT. With the help of Fisk, who had become good friends with John Bardeen at Harvard, Shockley suggested Bardeen for a position in the solid-state group. Kelly made Bardeen an official offer during a May 19 visit John made to Murray Hill while returning to Washington.
1941年夏天 ，巴丁从明尼苏达大学物理系请假，前往位于华盛顿波托马克河和阿纳科斯蒂亚河交汇处附近的海军军械实验室从事战时工作。他并非出于热情，更多的是出于爱国责任感而非其他原因。 另一个原因。当时巴丁三十出头，儿子吉米两岁，妻子简怀着第二个孩子，他不必担心被征召入伍。那年九月，约翰在华盛顿时，简在宾夕法尼亚的家乡生下了他们的第二个儿子比利。两个月后，她来到首都与丈夫团聚，那时首都已是官僚、士兵和科学家云集之地。备战。
DURING THE SUMMER of 1941, Bardeen had taken a leave of absence from the Minnesota Physics Department to begin war work at the Naval Ordnance Laboratory in Washington, near the confluence of the Potomac and Anacostia rivers. He did so without enthusiasm, more out of a patriotic sense of duty than any other reason. Then in his early thirties, with a two-year-old son Jimmy and his wife Jane pregnant with another child, Bardeen didn’t have to worry about being drafted. Jane bore their second son Billy in her Pennsylvania hometown that September while John was down in Washington. Two months later she joined her husband in the nation’s capital, by then swarming with bureaucrats, soldiers, and scientists preparing for war.
巴丁在第一年着手解决的一个紧迫问题是船舶的残余磁场。德国在北海和大西洋布设的磁性雷管水雷给英国海军和商船队造成了毁灭性打击。必须将这些磁场降低到船舶能够安全驶过水雷而不触发它们的程度。他当时正在履行一项合同。巴丁每天的薪水是17美元，他领导一个团队，对船舶的磁场、引力场和压力场进行理论研究，并分析实验数据。这份暑期工作最终持续了四年。他的团队最终发展到九十多人。
A pressing problem Bardeen attacked that first year involved the residual magnetic fields of ships. German mines armed with magnetic detonators had been devastating the British navy and merchant marine in the North Sea and Atlantic Ocean. These fields had to be reduced to the point where a ship could cruise safely over submerged mines without triggering them. Working on a contract basis for $17 a day, Bardeen headed a group doing theoretical studies of a ship’s magnetic, gravitational, and pressure fields as well as analyzing experimental data. What began as a summer job became a four-year stint. His group eventually swelled to more than ninety individuals.
巴丁研究小组的研究不仅在实施防御和回避措施方面发挥了重要作用，而且在以下方面也发挥了重要作用：美国海军水雷和鱼雷的设计。这甚至让他再次与阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦会面——讨论鱼雷设计这个看似不太可能的话题。这位受人尊敬的物理学界元老曾向海军建议，巴丁在1943年6月访问普林斯顿后跟进此事。两人在爱因斯坦位于默瑟街的家中二楼杂乱的办公室里会面，进行了一次“非常有趣的谈话” 。关于这个话题。
The Bardeen group’s research proved important not only in implementing defensive, avoidance measures, but also in the design of U.S. Navy mines and torpedoes. And it even brought him back into the company of Albert Einstein—to discuss the unlikely topic of torpedo design. The revered elder statesman of physics had sent the Navy a suggestion that Bardeen followed up on a visit to Princeton in June 1943. Meeting in Einstein’s cluttered second-floor office at his home on Mercer Street, the two men had “a very interesting talk” on the subject.
但巴丁通常觉得这份工作枯燥乏味。在华盛顿任职期间，他曾有一段时间在一间闷热的办公室里办公，办公室位于一家气味难闻的油漆车间楼上，可以俯瞰阴沉的海军造船厂。那里大炮发射试射炮弹的声音经常震得窗户嗡嗡作响，扰乱了他的沉思。管理一群自负而混乱的年轻科学家也是一项吃力不讨好的工作，他也不喜欢。他比他直言不讳得多。因此，当1945年8月战争结束时，他如释重负地期待着离开华盛顿的酷暑，返回北方从事研究工作。
But Bardeen usually found the work tedious and monotonous. During part of his tenure in Washington, he occupied a stifling office above a smelly paint shop that looked out on the dreary Navy yard, where cannons firing test rounds often rattled the windows and upset his contemplation. Nor did he enjoy the thankless task of managing a chaotic group of egotistical young scientists far more outspoken than he. So when the war’s end came in August 1945, he looked forward with relief to leaving the sweltering heat of Washington far behind and returning north to do research.
巴丁最初考虑过回到明尼苏达大学，但该大学最初只给他提供1941年时每年3200美元的薪水。而他现在要养家糊口，这笔钱对他来说太少了。除了妻子和两个儿子，他还有一个两岁的女儿贝茜，这点微薄的收入让他非常失望，于是开始寻找其他出路。因此，当凯利提供给他两倍多的薪水——每年6600美元——外加从事固态物理基础研究的机会时，他欣然放弃了学术界。
Bardeen initially considered going back to Minnesota, but the university at first offered him only the $3,200 annual salary he had been making in 1941. With a growing family to support that now included a two-year-old daughter Betsy in addition to his wife and two sons, he was bitterly disappointed by this niggardly sum and began looking around for other options. Therefore, when Kelly offered him more than twice as much—$6,600 a year—plus the chance to do basic research in solid-state physics, he happily turned his back on academia.
优雅地告别海军军械实验室然而，事情远比巴丁预想的要困难得多。海军不愿放走这样一位才华横溢的科学家。他向上级写了一系列备忘录，坚持要求在他能力进一步衰退之前允许他重返民用研究领域。“由于工作时间过长，”他抱怨道，“我甚至无法跟上最新的研究进展。”无论如何，离开基础研究四年后，重新投入其中都将十分困难。
Taking a graceful leave from the Naval Ordnance Laboratory proved more difficult than Bardeen had anticipated, however. The Navy was reluctant to release such a valuable scientist. He wrote a series of memos to his superiors, insisting that he be allowed to return to civilian research before his abilities atrophied any further. “Because of the long hours of work,” he had “not even been able to keep abreast of current developments,” he complained. “It will be difficult in any case to return to fundamental research after an absence of four years.”
那年八月，海军终于让步，巴丁一家北上前往新泽西州寻找房子。约翰和简在富裕的萨米特镇找到了一栋朴素的两层荷兰殖民风格住宅，那里绿树成荫，距离默里山只有几英里。10月1日搬进去后，他们花了两个星期修缮房子，并享受了一段短暂的时光。一起度假。
When the Navy finally relented that August, the Bardeens headed north to look for a house in New Jersey. John and Jane found a modest two-story Dutch colonial in wealthy, woodsy Summit, a few miles from Murray Hill. Moving in on October 1, they took two weeks to fix the house up and enjoy a brief vacation together.
10月15日星期一，巴丁在西街完成了体检和一些必要的手续后，抵达默里山，加入了固态物理小组。摩根立即给他提出了一些建议。他读了一些关于固体电学性质的资料，然后带他去了他将与布拉坦和皮尔逊共用一段时间的办公室。办公空间极其稀缺。在战争结束后的几个月里，员工们被要求同时承担两份工作，直到新大楼建成。
After spending Monday, October 15, at West Street getting his medical check-up and doing some necessary paperwork, Bardeen arrived at Murray Hill to join the Solid State Physics group. Morgan immediately gave him suggested reading on the electrical properties of solids, then showed him to the office he would share for a while with Brattain and Pearson. Office space was extremely scarce in the months immediately following the war, so employees were being asked to double up until construction of a new building was completed.
巴丁并不介意；他喜欢和实验人员待在一起。这给了他一个机会，可以一边观察他们收集数据，一边和他们讨论。他对纯粹的理论并不特别感兴趣，更喜欢近距离观察各种现象。他当时正在尝试翻译。而且，他对布拉坦情有独钟。在普林斯顿大学就读期间，他们曾多次一起通宵打桥牌，度过了几个周末。两人最终成为了终生挚友，下班后和周末经常一起消磨时光——在牌桌旁、保龄球馆里、高尔夫球场上。
Bardeen didn’t mind; he liked the company of experimenters. Here was an opportunity to glance over their shoulders and talk about the data as they collected it. He wasn’t particularly interested in theory for its own sake and liked to be close to the phenomena he was trying to interpret. And he had a special fondness for Brattain. They had shared a few weekends of all-night bridge playing during his years at Princeton. The two eventually became lifelong friends, enjoying many hours together after work and on weekends—over card tables, in bowling alleys, and on golf courses.
布拉坦也很高兴。他把这件事告诉了他在惠特曼学院的老朋友。沃克·布莱克尼曾在普林斯顿大学认识巴丁。“你会发现巴丁很少开口说话，”他警告布拉坦，“但当他开口时，你一定要认真听！”
Brattain was pleased, too. He mentioned it to his old Whitman College buddy Walker Bleakney, who had known Bardeen at Princeton. “You’ll find that Bardeen doesn’t very often open his mouth to say anything,” he warned Brattain. “But when he does, YOU LISTEN!”
紧接着的 星期一，10月22日 ，肖克利带着一个问题来了。他请巴丁核实一下他之前对硅薄膜在受激条件下应发生的“场效应”大小的估计。在强电场下。如果他的计算正确，那么五六月份尝试制造固态放大器的尝试肯定出了问题。
THE VERY NEXT Monday, October 22, Shockley came in with a question. He asked Bardeen to check his earlier estimates about the size of the “field effect” that should have occurred in thin films of silicon subjected to a strong electric field. If his calculations were right, then something had to be amiss about the attempts to make a solid-state amplifier in May and June.
巴丁对这个问题很感兴趣，两周后便找到了令自己满意的解决方法。他采用了不同的理论路径，最终得出了与肖克利基本相同的结论。基于莫特和肖特基的理论，场这些实验中使用的物质的浓度应该足以将电子吸引到硅表面，并显著提高其导电性。然而，却完全没有观察到任何效果，这的确是一个谜。
Intrigued by this problem, Bardeen had it solved to his own satisfaction two weeks later. Taking a different theoretical route, he arrived at essentially the same conclusion as Shockley. Based on the theories of Mott and Schottky, the fields used in these experiments should certainly have been powerful enough to draw electrons to the silicon surface and increase its conductivity markedly. That no effect had been witnessed at all was indeed a mystery.
巴丁反复思考这个难题时，开始意识到它与他十年前在普林斯顿大学攻读博士学位时研究的问题有一些相似之处。在计算工作量时对于金属而言，他不得不面对这样一个事实：电子的流动性远高于晶格中相互连接的正离子。用量子力学的语言来说，在晶体边缘，电子的波函数略微超出离子的波函数。这种微小的不平衡导致表面负电荷略微过剩（因此总电荷为）。中性）在其下方有类似的过量正电荷。
As he mulled over this puzzle, Bardeen began to recognize certain similarities with the problem he had worked on a decade earlier for his Princeton dissertation. In calculating the work function for a metal, he had had to contend with the fact that electrons are far more mobile than the positive ions linked together in the crystal lattice. In quantum-mechanical language, the electron wave function extends slightly beyond that of the ions at the edge of a crystal. This tiny imbalance leads to a small excess of negative charge on the surface and (so that the total charge comes out neutral) a similar excess of positive charge just beneath it.
类似的电荷不平衡，会在N型硅的表面形成正负电荷双层。N型硅（像金属一样）内部有多余的电子游动。如果其中一些电子被困在表面会怎样呢？它们就能形成一层紧密的屏蔽层，从而阻挡电场。它阻止了电子渗入半导体内部并影响内部剩余载流子的行为——就像一道栅栏，阻挡了入侵者，保持了内部的完整性。这或许可以解释为什么迄今为止的所有实验中都没有观察到肖克利场效应。
A similar imbalance, generating a double layer of negative and positive charge, must occur at the surface of N-type silicon, which (like a metal) has excess electrons roaming about its interior. What if some of them somehow became trapped right at the surface? They could then form a taut shield that would prevent electric fields from penetrating into the interior of the semiconductor and influencing the behavior of the remaining charge carriers inside—a kind of picket fence that barred invaders and kept the interior inviolate. That might explain why Shockley’s field effect had not been observed in all the experiments attempted thus far.
巴丁认为电子确实有可能被困在这种“表面态”中。他开始探索这些现象的影响。“如果没有表面态，电场应该能穿透到足够的深度，从而使肖克利的实验得到肯定的结果，”他在1946年3月19日的实验记录本中写道。“否定的结果，特别是如果能通过进一步的测试得到验证，似乎指向了表面态的存在。”但它们的存在也会对电子的行为产生重要的影响。晶体整流器。这两种现象能否调和？
Figuring that electrons could indeed become trapped in such “surface states,” Bardeen began to explore their ramifications. “If there are no surface states, the field should penetrate to sufficient depth to give a positive result for Shockley’s experiment,” he wrote in his lab notebook on March, 19, 1946. “The negative result, especially if verified by further tests, seems to point to surface states.” But their existence would also have important implications for the behavior of crystal rectifiers. Could these two phenomena be reconciled?
巴丁所做的，是假设一个合理的“启发式”模型来解释实验数据。这是他最喜欢的工作方式。他或许心中已有了具体的机制来解释这些表面态的本质以及电子是如何被半导体表面捕获的，也或许没有。但无论如何，某种因素已经显现出来。防止电气阻止人们进入这些领域。为什么不做出一个涵盖各种可能性的粗略的、有根据的猜测，并探索它对其他现象的影响呢？
What Bardeen did was postulate a reasonable “heuristic” model in an attempt to explain the experimental data. This was the way he best liked to work. He may or may not have had a specific mechanism in mind to explain what these surface states might be and how electrons were being trapped at the semiconductor surface. But something had to be preventing the electric fields from getting inside. Why not make a rough, educated guess encompassing a whole range of possibilities and explore its ramifications for other phenomena?
巴丁用“表面态”理论解释了肖克利的场效应理论为何失败。负电荷载流子被困在表面，无法参与电流流动。
Bardeen’s “surface state” explanation of why Shockley's field-effect proposal failed to work. The negative charge carriers become trapped at the surface and cannot contribute to the current flow.
巴丁与他的老板讨论了他的猜想，他的老板实际上在1939年写过一篇关于表面态的理论论文。肖克利提出了一些建议，并鼓励他继续研究。巴丁还谈到了……他与布拉坦和皮尔逊讨论了近期半导体实验，特别是与整流器相关的实验。之后，他坐下来，打开笔记本，花了整整两天时间记录他对这些表面态的想法。他写了七页，最终得出结论：半导体每平方厘米上可能捕获着大约一万亿个这样的电子（误差在十倍左右）。表面。每 100 到 1000 个表面原子只需要额外增加 1 个电子，就足以使肖克利预测的场效应无法观察到。
Bardeen discussed his conjecture with his boss, who had in fact written a theoretical paper about surface states in 1939. Making a few suggestions, Shockley encouraged him to proceed. Bardeen also talked with Brattain and Pearson about recent experiments with semiconductors, especially any of them having to do with rectifiers. Then he sat down with his notebook and for the next two days wrote up his ideas about these surface states. Filling seven pages, he concluded that there might be about a trillion such electrons (give or take a factor of 10) trapped on each square centimeter of the semiconductor surface. It would take only 1 extra electron per 100 to 1,000 surface atoms, that is, to make it impossible to observe Shockley’s predicted field effect.
然而，3月21日，他或许有了新的想法——或者与人交谈过——这让他重燃希望。因为那天，他的笔记本上只留下了一句晦涩难懂的短语，这是巴丁完全没有动笔的一页上唯一的记录。空白处：“检测锗中效应的可能性。”
On March 21, however, he must have had a second thought—or perhaps a conversation—that boosted his hopes. For on that day there is just a single cryptic phrase written in his notebook, the lone entry on a page Bardeen otherwise left completely blank: “Possibility of detecting the effect in germanium.”
这种此前 鲜为人知 、甚至更不为人所了解的元素在二战期间引起了广泛关注。通用电气公司、斯佩里陀螺仪公司和普渡大学的物理学家们对锗的电学特性进行了深入研究。锗是一种易碎、有光泽的浅灰色物质，是铅冶炼的副产品。提炼。由于硅在整流器中表现出色，人们自然而然地开始仔细研究元素周期表中紧随其后的稀有元素——锗。1941 年后，对锗的研究显著加强。
THIS PREVIOUSLY LITTLE-KNOWN and even less-understood element drew a lot of attention during World War II. General Electric, the Sperry Gyroscope Company, and physicists at Purdue conducted intensive research into the electrical properties of germanium—a brittle, lustrous, light-gray substance that was available as a by-product of lead refining. Because silicon behaved so well in rectifiers, it was natural to take a closer look at the rare element sitting immediately below it in the periodic table. Research on germanium intensified markedly after 1941.
尤其值得一提的是普渡大学卡尔·拉克-霍罗维茨领导的研究小组的工作——这位魅力十足、行事专断的奥地利物理化学家凭借一己之力创建了普渡大学新兴的化学系。他将物理系发展成了一个重要的研究帝国。1942年3月，他与麻省理工学院辐射实验室签订了一份合同，研究晶体探测器。一战期间，他曾以奥地利信号兵团中尉的身份使用过这种探测器。合同的重点是使用方铅矿，但方铅矿晶体在微波探测方面的严重局限性促使他转而专注于其他研究。在锗上。
Especially noteworthy was the work of the group at Purdue led by Karl Lark-Horovitz—an engaging, autocratic Austrian physical chemist who single-handedly built Purdue’s fledgling Physics Department into a major research empire. In March 1942 he signed a contract with the MIT Rad Lab to do research on crystal detectors, which he had employed during World War I as a first lieutenant in the Austrian Signal Corps. The emphasis in the contract was on using the mineral galena, but serious limitations of its crystals in detecting microwaves convinced him instead to concentrate on germanium.
拉尔克-霍罗维茨和他的团队迅速开始研究二氧化锗的性质和行为。他们从密苏里州乔普林市的一家铅精炼厂——鹰牌-皮彻公司（Eagle-Picher Company）——获得了二氧化锗样品，并在1942年的大部分时间里致力于研究提取和提纯这种元素的方法，使其达到制造优质整流器的标准。之后，他们开始在提纯后的锗中掺杂少量金属。硼的含量，他们研究了氮、铝、磷、砷、锡、铅以及其他几种元素，以确定这些物质如何影响整流。拉尔克-霍罗维茨在纽约定期举行的晶体学会议上热情地分享了他团队的研究成果。
Lark-Horovitz and his group quickly began examining its properties and behavior. They obtained samples of germanium dioxide from a Joplin, Missouri, lead refiner, the Eagle-Picher Company, and spent the better part of 1942 devising methods to extract the element and purify it enough to make good rectifiers. Then they began doping the purified germanium with small amounts of boron, nitrogen, aluminum, phosphorus, arsenic, tin, lead, and several other elements to determine how these substances affected rectification. Lark-Horovitz eagerly shared the results of his group’s research at the regular crystal meetings in New York.
1942年8月，在辐射实验室的建议下，他给刚加入该小组的研究生西摩·本泽布置了一个研究课题。从布鲁克林学院获得学士学位后，他开始研究晶体整流器。早期晶体整流器的一个主要问题是“烧毁”。早期的雷达接收机经常会遇到反向高压脉冲，其强度超过了这些整流器的承受能力。大电流会涌入晶体整流器，烧毁其内部元件，并使其性能发生显著变化。然后，它们……必须更换。然而，本泽在测试普渡大学早期制造的一些锗整流器时，发现其中一种能够承受10伏的“反向电压”。拉尔克-霍罗维茨受到这一意外结果的鼓舞，让他继续这项研究，并尝试进一步提高这个极限。
In August 1942, stimulated by a suggestion from the Rad Lab, he assigned a research topic to grad student Seymour Benzer, who had just joined the group after getting his bachelor’s degree from Brooklyn College. A major problem with the first crystal rectifiers was known as “burn-out.” Early radar receivers often encountered sudden pulses of high voltage in the reverse direction, more than these rectifiers could withstand. Large currents would surge through the cartridges, roasting their innards and drastically altering their behavior. They then had to be replaced. In testing some of the earliest germanium rectifiers made at Purdue, however, Benzer discovered one able to withstand such a “back voltage” of 10 volts. Encouraged by this unexpected result, Lark-Horovitz told him to continue this research and try to push this limit even higher.
本泽尔花了将近一年时间研究这个问题，但始终未能打破他之前的纪录。但在7月份，他终于做到了。1943年，在其他普渡大学物理学家取得成功之后他生产出高纯度锗，并开始用选定的杂质掺杂其中。他发现了一种整流器，在反向电流通过之前可以承受25伏的电压。仅仅一个月后，他又发现了一种可以承受35伏电压的整流器。当他在真空而非空气中重复这些测试时，他发现可以将这些极限电压提高到70到100伏！他发现，即使电压远超100伏，实验结果依然可以重复。用掺锡锗制成的器件似乎效果最好。
Benzer worked on the problem for almost a year without breaking his earlier record. But in July 1943, after other Purdue physicists succeeded in producing high-purity germanium and began doping it with selected impurities, he found a rectifier that withstood 25 volts before passing a reverse current. Just a month later, he found another that withstood 35 volts. When he repeated these tests in a vacuum instead of air, he discovered that he could push these limits up to 70 to 100 volts! Soon he was getting reproducible results well beyond 100 volts. Units made with tin-doped germanium seemed to work best.
1942年普渡大学物理学家会议上，卡尔·拉克-霍罗维茨（最左）在场。沃尔夫冈·泡利站在他前面，约瑟夫·贝克尔在最右边。其他人（从左到右）分别是威廉·汉森、唐纳德·克斯特、朱利安·施温格和爱德华·康登。
Karl Lark-Horovitz (far left) at a 1942 Purdue meeting of physicists. Wolfgang Pauli stands in front of him, and Joseph Becker is at the extreme right. The others are (left to right) William Hansen, Donald Kerst, Julian Schwinger, and Edward Condon.
1943 年末，本泽尔和拉尔克-霍罗维茨在晶体学会议上报告了他们关于“高反压”锗整流器的研究成果，最初的反应是……起初，人们对此持谨慎怀疑态度。但1944年初，辐射实验室的科学家们亲自测试了几台普渡大学的整流器后，便对其深信不疑。为了尽快将这些高反压整流器投入量产，辐射实验室选择了西电公司而非西尔瓦尼亚公司作为制造商。促成这一决定的一个重要因素是，他们预期贝尔实验室能够完成大部分工作。为实现从研究到生产的平稳过渡，需要开展大量的开发工作。另一个原因是，该公司的一些科学家自 1943 年年中以来一直在研究锗（可能是受到普渡大学研究成果传闻的刺激）。
When Benzer and Lark-Horovitz reported their work on “high back-voltage” germanium rectifiers at crystal meetings in late 1943, the initial reaction was one of guarded skepticism. But scientists at the Rad Lab became true believers after testing a few of the Purdue units themselves in early 1944. Wanting to get these high back-voltage rectifiers into mass production as quickly as possible, the Rad Lab selected Western Electric as the manufacturer over Sylvania. A big factor in the decision was the expectation that Bell Labs could do most of the development work required to make a smooth transition from research to production. Another was the fact that some of its scientists had been working with germanium since mid-1943 (probably stimulated by rumors of the Purdue results).
1944年9月9日，在默里山举行的一次气氛紧张的会议最终促成了这桩婚姻。杰克·斯卡夫也出席了会议，他负责开发方面的工作，而拉尔克-霍罗维茨则负责其他方面。同意承担测试贝尔和西电公司生产的整流器的责任。斯卡夫于当年六月访问了普渡大学，检查其工作。此前，拉尔克-霍罗维茨通知辐射实验室，他的团队已成功制造出能够承受150伏电压的高反压整流器。十二月，贝尔实验室制造了28个采用掺锡锗的原型机，并将它们运往普渡大学。用于测试。
A tense meeting at Murray Hill on September 9, 1944, cemented the marriage. Present was Jack Scaff, who took over the development aspects while Lark-Horovitz agreed to assume responsibility for testing the rectifiers produced by Bell and Western Electric. Scaff had visited Purdue that June to inspect its work after Lark-Horovitz notified the Rad Lab that his group had succeeded in making high back-voltage rectifiers able to withstand 150 volts. In December Bell Labs fabricated 28 prototype units made with tin-doped germanium and shipped them to Purdue for testing.
到1945年春季，西电公司已经生产了数千台高反压锗整流器。但由于欧洲战事接近尾声，距离全面结束也仅剩几个月，这些整流器在雷达设备中的应用十分有限。尽管如此，这项研发工作还是让斯卡夫、图尔勒和普凡积累了使用这种新型半导体材料的关键经验。到1945年8月他们对硅和锗的提纯以及掺杂这些元素以获得可控和可重复的电特性的方法都非常了解。
By the spring of 1945, Western Electric was turning out thousands of high back-voltage germanium rectifiers. But they received only limited use in radar equipment because the war was winding down in Europe and just months away from ending overall. Still, this development effort gave Scaff, Theuerer, and Pfann crucial experience with the new semiconductor material. By August 1945 they were extremely knowledgeable about the purification of both silicon and germanium as well as with the methods of doping these elements to obtain controllable and reproducible electrical characteristics.
肖克利从乔治湖度假回来后，首批访问的地点之一就是普渡大学，时间是9月6日和7日，摩根陪同他前往。虽然拉尔克-霍罗维茨当时不在场，他们获得了有关普渡大学近期锗研究的详细信息。“他们对我们在这里开展的各个阶段的工作都非常感兴趣，我知道，当你拜访贝尔电话公司的人时，他们会很乐意与你进一步讨论，”一位研究生说道。几天后，拉尔克-霍罗维茨写道：“摩根博士和我都认为，我们此次普渡之行非常值得，它给了我们许多具体的想法，让我们能够……肖克利在9月12日写信给普渡大学的一位资深物理学家，感谢他为团队提供的热情款待，并表示“在制定我们的研究计划时，我们受到了他的帮助”。
And one of the first visits Shockley made after returning from his vacation at Lake George was to Purdue on September 6 and 7, accompanied by Morgan. Although Lark-Horovitz was not present, they obtained detailed information about Purdue’s recent research on germanium. “They were much interested in all phases of our work here and will, I know, want to discuss it further with you when you visit the Bell Telephone men,” one grad student wrote Lark-Horovitz a few days later. “Dr. Morgan and I both feel that our visit to Purdue was well worth while in giving us concrete ideas to use in formulating our research program,” Shockley wrote a senior Purdue physicist on September 12, thanking him for the group’s hospitality.
二战期间，人们对硅和锗的认识取得了巨大进步。此前，某些科学界人士并未将它们视为半导体。战后，这几乎完全归功于英国的雷达研发工作。对于美国而言，硅和锗是当时最容易控制的半导体材料。提纯这些元素并掺杂少量精确杂质的技术已经发展到如此程度，以至于硅和锗成为从事半导体研究的科学家们的首选。
TREMENDOUS ADVANCES HAD been made in understanding both silicon and germanium during World War II. Before, they had not been recognized as semiconductors in certain scientific circles. Afterward, almost entirely because of the radar development efforts in Britain and the United States, they were the most easily controlled semiconducting substances in existence. Techniques of purifying these elements and doping them with small, precise amounts of impurities had advanced to the point where silicon and germanium became the obvious choice for scientists doing research on semiconductors.
巴丁加入贝尔实验室半导体集团后不久，该集团便成立了。他们聚在一起讨论半导体的未来发展方向。他们问自己：“为什么在理解半导体的基本原理方面没有取得更多成就？”答案是，战前使用的半导体材料非常复杂、容易产生杂乱的现象，而且对结构非常敏感。“大部分研究工作都集中在最容易产生杂乱现象的材料上，”布拉坦回忆道，“比如氧化铜和硒。”因为它们是实用设备中使用的材料。
Shortly after Bardeen came on board, the Bell Labs semiconductor group met to discuss its future direction. They asked themselves the question: “Why hadn’t more been accomplished in understanding the fundamentals of semiconductors?” The answer was that the semiconductors used before the war were very messy, complicated, structure-sensitive materials, “and that most of the work had been done on the dirtiest ones,” recalled Brattain, “which were copper oxide and selenium, because they were the [materials used in] practical devices.”
例如，氧化铜的半导体特性是由于晶格中每千万或一亿个原子中氧原子过多（或铜原子过少）造成的，这导致空穴的产生，这些空穴可以在晶格内部自由移动，充当电荷载体。但是，控制和测量铜和氧的精确比例，对于控制氧化铜的半导体特性至关重要。在 20 世纪 40 年代，氧气浓度达到百万分之一以上是不可能的。
The semiconducting properties of copper oxide, for example, occur because there are a few too many oxygen (or too few copper) atoms per 10 or 100 million in the crystal lattice, leading to the emergence of holes that can meander about inside, acting as charge carriers. But controlling and measuring the exact proportions of copper and oxygen to better than 1 part per million was impossible in the 1940s.
然而，硅和锗中重要的杂质元素却不同。这些杂质的含量更容易测定，因为它们就像新雪地里的一只黑狗一样显眼。“所以，这些显然是最简单的半导体，”布拉坦说道。“于是我们决定，让我们试着去了解它们。”先管他们。”
With silicon and germanium, however, the important impurities are different elements. It is much easier to determine the levels of these impurities because they stick out like a black dog in a new snowfield. “So these were obviously the simplest semiconductors,” said Brattain. “And the decision was made, let’s try to understand them first.”
皮尔逊开始研究硅和锗的体相性质——例如，杂质如何嵌入它们的晶格中，以及它们如何影响电导率等性质。布拉坦则专注于半导体表面发生的现象——它们如何受到光、电场和其他材料的影响。巴丁和肖克利提供了理论方面的研究。吉布尼和摩尔则贡献了他们在化学和电学方面的技术专长，并提出了对进一步实验的见解和建议。电路。
Pearson began to examine the bulk properties of silicon and germanium—how impurities became lodged in their crystal lattices, for example, and how they affected properties such as electrical conductivity. Brattain focused on phenomena that occurred at the semiconductor surface—how they were affected by light, electric fields, and other materials. Bardeen and Shockley supplied theoretical insights and suggestions for further experiments, while Gibney and Moore lent their technical expertise in chemistry and electrical circuits.
1946年3月底的一次小组会议上，巴丁向其他成员阐述了他的表面态理论。半导体表面可能存在双层电荷结构——外层带负电，内层带正电。这不仅可以……这个想法解释了为什么肖克利场效应没有被观测到，而且它还可以解释一些最近观测到的、莫特和肖特基理论无法解释的现象。“换句话说，这些难题一下子就全部迎刃而解了，”布拉坦回忆道，“我们有了一个可以着手研究的模型。”
At a group meeting at the end of March 1946, Bardeen revealed his theory of surface states to the others. A double layer of charge—negative on the outside and positive just beneath—might be an intrinsic feature of a semiconductor surface. Not only could this idea explain why Shockley’s field effect had not been observed, but it could also account for some recently observed phenomena that eluded the theories of Mott and Schottky. “In other words, in one fell swoop most of these difficulties were explained away,” recalled Brattain, “and we had a model on which to work.”
巴丁的提议为贝尔实验室半导体团队指明了新的方向。这项研究强调对表面物理学的基础研究，而非任何直接的实际应用目标。“我们放弃了制造放大装置的尝试，转而专注于与巴丁表面态相关的新实验，”肖克利写道。“这项工作的实验负责人是沃尔特·布拉顿，他开展了许多自己精心设计的巧妙实验，以及一些其他实验。”他采纳了巴丁和我提出的一些建议。”
Bardeen’s proposal gave the Bell Labs semiconductor group a new direction for its work that emphasized basic research on the physics of surfaces more than any immediate practical objective. “We abandoned the attempt to make an amplifying device and concentrated on new experiments related to Bardeen’s surface states,” wrote Shockley. “The experimental leader in this work was Walter Brattain, and he carried out many ingenious experiments of his own contriving and some in which he used suggestions made particularly by Bardeen and me.”
巴丁在笔记本中关于锗的神秘评论促成了一项早期实验。三月和四月，布拉坦和皮尔逊根据约翰的建议，用液氮冷却一层薄薄的锗膜，以“冻结”表面电子，从而提高实验成功率，并以此来寻找这种材料的场效应。他们在一个地方施加了500伏电压，发现其导电性仅发生了微小的变化——不到0.1%。对巴丁来说，这个虽小但却是积极的结果确实令人鼓舞，但也有些令人费解。无论变化多么微小，他们实际上观察到了肖克利预期的场效应。但电子在薄膜（布拉坦采用气相沉积法制备）内部的运动似乎要缓慢得多。与块状锗相比，陶瓷板上的锗掺杂浓度更高。造成理论与实验结果差异巨大的原因似乎有两个：表面态和极低的电子迁移率。
Bardeen’s cryptic comment in his notebook about germanium led to an early experiment. In March and April, Brattain and Pearson searched for a field effect in this material, using John’s suggestion that they cool a thin germanium film with liquid nitrogen in order to improve their chances by “freezing” the surface electrons in place. Applying 500 volts, they found only a tiny change—less than a tenth of 1 percent—in its conductivity. To Bardeen, this small but positive result was indeed heartening but a bit mystifying. No matter how slightly, they were actually observing the field effect Shockley had expected. But the electrons appeared to be moving far more sluggishly inside the film (which Brattain had vapor-deposited on a ceramic plate) than they did in bulk germanium. Two factors seemed to be causing the large discrepancy between theory and experiment: the surface states and a very low electron mobility.
对于半导体研究小组来说，那是一段令人兴奋的时期，他们正大胆地迈入未知的研究领域。他们几乎每天都开会交流心得，寻找新的研究方向，肖克利也经常参与其中。黑板上，其他人都在试图挑剔他的想法。“他会提出一些东西，而我——出于热情——会脱口而出，其实没什么恶意，‘我打赌一块钱，这肯定行不通，’”布拉坦笑着说。“比尔会说，‘我接受你的挑战，’”然后在日记里给自己记下。然而，肖克利通常都会输掉这些赌局，而且很快就对此感到厌倦。“我最终发现，他之所以感到恼火，是因为他……”“十块钱里有一块钱付给了我，”沃尔特补充道。
These were heady days for the semiconductor group, as it ventured forth into uncharted research territory. They met almost daily to compare notes and figure out new leads to follow, often with Shockley at the blackboard and the others trying to pick his ideas apart. “He’d present something, and I’d—in my enthusiasm—speak up, not meaning anything, ‘I’ll bet a dollar it won’t work,’” chuckled Brattain. “Bill would say, ‘I’ll take you,’” and write a note to himself in his diary. Shockley usually lost these wagers, however, and soon began to tire of them. “I finally found out he was annoyed when he paid me off once in ten dimes,” Walter added.
在这些“粉笔讲座”期间，布拉坦经常在教室后面来回踱步。房间里，沃尔特口袋里的硬币叮当作响。有一天，肖克利实在忍无可忍，恼火极了。“沃尔特，我希望你别再弄口袋里的硬币了，”他厉声说道，“你弄得钱叮当作响，我都没法思考。”
During these “chalk talks” Brattain often paced to and fro at the back of the room, jingling some pocket change. One day, thoroughly peeved, Shockley could stand it no longer. “Walter, I wish you’d quit jingling those coins in your pocket,” he snapped. “I can’t think when you make money jingle.”
“你看，要是没钱叮当作响，我就没法思考。”布拉坦回答道。肖克利随即回应道：“好的，那以后请你只敲账单的铃铛好吗？”
“Look, I can’t think when I don’t have money jingling,” answered Brattain. To which Shockley quickly replied, “OK, will you please jingle only bills after this?”
贝尔实验室半导体团队人才济济，对当前的研究充满热情，在战后初期合作非常出色。布拉坦对这段时期给予了高度评价：
With a broad range of talents and an intense interest in the research at hand, the Bell Labs semiconductor group worked extremely well together during the early postwar years. Brattain described this period in glowing terms:
我无法过分强调这个小组的融洽关系。我们会见面我们经常在某个下午，几乎是即兴地聚在一起讨论一些重要的步骤。我们会畅所欲言。我想，在这些讨论小组中，我们很多人都提出了自己的想法，一个人的发言往往会启发另一个人。在这个小组存在的这段时间里，我们深入探讨了很多问题的核心，而且总是在我们需要做一些实验或理论研究的时候，对于团队中谁是做这件事的合适人选，从来没有任何疑问。
I cannot overemphasize the rapport of this group. We would meet together to discuss important steps almost on the spur of the moment of an afternoon. We would discuss things freely. I think many of us had ideas in these discussion groups, one person’s remarks suggesting an idea to another. We went to the heart of many things during the existence of this group, and always when we got to the place where something needed to be done, experimental or theoretical, there was never any question as to who was the appropriate man in the group to do it.
半导体方面的工作显然有了可靠的接手，肖克利现在可以投入更多时间研究他在固态物理领域的其他兴趣。他重拾战前关于合金中有序与无序的研究，并开始了一些关于材料磁性的新研究。这些努力是连贯的。他被任命为整个固态物理研究小组的学术领袖。
With the semiconductor work obviously in good hands, Shockley could now devote more time to some of his other interests in solid-state physics. He returned to his prewar research on order versus disorder in alloys and began some new work on the magnetic properties of materials. These efforts were consistent with his appointed role as the intellectual leader of the full Solid State Physics group.
肖克利还抽出时间追求他对表面态的另一项兴趣。午餐时间，人们偶尔会看到他摇摇欲坠地攀附在贝尔实验室餐厅的石墙上，向欣赏的旁观者炫耀他的攀岩技巧。他经常邀请同事、访客，甚至一些人……他邀请实验室秘书们和他一起去沃特昌山脉探险。“如果可以的话，”他写信给赛茨说，“带上一些旧衣服，加入我们周末的惯例活动——在绳索、树木的保护下，攀爬一些当地的小悬崖，我们会从上面指导你们。”
Shockley also found time to pursue another interest in surface states. At lunch hour one could occasionally find him clinging precariously to the stone walls of the Bell Labs cafeteria, showing off his rock-climbing skills to appreciative onlookers. He often invited colleagues, visitors, and even some of the lab secretaries to join him on his adventures in the Watchung Mountains. “If this is agreeable,” he wrote Seitz, “bring along some old clothes and join us in our customary weekend activity of climbing up and down some small local cliffs while supported by ropes, trees and advice from the top.”
肖克利也开始重新回到华盛顿的轨道上。他和艾莉森一起乘火车去了那里。10月17日，他从战争部长罗伯特·P·帕特森手中接过功绩勋章，以表彰他组织B-29轰炸机训练计划的贡献。他还开始为联合研究与发展委员会提供咨询服务，加入了布什总统任命的一个特别委员会，该委员会负责就具有前景的研究方向向高级军事将领提供建议。如果这些工作还不足以让他那似乎无穷无尽的精力得到满足，那么那年秋天，他还……开始进行为期十周的讲座在普林斯顿大学修读固态物理课程。
Shockley started falling back into orbit around Washington, too. He rode a train there with Alison to accept the Medal of Merit on October 17 from Secretary of War Robert P. Patterson for organizing the B-29 training program. And he began consulting for the Joint Research and Development Board, joining a select committee named by Bush to advise the top military brass on promising research directions. If those efforts were not enough to occupy his seemingly boundless energies, that fall he also began lecturing a ten-week course at Princeton on solid-state physics.
到1946-1947年冬季，半导体研究小组已经对表面态进行了足够的研究，足以确信它们的存在。尽管要确定表面态的确切性质以及电子在这些状态下的行为方式，还有大量工作要做，但巴丁对自己的想法已经足够自信，开始撰写一篇相关论文。在完成……1947 年 2 月，他通过专利律师将论文《金属半导体接触处的表面态和整流》发送给了他在明尼苏达州的前同事、物理评论的编辑泰特。该论文很快被接受并发表。
By the winter of 1946–1947, the semiconductor group had done enough research on surface states to be confident they existed. Although plenty of work remained to determine their exact nature and how electrons behaved in these states, Bardeen felt sufficiently sure of his idea to begin a paper on the subject. After clearing it through the patent attorneys, he sent “Surface States and Rectification at a Metal Semi-Conductor Contact” to Tate, his former Minnesota colleague and the editor of Physical Review, in February 1947. It was quickly accepted and published.
在本文中，Bardeen 观察到表面态的出现可能由多种原因引起，包括半导体表面的缺陷和外来原子。如果这些状态下的电子数量足够多（至少每平方厘米一万亿个），那么就会自发形成双层电荷。这一层电荷的存在或许有助于解释目前关于锗和硅整流器的一些谜团。
In this paper Bardeen observed that surface states can crop up for a number of reasons, including imperfections and foreign atoms on the semiconductor surface. If there were enough electrons in these states, at least a trillion per square centimeter, then a double layer of charge should arise spontaneously. The existence of this layer could help explain a number of contemporary mysteries about germanium and silicon rectifiers.
那年七月的一次欧洲之旅中，巴丁和肖克利发现人们对这一新理论非常感兴趣。“我们在布里斯托尔多待了一段时间。 ”“我们特意安排了一天时间，以便拜访员工，并让巴丁有机会和他们讨论他的整流器理论，”肖克利在写给鲍恩的报告中这样描述了他们的行程。“莫特非常感兴趣，问了很多问题，还做了笔记。很明显，其中很多想法都是全新的，他是第一次理解这些概念。”巴丁在飞利浦公司谈到他的新理论时，也得到了类似的反应。荷兰。肖克利向鲍恩吹嘘说：“我们在整流理论方面已经遥遥领先。”
On a trip to Europe that July, Bardeen and Shockley found plenty of interest in the new theory. “We stayed at Bristol an extra day so that we could visit with the staff and Bardeen could discuss his rectifier theory,” Shockley wrote Bown, reporting on their trip. “Mott was much interested, asked many questions and took notes. It was evident that a number of the ideas were new and that he was understanding them for the first time.” Bardeen got a similar reaction when talking about his new theory at the Philips company in the Netherlands. Shockley bragged to Bown that “we are quite far ahead on [the] theory of rectification.”
经过 大约一年的断断续续的努力，布拉坦在表面态实验方面取得了显著进展。此前， 他曾提出一种证明表面态存在的方法。这种表面态应该能够使半导体表面产生光伏效应，就像奥尔最初观察到的效应一样。在硅PN结中，双层电荷的存在意味着表面下方必然潜藏着强大的电场。如果光子撞击那里的原子，使部分电子脱离并撕裂半导体结构，该电场会立即驱动电子向一个方向运动，空穴向另一个方向运动。这种双层结构会在表面感应出电荷。由于光照，其“接触电势”会瞬间改变——接触电势是指将自由电子置于表面所需的电压（或能量）。
AFTER ABOUT A year of fits and starts, Brattain was making good progress in his experiments on surface states. Earlier he had suggested a way to prove they existed. Such states should permit a photovoltaic effect to occur on semiconductor surfaces, much like the effect Ohl had first observed in silicon P-N junctions. The existence of a double layer of charge meant that a powerful electric field must be lurking just beneath the surface. If photons struck atoms there, jolting out some of their electrons and ripping holes in the semiconductor fabric, this field would immediately drive the electrons one way and the holes the other. Such a double layer “would induce a charge on the surface due to the illumination by light,” momentarily changing its “contact potential”—the voltage (or energy) required to take a free electron and place it in contact with the surface.
但这只是一种转瞬即逝的效果，在实际应用中很难衡量。在与摩尔长时间合作设计和建造之后……布拉坦终于开始意识到需要电路了，并取得了积极进展。1947年4月，他取得了相关成果。他用液氮冷却样品，并用短暂的闪光照射，结果发现硅和锗的接触电势发生了微小但清晰可辨的变化——高达十分之一伏。同年8月，他以一封简短的信函形式将研究结果发表在《物理评论》上。此外，他还与肖克利合著了一篇单独的文章。他们估计硅中表面态的密度约为每平方厘米100万亿个。这远远足以阻挡任何外部电场。
But this was a fleeting, evanescent effect that proved difficult to measure in actual practice. After working long hours with Moore to design and build the needed electrical circuits, Brattain finally began to get positive results in April 1947. By cooling his samples with liquid nitrogen and shining brief flashes of light upon them, he obtained small but unmistakable changes—up to a tenth of a volt—in the contact potential of both silicon and germanium. In August he published his results in a short, one-paragraph letter to Physical Review. Alongside it was a separate article he co-authored with Shockley in which they estimated the density of surface states in silicon to be about 100 trillion per square centimeter. This was far more than enough to block any external electric fields.
布拉坦继续进行这些实验，并在九月份获得了室温下的光伏效应。他最终发现，无需冷却硅就能使光改变其接触电势。巴丁对此表示鼓励。他继续沿着这个思路研究，并测量这种现象如何随温度变化——这将有助于更好地理解表面状态。“于是我开始把这个振动电极固定在一根长杆上，这样我就可以把它插进保温瓶里了，”布拉坦说道。
Brattain continued working on these experiments and in September obtained a photovoltaic effect at room temperature. He didn’t need to cool the silicon in order for light to alter its contact potential after all. Bardeen encouraged him to continue along these lines and measure how the phenomenon depended on temperature—which would help to understand the surface states better. “And so I started to set up this vibrating electrode on a long stem so that I could stick it in a thermos bottle,” said Brattain.
在他最初尝试进行这项实验时，他观察到了显著的效果，但很快意识到那只是人为造成的假象。他检查了自己的设备。导致观察到的变化的并非温差，而是保温瓶内壁，尤其是硅表面上的冷凝水。现在他面临着一个难题。解决这个问题的方法之一是在真空环境下重建整个装置，彻底消除水分。但这可能需要一个月的时间，而布拉坦很着急。为了快速取得成果。
In his first attempts at doing this experiment, he saw pronounced effects but quickly realized they were a spurious artifact of his equipment. Condensation on the inner walls of the thermos and especially on the silicon surface itself, not the temperature difference, was causing the observed changes. So now he faced a bit of a dilemma. One way to solve this problem was to rebuild the entire apparatus in a vacuum to eliminate the offending moisture entirely. But that could easily take a month, and Brattain was impatient to get quick results.
他决定改用另一种液体装满保温瓶，然后尝试透过这种液体测量光效应。虽然这种笨拙的临时办法很容易导致其他问题，但肯定能消除恼人的冷凝水。“反正我是个懒惰的物理学家，”布拉坦坦言，“我喜欢用最简单的方法做事。”
Instead he decided to fill the thermos with another liquid and then attempt to measure the photo effect through it. Although such a clumsy ad hoc ploy could easily lead to other problems, it would certainly get rid of the undesirable condensation. “I’m a lazy physicist anyway,” Brattain confided; “I like to do things in the easiest way.”
因此，在11月中旬，他开始填写。在测量接触电势之前，他先将保温瓶装满乙醇、丙酮和甲苯。他发现，他的振动电极装置确实可以在液体中工作，并且产生的光效应比以前更大。11月17日星期一下午，他决定将装置浸入蒸馏水中。“我当时完全惊呆了，”他回忆道，“我观察到了光效应。”即使在当时，它看起来也比PN结还要大。”短暂的闪光使硅的接触电势改变了近一伏！
So in mid-November he began filling the thermos with ethyl alcohol, acetone, and toluene before making his measurements of the contact potential. He discovered that his vibrating-electrode apparatus would indeed work in liquids, yielding even larger photo effects than before. On Monday afternoon, November 17, he decided to dunk his apparatus in distilled water. “Then I was completely flabbergasted,” he recalled. “I had photo effects that even at the time looked to me bigger than the P-N junction.” Brief flashes of light were changing the contact potential of the silicon by nearly a volt!
他把实验结果拿给小组的物理化学家吉布尼看。“等等，”吉布尼问道，“你那里有电位，对吧？”布拉坦承认，他那根来回抖动的振动电极就在附近。硅表面上确实施加了外部电压。“我们稍微改变一下这个参数，”吉布尼建议道。他们照做了，很快发现正电压实际上会增强光伏效应，而负电压则会减弱光伏效应，甚至完全消除光伏效应。
He showed his results to Gibney, the group’s physical chemist. “Wait a minute,” Gibney asked, “You’ve got a potential on there, haven’t you?” Brattain admitted that his vibrating electrode, which jittered back and forth just off the silicon surface, indeed had an external voltage applied to it. “Let’s vary this thing just a bit,” suggested Gibney. They did so and soon discovered that a positive voltage actually increased the photovoltaic effect, while a negative voltage reduced it and could in fact eliminate it.
布拉坦很快就意识到这意味着什么。他现在可以通过以下方式操纵硅表面的电荷：他只需调节上方电极上的电压，就能控制表面状态，甚至将其中和！
It didn’t take Brattain long to realize what this meant. He now could manipulate the charge on the silicon surface by adjusting the voltage on an electrode just above it. Simply by turning a black knob on his power supply, he could control the surface states and even neutralize them!
布拉坦的装置将电极放置在硅表面上方，与之前用于寻找场效应的装置非常相似，但有一个关键区别：它在两块电极板之间填充了液体。以及半导体。而且并非任何液体都能奏效。“电解质”，例如含有正负离子的水，表现最佳。在电极的作用下，这些可移动的离子会迁移到硅表面，从而增强或降低附着在其上的电荷载流子的密度。当布拉坦的电极足够大时，使被捕获的电荷完全中和，硅的内部最终暴露出来，没有屏蔽，很容易被穿透。
With an electrode placed just above the silicon surface, Brattain’s contraption was very similar to the earlier apparatus employed to search for the field effect, but it had one crucial difference: it had a liquid between the plate and semiconductor. And it was not just any old liquid that worked. “Electrolytes” such as water, which contains both positive and negative ions, yielded the best performance. Under the influence of the electrode, these mobile ions were migrating to the silicon surface, where they either enhanced or reduced the density of the charge carriers clinging there. When Brattain made his electrode sufficiently negative so that the trapped charges were completely neutralized, the silicon’s interior was finally laid bare and unshielded, ripe for penetration.
布拉坦和吉布尼11月17日的突破性发现震惊了整个半导体领域。“这一新 发现令人振奋，”肖克利回忆道，“布拉坦和吉布尼终于克服了表面态的阻塞效应——这在实际应用中至关重要。”长期以来导致我们场效应实验失败的问题终于解决了。”通往半导体放大器的道路终于扫清了最棘手的障碍。三天后，布拉坦在他的实验记录本上写下了关于此事的长篇记录；吉布尼在记录本上签名，巴丁和摩尔见证了此事。记录中包含以下内容：
WORD OF BRATTAIN and Gibney’s November 17 breakthrough swept through the semiconductor group. “This new finding was electrifying,” recalled Shockley. “At long last Brattain and Gibney had overcome the blocking effect of the surface states—the practical problem that had for so long caused the failure of our field-effect experiments.” The path to a semiconductor amplifier had finally been cleared of its thorniest obstacle. Three days later Brattain wrote a long entry to this effect in his lab notebook; it was co-signed by Gibney and witnessed by Bardeen and Moore. In it was the following statement:
因此，这些方法可以用来改变改变半导体薄层的电阻，或者换句话说，调制这种半导体的电阻。显然，对于具有合适电阻和厚度的半导体薄膜，可以利用该电场在不消耗明显电流或功率的情况下，大幅改变薄膜的电阻。
Such means therefore can be used to change the resistance of thin layers of the semiconductor or in other words modulate the resistance of such a semiconductor. It is evident that with a semiconductor film of the proper resistance and thickness this field could be used to change the resistance of the film by large factors without drawing appreciable currents or expending appreciable power. . . .
11月21日星期五早上，巴丁来了他带着一个关于如何制造放大器的新建议走进布拉坦的办公室。为什么不把一个尖锐的金属头刺入一块硅片，然后用电解液将其包围呢？通过改变电解液上的电压，他们就可以改变电阻（或导电性）。通过控制接触点下方硅的电流，从而控制流入该点的电流。现在，表面态电子这个问题或许可以解决，他们可以对硅施加电场，从而影响硅内部电子的行为。“来吧，约翰，”布拉坦催促道，“咱们去实验室试试！”
On Friday morning, November 21, Bardeen came into Brattain’s office with a new suggestion about how to make an amplifier. Why not jab a sharp metal point down onto a piece of silicon and surround it with an electrolyte? By varying the voltage on the electrolyte, they could alter the resistance (or conductivity) of the silicon beneath this contact and thereby manipulate currents flowing into the point. Now that the surface-state electrons could be overcome, they could apply a field to the silicon and affect the behavior of electrons inside. “Come on, John,” Brattain urged, “let’s go out in the laboratory and make it!”
那天下午，他找到了一小块表面有N型层的P型硅片。他们用熔化的蜡涂覆钨丝的尖端以进行绝缘，然后在硅片上滴了一滴蒸馏水。然后他们他们将导线向下穿过液滴进入硅胶层，导线穿透蜡层并与硅胶板（但未与水接触）形成良好的电接触。最后，他们用细导线制作了一个小环，并将其接触液滴。他们使用电池向液滴施加约1伏的正电压，观察到通过该点的电流增加了约10%。水中的离子显然会将电子吸引到表面层，从而提高其导电性，导致输出电路中的电流增大。尽管幅度不大，但它们实际上确实放大了该电路中的电流（和功率）！
That afternoon he found a small slab of P-type silicon with an N-type surface layer. They coated the tip of a tungsten wire with molten wax to insulate it and put a drop of distilled water on the slab. Then they pushed the wire down through the drop and into the silicon, where it broke through the wax and made a good electrical contact with the slab (but not the water). Finally, they fashioned a small ring of fine wire and touched it to the drop. Using a battery to apply a positive voltage of about 1 volt to the drop, they observed that this increased the current through the point by about 10 percent. Positive ions in the water were obviously drawing electrons to the surface layer and boosting its conductivity, which led to higher currents in an output circuit. However slightly, they were actually amplifying the current (and power) in this circuit!
巴丁回忆说，在第一次实验中，“使用点接触只是为了方便”。当时已经积累了相当的技巧和理解。在过去十年中，我们与贝尔实验室的联络人合作，他们自然而然地成为了快速“原理验证”测试的首选——“那种你可以在一天内设置和完成的实验”。
In this first experiment, “the use of point contacts was just for convenience,” recalled Bardeen. Considerable art and understanding had been developed in working with point contacts at Bell Labs over the previous decade; they were the natural choice for a quick, “proof of principle” test— “the sort of experiment you can set up and do in a day.”
星期五晚上回家的路上，布拉坦告诉拼车的其他人：“我参与了我一生中最重要的一次实验。” 抵达莫里斯敦的家后不久，他打电话给巴丁说：“我们应该把今天发生的事情告诉肖克利。”他们没有等到周一，而是立即打电话告诉他这个好消息。
Riding home that Friday evening, Brattain told the others in his carpool that “I’d taken part in the most important experiment that I’d ever do in my life.” Soon after reaching his home in Morristown, he called Bardeen and said, “We should tell Shockley what we did today.” Rather than waiting until Monday, they immediately called him with the good news.
巴丁那个周末几乎没睡好。他意识到他们偶然发现了什么重大的东西。他甚至放弃了平日的打高尔夫球和保龄球，周日都待在默里山实验室工作。周六，他提交了实验结果。在他的笔记本中。尽管他们只观察到10%的效果，但他得出结论：
Bardeen didn’t sleep very well that weekend. He realized they had stumbled onto something big. He even neglected his customary golf and bowling games to spend Sunday working at Murray Hill. On Saturday he entered the results of their experiment in his notebook. Although they had observed only a 10 percent effect, he concluded:
这些测试明确表明，可以通过引入电极或栅格来控制半导体中的电流。然而，在这次初步测试中，条件远非理想。液滴覆盖的面积远大于所需面积，导致控制电流也远大于实际所需。在合理的设计下，很容易就能获得100倍甚至更高的倍数。
These tests show definitely that it is possible to introduce an electrode or grid to control the flow of current in a semiconductor. Conditions were far from ideal in this first preliminary test. The drop covered a much larger area than necessary, making the control currents much larger than would be required in a proper design. A factor of 100 or more could readily be obtained.
周日，他撰写了更详细的描述，阐述了他的想法。巴丁当天公布的四种方案的共同之处在于，它们都采用了点接触和P型硅，并辅以特殊制备的N型“反型”结构。“表层”——一层非常薄的表面层，其导电类型与内部导电类型相反。由于观察到电子在气相沉积薄膜中的运动速度较慢，他决定改用块状硅，因为块状硅表面下方存在一个狭窄的通道，电子可以高速穿过该通道。二战期间，奥尔和斯卡夫开发了在硅中制备这种反型层的技术，吉布尼随后将其推广到锗中。
On Sunday he wrote up more detailed descriptions of what he had in mind. Common to all four approaches Bardeen disclosed that day were the use of a point contact and P-type silicon with a specially prepared N-type “inversion layer”—a very thin surface layer whose conductivity type is opposite to that of the interior. Given the observed sluggishness of electrons in vapor-deposited films, he decided instead to use bulk silicon having such a narrow channel just beneath the surface for electrons to speed through. During the war Ohl and Scaff had developed techniques to prepare such inversion layers in silicon, which Gibney subsequently extended to germanium.
这是巴丁在 1947 年 11 月 23 日的实验室笔记中的一段记录，记录了他关于电流如何在布拉坦和他刚刚测试过的点接触装置中流动的想法。
Part of Bardeen's lab-notebook entry for November 23, 1947, recording his ideas about how current flowed in the point-contact device Brattain and he had just tested.
接下来的一周，巴丁和布拉坦尝试了他们原始设计的许多变体——例如用锗代替硅，用金代替钨，以及用杜科漆代替石蜡涂覆尖端。他们并肩工作，布拉坦负责精细的操作，巴丁则经常把结果记录在布拉坦的笔记本上。摩尔设计了一个电路，使他们能够轻松地改变输入信号的频率。他还提出了一个关键建议：使用乙二醇硼酸盐（俗称“gu”）作为电解质，而不是水，因为水经常在他们准备制作之前就蒸发掉了。测量结果。一种稠密、粘稠的液体，gu，“是通过使用虎钳、锤子和钉子从电解电容器中提取出来的。”
The following week Bardeen and Brattain tried a large number of variations on their original design—such as germanium instead of silicon, gold instead of tungsten, and coating the point with Duco lacquer instead of paraffin. They worked side by side, with Brattain doing the delicate manipulations and Bardeen often writing up the results in Brattain’s notebook. Moore built a circuit that allowed them to vary the frequency of the input signal easily. He also made a key suggestion that they use glycol borate—commonly known as “gu”—for the electrolyte instead of water, which often evaporated before they were ready to make a measurement. A dense, viscous liquid, gu “was obtained by extracting it from electrolytic capacitors by using a vice, a hammer, and a nail.”
就连一直专注于固态物理其他领域的肖克利，也被他们的工作所吸引，并提出了自己的一些想法。其中一个想法与点接触无关；他建议将电压施加到放置在特定位置的一滴液体上。在PN交汇处。“让我们暂时搁置上述方案，看看肖克利建议的这种组合是否有效，”布拉坦在11月28日星期五的笔记本上潦草地写道，旁边是他实验装置的图纸。
Even Shockley, who had been absorbed in very different topics in solid-state physics, became excited by their work and offered a few ideas of his own. One of them did not involve a point contact; he suggested they apply voltage to a drop of gu placed right across a P-N junction. “Let’s leave the above for a while and see if this combination suggested by Shockley works,” scrawled Brattain in his notebook on Friday, November 28, next to a drawing of his experimental setup.
但他周末得了流感，在家多休息了几天才康复。皮尔逊继续他未完成的工作，完成了实验，证明了人们可以……利用这种装置，确实可以操控流经连接处的电流。12月4日布拉坦返回工作岗位时，他的同事们已经迫不及待地想要探索新的研究方向。研究进展日趋迅速。
But he came down with the flu over the weekend and stayed home a few more days to recover. Pearson picked up where he left off and did the experiment, which proved that one could indeed manipulate the currents flowing through the junction using this arrangement. By the time Brattain returned to work on December 4, his colleagues were eager to strike out in new directions. The pace of discovery was becoming feverish.
到12 月初，半导体小组测试的电路性能仍面临两大障碍。首先，它们都……它们对电流和功率的提升微乎其微，对电压的提升则几乎为零。此外，它们只能在低于每秒约10赫兹的极低频率下工作，远低于人耳可听范围。任何有用的设备都必须放大每秒数千赫兹的信号，并且放大倍数要远超目前所能达到的水平。
BY EARLY DECEMBER, two big obstacles remained to be overcome in the performance of the circuits that the semiconductor group was testing. For one, they all boosted electrical current and power only marginally and voltage not at all. For another, they functioned only at very low frequencies less than about 10 cycles per second, well below the audible range. Any useful device had to amplify signals of thousands of cycles per second and by much larger factors than attained thus far.
12月8日星期一，巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利将共进午餐。 他们讨论了如何克服这些障碍。或许是受到皮尔逊公司近期成功的启发，巴丁建议他们用高反向电压锗代替硅——这种掺锡半导体材料是普渡大学的研究小组率先研发的，也是斯卡夫和图尔勒为整流器生产而开发的。因为它对反向电流具有非常高的电阻，他推断，锗的表面层通常只含有极少的载流子。因此，外部电场在锗表面附近感应出的额外载流子应该会极大地提高其导电性。如果真是如此，只需施加适度的电压，就能获得显著的功率提升。
Meeting for lunch on Monday, December 8, Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley discussed what to do about these stumbling blocks. Perhaps stimulated by Pearson’s recent success, Bardeen suggested that instead of silicon they use high back-voltage germanium—the tin-doped semiconductor material that the Purdue group had pioneered and that Scaff and Theuerer had developed for rectifier production. Because it has a very high resistance to currents flowing in the reverse direction, he reasoned, its surface layer must normally contain very few charge carriers. The extra carriers that an external field would induce near the germanium surface should therefore improve its conductivity enormously. If so, they could get a big power boost by applying only modest voltages.
那天下午，布拉坦在他的实验室里四处查看，发现了一块 N 型高反电压锗。在巴丁的注视下，他用一滴锗液将一个金触点插入其中，然后用电池和金属环施加几伏电压。但他们却意外地发现，随着金属环的负极性增强，反向电流增大，换句话说，锗触点的电阻减小了，”布拉坦在他的实验记录本中写道；“这这与人们的预期正好相反。” 事实上，如果压降上的电压是负的而不是正的，他们就可以将输出信号的电压提高一倍，并将其功率提高惊人的 330 倍！
Scouting around in his lab that afternoon, Brattain found a piece of N-type, high back-voltage germanium. With Bardeen watching him, he jabbed a gold point contact down into it through a droplet of gu, to which he applied a few volts using a battery and a wire ring. But they were in for a surprise. “As the ring is made more negative, the current flowing in the reverse direction increases, in other words the resistance of the Ge point contact decreases,” Brattain recorded in his lab notebook; “This is the opposite of what one might expect.” With a negative voltage on the drop instead of positive, in fact they could double the voltage of the output signal and boost its power by a whopping factor of 330!
但为什么符号突然改变呢？“我们该如何解释这一点？”布拉坦问巴丁，巴丁给出了一个可能的解释：在……产生的场锗表面受到负离子的影响电解质的电场强度可能非常强，以至于在其下方诱导出一层正电荷载流子。“巴丁认为，表面电场非常强，以至于在表面附近实际上出现了P型导电，而负电势……会增强这种P型或空穴导电，”布拉坦写道。反型层实际上可能是通过电学方法而非化学方法产生的。空穴（而不是电子）可能是导致该点下方电导率升高的电荷载体。
But why the sudden change in sign? “How do we explain this?” Brattain asked Bardeen, who offered a possible answer: the field generated at the germanium surface by the negative ions in the electrolyte might well be so powerful that it was inducing a layer of positive charge carriers just beneath. “Bardeen suggests that the surface field is so strong that one is actually getting P-type conduction near the surface, and the negative potential . . . is increasing this P-type or hole conduction,” wrote Brattain. An inversion layer might in fact be produced by electrical means, not chemically, and holes, not electrons, could be the charge carriers responsible for raising the conductivity under the point.
这是另一项重大突破。巴丁和布拉坦凭借偶然的发现和良好的直觉，偶然间找到了一种粗略的方法，可以提高半导体表面“少数载流子”（后来人们这样称呼它们）的数量——这里指的是N型锗中的空穴。通常情况下，空穴的数量很少，如果多数载流子（在本例中为电子）以某种方式逃离了周围区域，少数载流子就会显著影响电导率。而当在该点施加负电压时，就会发生这种情况：它会将大量电子驱离。Bardeen 和 Brattain 利用周围液滴产生的电场提高了空穴数量，从而提高了电导率。获得了他们观察到的功率增益。
This was another major breakthrough. Mixing serendipity and good sense, Bardeen and Brattain had stumbled across a crude way to raise the population of “minority carriers” (as they later became known) at the semiconductor surface—here, the holes in N-type germanium. Normally rare, minority carriers can affect the conductivity markedly if the majority carriers (in this case, electrons) have somehow fled the neighborhood. But that is exactly what happens when a negative voltage is applied to the point; it drives electrons away en masse. Raising the hole population by using an electric field from the surrounding droplet, Bardeen and Brattain then increased the conductivity and obtained the power gain they observed.
两天后，12月10日，布拉坦用一块特制的高反电压锗板重复了实验。他将电压降设为-6伏，发现功率增益竟然高达6000倍！但他仍然发现锗的频率响应并不比硅好。“我们推断这是由于响应速度较慢造成的。”“电解液，”他声称，“我们认为唯一的办法就是去除电解液。”
Two days later, on December 10, Brattain repeated the experiment with a slab of specially prepared high back-voltage germanium. Putting a potential on the drop of −6 volts, he found he could get a whopping power gain of 6,000! But he still found that germanium had no better frequency response than silicon. “We reasoned that this was the slowness of the response of the electrolyte,” he claimed, “and we figured the only thing to do was to get rid of the electrolyte.”
当天早些时候，布拉坦将硼酸乙二醇酯液滴上的电压一直提高到-45伏，并注意到锗表面长出了一层薄膜。“我们透过硼酸乙二醇酯可以看到，我们正在进行阳极氧化，形成了可见的干涉膜，绿色的薄膜，”他回忆道。“我还记得硼酸乙二醇酯下面的绿色。”吉布尼认为那可能是氧化膜，大概是二氧化锗。为什么不试试用这层膜来解决频率问题呢？“这层氧化膜一定是绝缘的，”他们推测道。“如果是这样，我们可以形成这层膜，然后直接在膜上放置金属电极——这样就能在不使用电解质的情况下获得场效应，从而获得[功率增益]。”更高的频率。”
Earlier that day, Brattain had raised the voltage on the drop of glycol borate all the way up to −45 volts and noticed a thin film growing on the germanium surface. “We could see through the glycol borate that we were anodizing, growing visible interference films, green film,” he recalled. “I can remember the green color under the glycol borate.” Gibney suggested that this was an oxide film, probably germanium dioxide. Why not try using this film to solve the frequency problem? “This oxide film must be insulating,” they figured. “If it is, we can form the film and put metal electrodes right on top of the film—get this field effect without the electrolyte and get [power gain at] the higher frequencies.”
这种几何结构实际上与巴丁在11月23日星期日记入笔记本上的最后一个非常相似；氧化膜只是提供了一种便捷的方法，可以在金属电极和锗之间形成一层薄的绝缘层。“只需在很小的距离上施加很小的电压，就能获得很强的电场，”他解释道。他们希望通过这种方式产生一个锗内部强大的磁场可以显著增加空穴数量，从而获得巨大的功率增益。而且，由于没有粘稠的电解液来减缓反应速度，该放大器也应该具有良好的频率响应。
Such a geometry is in fact much like the last one Bardeen had entered in his notebook on Sunday, November 23; the oxide film merely provided a convenient way to make a thin insulating layer between a metal electrode and the germanium. “You can get a high electric field when you apply just a small voltage across a small distance,” he explained. That way they hoped to generate a strong field inside the germanium and increase the hole population enough to get a big power gain. And without a gooey electrolyte to slow things down, the amplifier should have a good frequency response, too.
吉布尼准备了一块新的锗板，首先在其中一个表面上生长出一层闪闪发光的绿色氧化物，然后在氧化物上沉积了几小块金。但当布拉坦开始……测试样品时，他百思不得其解。他尝试的第一个金点似乎直接与锗接触，仿佛氧化层不存在一样。其整流特性也随之变化，“表明锗表面形成的区域在P型和N型之间并不稳定。”
Gibney prepared a new slab of germanium, first growing a shimmering green oxide layer on one surface and then depositing several small spots of gold on the oxide. But when Brattain began testing the sample, he was mystified. The first gold spot he tried seemed to be making direct contact with the germanium, as if the oxide layer wasn’t there. Its rectifying properties varied, “indicating that the formed surface of the Ge was somewhat indeterminate between P-type and N-type.”
他们决定无论如何都要试一试，看看能不能做出一个放大器。巴丁和吉布尼都在观察。布拉坦接着在这个点以及中心孔洞处的金触点上施加了负电压。但什么也没发生。他们完全没有获得任何功率增益，只有大量的电路噪声。布拉坦将触点上的电位提高到75伏，结果不小心将其与周围的点短路，损坏了它。
They decided to go ahead anyway and see if they could make an amplifier. With Bardeen and Gibney looking on, Brattain applied negative voltages to this spot and to a gold point contact at a hole in its center. But nothing happened. They got no power gain at all, just a lot of circuit noise. Raising the potential on the point to 75 volts, Brattain accidentally shorted it out with the surrounding spot, ruining it.
12月12日星期五，他花了一整天时间在锗上的其他四个位置仔细查看。他测试了它们对双向电流的电阻。结果显示，它们似乎都与表面接触良好。氧化层在哪里呢？他逐渐意识到，在镀金之前，他不小心把它洗掉了。“阳极氧化过程中形成的氧化锗可溶于水，”他回忆道，“当我洗掉硼酸乙二醇酯时，也把氧化层洗掉了。”停止拍摄！
He spent Friday, December 12, poking around at the other four spots on the germanium, testing their resistance to current flow in either direction. Again, they all seemed to be making good contact with the surface. Where was the oxide layer? He gradually began to realize that he had inadvertently washed it off before depositing the gold. “The germanium oxide formed by an anodic process is soluble in water,” he recalled, “and when I washed the glycol borate off, I washed the oxide film off!”
“我当然对自己感到厌恶，但我还是决定不妨用探针绕着金点边缘走一圈，看看会不会有什么反应，”布拉坦说道。周一，他偶然间在金点上施加了正电压，并在紧挨着金点边缘的一个触点上施加了负电压。突然，他开始得到结果。“我得到了相反的效果。”“我感觉到了调制，”他回忆道，“虽然没有功率增益，但信号电压却翻了一番。更重要的是，他在高频下也观察到了同样的效果。“这种电压放大与频率无关，范围从10赫兹到1万赫兹，”他在笔记本上潦草地写道。
“I was disgusted with myself, of course, but decided there was no reason why I shouldn’t go around with the point around the edge of the gold to see if there was any effect,” said Brattain. On Monday he chanced to apply a positive voltage to the gold spot and a negative voltage to a point contact placed right at its edge. Suddenly he began to get results. “I got an effect of the opposite sign,” he recalled; “I got some modulation.” Although there was no power gain, the signal voltage was doubling. What’s more, he got the same effect at high frequencies. “This voltage amplification was independent of freq. 10 to 10,000 cycles,” he scribbled in his notebook.
截至12月15日，巴丁和布拉坦已经克服了两个最大的障碍。他们通过使用……获得了良好的力量提升。他们采用了高背压锗材料，并通过消除锗的压降并将金触点直接贴附在表面，获得了良好的频率响应。现在，他们只需要同时实现这两个目标，而这只需要再花一天时间就能完成。
BY DECEMBER 15 Bardeen and Brattain had overcome their two big stumbling blocks. They had achieved good power gain by using high back-voltage germanium and obtained good frequency response by eliminating the drop of gu and applying gold contacts directly to the surface. Now they only needed to achieve these two ends simultaneously, a feat that would require just one more day.
巴丁意识到，在金斑和锗的界面处，正在发生一种新的、不同的现象。如果当时……正如预期的那样，它们之间有一层绝缘层，在该位置施加正电压会消除下方锗层中的任何空穴。但这两个表面似乎形成了良好的电接触。在布拉坦周一的关键实验之后，“我们知道我们不仅实现了接触，而且还以某种方式将载流子引入了该层，”巴丁说道。而这些载流子是原来不是电子，而是空穴。“实验表明，空穴从金点流入锗表面，”九年后他在斯德哥尔摩解释说，“以这种方式引入的空穴流入点接触，从而增强了反向电流。”
Bardeen realized that a new and different phenomenon was occurring at the interface between the gold spot and the germanium. Had there been an insulating layer between them, as intended, a positive voltage on the spot would have driven away any holes in the germanium layer beneath it. But the two surfaces appeared to be making good electrical contact. After Brattain’s key experiment that Monday, “we knew that we were not only contacting, but somehow introducing carriers into the layer,” said Bardeen. And these charge carriers were not electrons after all, but holes. “The experiment suggested that holes were flowing into the germanium surface from the gold spot,” he explained in Stockholm nine years later, “and that the holes introduced in this way flowed into the point contact to enhance the reverse current.”
但巴丁认为，大部分输入到金矿的能量都被浪费了，因为他们只需要改变锗的导电性位于金点正下方。这就是他们未能获得功率增益的主要原因。流过金点的大部分电流仅仅是电流像一辆疾驰而过的麦克卡车一样，呼啸着穿过下方的锗层，只在路边扬起几缕尘土。电流直接流回输入电路，完全绕过了那个点。对输出电路影响甚微。
But most of the input power to the gold spot was being wasted, Bardeen figured, because they only needed to alter the conductivity of the germanium right beneath the point. That was the principal reason they had obtained no power gain. Most of the current flowing through the gold spot was merely rushing through the germanium beneath it, like a Mack truck roaring by and kicking up only a few swirls of dust by the roadside. The current simply flowed back through the input circuit, bypassing the point entirely and having little impact on the output circuit.
经过一番讨论，他们决定“必须让表面上的两个接触点足够接近，”布拉坦回忆道，“巴丁稍作计算后发现，这个距离必须小于两密耳。”但这仅仅相当于一张普通纸的厚度。他们不能直接用力按压。将两根导线靠近锗片连接起来，因为即使是细导线，通常也有 5 密耳（或 0.005 英寸）厚，以确保足够的强度。
After talking this problem over, they decided that “the thing to do was to get two point contacts on the surface sufficiently close together,” Brattain recalled, “and after some little calculation on [Bardeen’s] part, this had to be closer than two mils.” But that is only about the thickness of an ordinary piece of paper. They couldn’t just press two wires onto the germanium near each other, because even fine wires are typically 5 mils (or 0.005 inch) thick to insure sufficient strength.
布拉坦想出了一个不用导线就能在两个触点之间形成如此狭窄间隙的方法。他让技术人员切出一个小塑料楔子，并在其边缘粘上一条金箔。“我用剃刀在楔子的顶端……”“我把三角形小心地切开一条细缝，”他说道。“我用剃刀小心地划开，直到电路断开，然后把楔子放在弹簧上，再把弹簧压在同一块锗上……”箔片的边缘与表面接触，但彼此之间仍保持约2密耳的距离。两个触点都整流良好；当施加正电压时，电流可以流过。施加了负电压，但几乎没有电流流过。
Brattain figured out a way to form such a narrow gap between two contacts without using wires, however. He asked his technician to cut him a small plastic wedge and cemented a strip of gold foil around one of its edges. “I took a razor at the apex of the triangle and very carefully cut up a thin slit,” he remarked. “I slit carefully with the razor until the circuit opened, and put [the wedge] on a spring and put it down on the same piece of germanium. . . .” The edges of the foil made contact with the surface but remained about 2 mils apart from each other. Both point contacts rectified nicely; they allowed currents to pass when a positive voltage was applied but almost nothing to flow under a negative voltage.
12月16日星期二下午，他们准备测试一下这个新装置是否能放大电信号。布拉坦把它连接到电池上，一个触点接上约+1伏电压，另一个触点接上约-10伏电压。果然，第一次尝试就获得了30%的功率增益和15倍的电压增益。“真是太棒了！ ”“！”他说道。“它有时会停止工作，但我总能晃动一下，让它重新运转起来。”
On Tuesday afternoon, December 16, they were ready to see whether the new contraption would amplify electrical signals. Brattain hooked it up to his batteries, putting about +1 volt on one contact and −10 volts on the other. Sure enough, he obtained a 30 percent power gain and a factor of 15 voltage gain on his very first try. “It was marvelous!” he remarked. “It would sometimes stop working, but I could always wiggle it and make it work again.”
很快，他找到了另一种设置，可以将功率增益提升到 450%，而电压增益则下降了近 4 倍。“以上所有测量均在 1000 赫兹下进行，”他潦草地写道。在布拉坦和吉布尼 11 月 17 日取得突破性进展后近一个月，他们……它既放大了功率又放大了电压，并且在音频频率范围内实现了这一壮举。固态放大器终于诞生了。
Soon he found another setting where he could boost the power gain to 450 percent while the voltage gain dropped by nearly a factor of 4. And “all the above measurements were made at 1000 cycles,” he scrawled. Almost exactly a month after Brattain and Gibney’s November 17 breakthrough, they had amplified both power and voltage, and achieved this feat at audio frequencies. The solid-state amplifier had finally been born.
Bardeen 和 Brattain 的点接触半导体放大器。
Bardeen and Brattain's point-contact semiconductor amplifier.
那天晚上巴丁回到家，把车停在车库里，然后从厨房门走了进去。他发现简正在水槽边削胡萝卜。“我们今天发现了一件重要的事情，”他一边脱下帽子和外套一边嘟囔着。“太好了，”她抬头看了他一眼，回答道。但他径直从她身边走进了厨房。客厅里，他什么也没再提。不过，由于约翰很少跟她谈起工作，她凭直觉就知道他今天在实验室肯定过得很顺利。
When Bardeen returned home that evening, he parked his car in the garage and came in through the kitchen door. He found Jane there, peeling carrots at the sink. “We discovered something important today,” he mumbled as he took off his hat and coat. “That’s great,” she replied, looking up for a moment. But he passed by her into the living room without mentioning anything more. Since John hardly ever discussed his work with her, however, she knew instinctively that he must have had a good day at the labs.
第二天，肖克利安排他的半导体小组与鲍恩和弗莱彻于12 月23日星期二下午举行会议。小组 的大部分成员将分别作十分钟的近期进展总结，但…… 最后，巴丁被安排就“整流和表面态”发表三十分钟的演讲。他们有将近一周的时间准备演讲，肖克利希望他们能把演讲做好。
THE NEXT DAY Shockley arranged a meeting of his semiconductor group with Bown and Fletcher for the afternoon of Tuesday, December 23. Most of the group members were to give ten-minute summaries of recent progress, but at the very end Bardeen was scheduled to talk for thirty minutes on “Rectification and Surface States.” They would have almost a week to prepare the presentations, and Shockley wanted them to be good.
接下来的一周，布拉坦继续摆弄着那块锗板，试图从他自身的经验角度更好地理解这种新现象。他开始戳戳……他将两个极细的触点紧密地贴在金属板上，并施加不同的电压来观察反应。当他在一个触点（他称之为“点”或“栅极”）上施加负电压时，发现对另一个触点（他称之为“探针”或“板”）几乎没有影响。但当他施加正电压时，情况就截然不同了。然而，在这一点上，方向的潜力是即使在相当大的距离下，探针也明显抬升，这表明电流在这个方向上扩散得非常厉害。”在与巴丁讨论之后，他得出结论：“当栅极点偏置为正时所获得的调制是由于栅极向阳极点提供了孔隙。”
The rest of the week, Brattain continued to poke around on the germanium slab, trying to see if he could understand the new phenomenon better from his own empirical vantage point. He began jabbing two ultrafine point contacts down on it close together and applying various voltages on them to see what happened. Putting a negative voltage on one, which he called the “point” or “grid,” he found it to have little effect on the other, called the “probe” or “plate.” But things happened quite differently when he applied a positive voltage. “In however the point+ direction the potential of the probe was raised considerably even at rather large distances, indicating that in this direction the current spreads out with a vengeance.” After discussing this with Bardeen, he concluded that “the modulation obtained when the grid point is bias+ is due to the grid furnishing holes to the plate point.”
原始点接触半导体放大器的横截面图。
Cross-sectional diagram of the original point-contact semiconductor amplifier.
当“栅极”点为正时，即在锗表面产生强电场时，该电场会将电子从其母原子中剥离，并在晶格中撕裂出空穴。释放出的电子立即涌向该点，从而形成输入电路中的电流。但由于同种电荷相互排斥，孔洞从接触点向后退缩，并增强了周围表面层的导电性。一个接触受影响区域并施加负电压的“平板”点，就像强力吸尘器吸走地毯上的灰尘一样，将这些孔洞扫走。这一过程极大地增强了输出电路中的微弱电流。通过适当的电压设置和电阻，输入电路中的交流信号会在输出电路中感应出一个更大的信号。
When the “grid” point was positive, that is, it produced a strong electric field at the germanium surface that actually ripped electrons from their parent atoms and tore holes in the crystal lattice. The freed electrons immediately surged up into that point, contributing to the current in the input circuit. But since like charges repel, the holes retreated from the point and augmented the conductivity of the surrounding surface layer. A “plate” point touching the affected region and biased with a negative voltage swept up these holes like a powerful vacuum cleaner sucking the dirt out of a carpet. This action greatly enhanced the tiny current in the output circuit. With appropriate voltage settings and resistances, an AC signal in the input circuit would induce a much larger signal in the output circuit.
下一步是向贝尔实验室的高管们展示这款半导体放大器。这显然是一项重大突破，可能会对贝尔系统产生巨大影响。伯特·摩尔利用零散的零件拼凑了一个电路，以便更有效地进行演示。他使用麦克风和戴上耳机后，他们就可以对着电路说话，并听到放大后的声音。如果亚历山大·格雷厄姆·贝尔还活着，他一定会对这一幕印象深刻。
The next step was to demonstrate this semiconductor amplifier to the Bell Labs executives. This was clearly a major breakthrough that could have a tremendous impact on the Bell system. Bert Moore fashioned a circuit from scrounged parts to help make a more effective demonstration. Using a microphone and headphones, they could actually speak into the circuit and hear amplified voices. Had he been alive to enjoy the show, Alexander Graham Bell would have been impressed.
周二下午，肖克利和鲍恩、弗莱彻一起到了。在听完吉布尼、皮尔逊等人的简短汇报后，他们一起走到布拉坦的实验室观看演示。他启动了设备。他对着麦克风讲话，鲍恩和弗莱彻则戴着耳机听着。“我不记得有人高兴得跳起来，但现场气氛非常热烈，”多年后皮尔逊惊叹道。“我只记得人们鱼贯而入，每个人都惊叹不已。”布拉坦把这件事记录在了他的笔记本里：
On Tuesday afternoon Shockley arrived with Bown and Fletcher. After listening to short presentations by Gibney, Pearson, and others, they all walked over to Brattain’s laboratory for the demonstration. He powered up his equipment and spoke into the microphone while Bown and Fletcher listened on the headphones. “I don’t remember anybody jumping for joy, but there was great elation,” marveled Pearson years later. “I just remember the folks trooping through and everybody amazed.” Brattain recorded the event in his notebook:
实际上，这个电路是通过语音传输实现的，通过切换设备的插拔，语音质量得到了明显的提升。示波器上可以听到和看到音量变化，音质没有明显变化。通过在固定频率下进行测量，确定功率增益在18倍或以上。许多人见证了（在场）了这项测试，并聆听了相关内容，其中包括：RB Gibney、HR Moore、J. Bardeen、GL Pearson、W. Shockley 和 H. Fletcher。[,] R. Bown。
This circuit was actually spoken over and by switching the device in and out a distinct gain in speech level could be heard and seen on the scope presentation with no noticable [sic] change in quality. By measurements at a fixed frequency in it was determined that the power gain was the order of a factor of 18 or greater. Various people witnessed (were present) this test and listened of whom some were the following[:] R. B. Gibney, H. R. Moore, J. Bardeen, G. L. Pearson, W. Shockley, H. Fletcher [,] R. Bown.
布拉坦 1947 年 12 月 24 日的实验室笔记记录了前一天点接触放大器的演示。
Brattain's lab-notebook entry for December 24, 1947, describing the demonstration of the point-contact amplifier on the previous day.
只有鲍恩还有些怀疑。“伙计们，听着，有一个万无一失的检验方法……”“放大器，你们别自欺欺人，”他坚持道。“如果用合适的电路进行反馈，放大器就会振荡。这表明它确实在产生功率——而且不止于此。”比你投入的更多。”
Only Bown remained a bit skeptical. “Look boys, there’s one sure test of an amplifier, that you aren’t kidding yourselves,” he insisted. “An amplifier, if fed back on itself with a proper circuit, will oscillate. This shows that it is really producing power—more than you put into it.”
下午时分已是深夜，无法进行这项测试，而且大家都想在积雪变厚导致路面湿滑之前回家。第二天早上暴风雪过后，摩尔返回并改造了装置，使其能够作为振荡器工作。当天晚些时候，巴丁和肖克利焦急地看着布拉坦合上开关，发出一个200赫兹的信号。将音频信号输入到输入电路。果然，它又能用了！这下彻底确定了。再无任何疑问。这个笨重的小玩意儿的确是个固态放大器。
It was too late in the afternoon to do this test, and everybody wanted to get home before the snow accumulating outside made driving treacherous. Moore returned the following morning after the storm had cleared and modified the device so that it could work as an oscillator. Later that day Bardeen and Shockley watched anxiously as Brattain closed a switch and sent a 200-cycle audio signal into the input circuit. Sure enough, it worked again! That clinched matters. There could no longer be any doubt. This unwieldy gadget was truly a solid-state amplifier.
尽管巴丁和布拉坦的发明对贝尔电话实验室来说是一份“绝妙的圣诞礼物”，但凯利却在几周后才得知此事。鲍恩和弗莱彻非常担心会误导他人。 他们老板脾气暴躁，所以在取得如此重要的突破性进展之前，他们犹豫不决，直到万分确定才告诉他。“这件事太重要了，他们害怕如果告诉凯利，可能会搞砸，”他们回忆道。布拉坦。凯利听到这个消息自然很高兴，只是对等了这么久有点恼火。然后他立刻把这件事严加保密。贝尔实验室希望在公开这项发明之前，能够探索其更深远的影响。
ALTHOUGH BARDEEN AND Brattain’s invention was a “magnificent Christmas present” for Bell Telephone Laboratories, Kelly didn’t learn about it for a few more weeks. So concerned were Bown and Fletcher about not misleading their volatile boss on such an important breakthrough that they hesitated until they were absolutely sure of it before telling him. “It was so damned important that they were scared, if they told Kelly about it, that it might be a flop,” recalled Brattain. Naturally Kelly was delighted to hear the news, if a little miffed at having to wait so long. Then he immediately clamped a tight lid of secrecy on the invention so Bell Labs could explore its further ramifications before going public.
半导体放大器的迅速发明证明了凯利重视固态物理基础研究的明智之处。这项发现的关键在于认识到量子力学实体——空穴——在半导体表面附近导电过程中起着至关重要的作用。对这种材料性能的“传统”理解是不够的。
The swift invention of a semiconductor amplifier had proved the wisdom of Kelly’s emphasis on basic research in solid-state physics. The key to the discovery was recognition that quantum-mechanical entities—the holes—had a crucial role to play in carrying electric current near a semiconductor surface. A “classical” understanding of how this material behaved would not have sufficed.
凯利坚持组建多学科研究团队也是明智之举。贝尔半导体团队在理论、实验和技术方面的专长相结合，对解决表面态问题至关重要，使得巴丁和布拉坦得以成功研制出放大器。
And Kelly’s insistence on a multidisciplinary research team had also been a wise choice. The combination of theoretical, experimental, and technical expertise in Bell’s semiconductor group had proved important in solving the surface-states problem, allowing Bardeen and Brattain to build their successful amplifier.
但他们的鲁布·戈德堡装置距离真正取代电子电路中的真空管还有很长的路要走。大规模生产具有可靠且可重复特性的器件是一个难以实现的目标，还需要数年时间才能达成。最迫切需要的是更好地了解空穴在半导体内部的行为。巴丁和布拉坦当时他们只有个大概的想法。在接下来的几个月里，肖克利和他的团队将把这个想法逐渐清晰起来。
But their Rube Goldberg apparatus still had a long way to go before it could even begin to replace vacuum tubes in electronic circuits. Mass producing the device with reliable and reproducible characteristics was an elusive goal that would take several more years to achieve. What was needed most urgently was a better understanding of how the holes behaved inside the semiconductor. Bardeen and Brattain had only a sketchy idea. Shockley and his team would bring their picture into much sharper focus during the coming months.
1947年圣诞节后的那个星期五，一场大雪几乎让新泽西州北部所有道路都陷入瘫痪。即便如此，肖克利还是早早地赶到了默里山。他迫不及待地想知道杰拉尔德·皮尔逊当天计划进行的一项关键实验的结果。
On the Friday after Christmas, 1947, a heavy snowfall threatened to shut down every road in northern New Jersey. But even so, Shockley fought his way to Murray Hill early. He couldn’t wait to learn the results of a crucial experiment Gerald Pearson was planning to do that day.
12月中旬，当巴丁和布拉坦还在努力调试他们那台不太给力的放大器时，皮尔逊他终于获得了梦寐以求的场效应。他在石英板上沉积了一层薄薄的P型锗膜，并在其两端各连接一根导线，然后在锗膜上滴一滴锗液，并通过一根接触锗液表面的导线向液滴施加几伏电压。他欣喜地发现，这个电压改变了流经锗膜的电流——变化幅度高达10到30倍。百分比。“这对我们来说是一次精神上的胜利，因为这是我们长期以来一直在寻找的场效应的积极结果，”皮尔逊在12月12日的实验记录本中写道，并补充说，“正是由于使用了蛊剂，我们才能获得进行实验所需的高场……”
In mid-December, while Bardeen and Brattain were getting their reluctant amplifier to work, Pearson had finally obtained the long-sought field effect. He deposited a thin film of P-type germanium on a quartz plate and attached a lead to each end, then put a droplet of gu on the germanium and applied a a few volts to the droplet through a wire touching its surface. He was elated to discover that this voltage altered the flow of electrical current through the film—by sizable factors of 10 to 30 percent. “This is a moral victory for us because it is a positive result on the field effect [for] which we have been looking for so long,” Pearson jotted in his lab notebook on December 12, adding, “It is the use of the Gu which enables us to get the high fields necessary to perform the experiment. . . .”
但除了采用薄膜和胶体之外，这些实验并没有太大区别。与布拉坦和吉布尼三周前做的实验相比，皮尔逊的实验结果有所不同。然而，圣诞节后的第二天早上，皮尔逊准备进行一项不使用锗的场效应实验。吉布尼为他准备了一条薄薄的云母片，一面镀有锗层，另一面镀有一小块金。皮尔逊在金层上施加135伏电压，使云母片发生了微小的变化——仅为万分之一。电流流过锗。虽然微弱，但这的确是肖克利近三年前预测的场效应。
But except for employing thin films and gu, these experiments were not all that different from the ones Brattain and Gibney had done three weeks earlier. The morning after Christmas, however, Pearson was ready to do an experiment on the field effect without using gu. Gibney had prepared for him a thin strip of mica with a layer of germanium on one side and a small patch of gold on the other. By applying 135 volts to the gold, Pearson induced a tiny change—only 1 part in 10,000—in the current flowing through germanium. Though minuscule, this was indeed the field effect that Shockley had predicted almost three years earlier.
但他们没时间庆祝。到中午时分，积雪已超过一英尺厚，而且每小时还在持续下雪。实验室里的所有人被告知立即回家，以免道路无法通行。
But there was little time to celebrate. By noon, over a foot of snow had accumulated, and inches more were falling per hour. Everybody at the labs was told to return home immediately before the roads became impassable.
又下了超过一英尺的雪。暴雪在当晚结束前，纽约市及其周边地区昨晚被厚达25.8英寸的积雪覆盖，这是该市有记录以来最大的一场降雪。周六《纽约时报》的头版文章这样写道：“城市的高楼大厦上挂满了厚厚的积雪。”所有交通系统都瘫痪了，卡车、公共汽车和小汽车都被困在路上。突如其来的东北风暴席卷了各地。
More than another foot of snow fell before the blizzard ended that evening. “New York City and its environs wore last night a snow mantle 25.8 inches deep, dropped on the area by the greatest snowfall in the city’s recorded history,” began the lead story in Saturday’s New York Times. “The city’s towers wore tremendous tufts and beards of snow.” All transportation systems were paralyzed, with trucks, buses, and automobiles stranded everywhere by the surprise nor’easter.
周末，肖克利和妻子简以及孩子们被困在麦迪逊，几乎没有时间构思自己的想法。不过，周日一切似乎恢复了正常，阳光普照，新泽西郊区的积雪也终于被铲雪车清理干净。那天晚上，孩子们都睡了，简在洗碗，他终于有了片刻独处的时间，并勾勒出了一个想法。在一张纸上——基本上是巴丁和布拉坦装置的变体，融合了皮尔逊场效应实验的启发性想法。星期一早上，他带着这张纸去了默里山，让组里新来的物理学家理查德·海恩斯亲眼见证，然后才把它贴到笔记本上。
Trapped in Madison with Jean and the kids, Shockley had little time to work on his ideas that weekend. A bit of normalcy returned on Sunday, however, as the sun came out and snowplows finally cleared roads in the New Jersey suburbs. That evening, with the children in bed and Jean washing dishes, he finally got a moment to himself and sketched out an idea on a sheet of paper—basically a variation on Bardeen and Brattain’s contraption incorporating an idea that had been stimulated by Pearson’s field-effect experiments. He took this sheet with him to Murray Hill on Monday morning and got Richard Haynes, a new physicist in his group, to witness it before pasting it into his notebook.
当晚，肖克利登上了二十世纪特快列车。纽约市，他期待着摆脱工作和家庭责任，享受一个多星期的难得自由，可以专心研究固态物理。“我想，这大概是去芝加哥的豪华方式吧。他们在中央车站铺上红毯，还要额外收取5.75美元的车费。”他在纽约州北部的火车上睡着前给母亲写信说。“我将周二和周三参加物理学会会议，然后回酒店住一晚，努力写几篇文章，一直写到周一或周二，之后我会去芝加哥大学金属研究所做讲座。
That evening, Shockley boarded the Twentieth Century Limited in New York City, anticipating more than a week of welcome freedom from his job and family responsibilities, when he could concentrate instead on solid-state physics. “This is supposedly the deluxe way to go to Chicago, I believe. They unroll a red carpet in Grand Central Station and charge $5.75 extra fare,” he wrote his mother prior to falling asleep aboard the train in upstate New York. “I shall attend the Physical Society meeting Tues and Wed and then dig in at a Hotel and try to write some articles until about Monday or Tuesday, when I shall come out to give a lecture at the Institute for the Study of Metals at University of Chicago.”
参加完会议后，肖克利把自己关在芝加哥最豪华的酒店之一——俾斯麦酒店的房间里，最终开始构思他自己的独特方案。他正在研究一种半导体放大器，这种放大器既要融合他所在团队迄今为止所研制器件的优势，又要避免它们的不足。在那个除夕夜，他全然不顾楼下醉醺醺的狂欢者，在睡着前在便笺本上奋笔疾书了七页。他似乎对真空管放大器和固态器件之间的诸多相似之处着迷不已。巴丁、布拉坦、吉布尼和皮尔逊等人。他继续沿着这个思路写道：“通过适当缩小比例，可以重现传统的三极管和四极管。”使用半导体代替真空的结构。”
After attending the meeting, Shockley holed up in his room at the Bismarck Hotel, one of Chicago’s plushest, and finally began formulating his own particular approach to a semiconductor amplifier, one that would incorporate the strengths of the devices his group had made so far but avoid their weaknesses. Ignoring drunken revelers carousing on the lower floors that New Year’s Eve, he scribbled seven pages on a pad of paper before falling asleep. He seemed fascinated by close parallels between vacuum-tube amplifiers and the solid-state devices of Bardeen, Brattain, Gibney, and Pearson. Continuing in this vein, he began writing, “With a suitable reduction in scale, it is possible to reproduce the conventional triode and tetrode tube structures using semi-conductor in place of vacuum.”
肖克利的一个想法是他从九月份开始就断断续续地思考的一种三层半导体结构。最外层的两层是“面包”层。这个三明治由两种半导体材料组成：一种是P型半导体，另一种是N型半导体，中间夹着一层薄薄的P型半导体。其中一层P型半导体就像真空管中炽热的阴极一样，提供空穴，而另一层P型半导体则像阳极一样，吸引并收集空穴。正极阳极在真空管中收集电子。它们之间的薄层N型锗应起到真空管栅极的作用，形成一个势垒，其高度可通过改变该层上的电压来升高或降低。利用这种“振荡坝”，就可以控制空穴从源极到负极的流动。
One of Shockley’s ideas was a three-layer semiconductor structure he’d been pondering, on and off, at least since September. The two outer “bread” layers of this sandwich were one kind of semiconductor—for example, P-type germanium—while the meat between them was a thin layer of the opposite kind, or N-type. One P-layer would act as a source of holes, just as the red-hot cathode in a vacuum tube serves as a source of electrons that surge through it. The other P-layer would act as an anode or plate that attracted and collected the holes, just as the positive anode gathers up electrons in a vacuum tube. The thin layer of N-type germanium between them should behave like the tube’s grid, setting up a barrier the height of which could be raised or lowered by varying the voltage on the layer. With such an “oscillating dam,” you could manipulate the flow of holes from source to plate.
该结构中不存在笨重的点接触。仅由三层紧密接触的锗构成。层间界面处的两个PN结取代了点接触，一侧向内层提供孔隙，另一侧则将孔隙抽出。这是一种结构极其紧凑、效率极高的器件。
There were no unwieldy point contacts in this structure, only three layers of germanium in intimate contact. The two P-N junctions at the interfaces between these layers served in place of point contacts, furnishing holes to the inner layer on one side and extracting them on the other. A remarkably compact, efficient device.
第二天清晨，也就是1948年元旦，肖克利早早起床，忙着又写了十三页笔记，其中大部分是……他向他们介绍了在实际应用中制造固态放大器的不同方法。他做了一些简单的计算，以检验空穴能否存活足够长的时间从而产生明显的功率增益，但结果并不明确。
Shockley got up early the next morning, New Year’s Day of 1948, and busily wrote up another thirteen pages of notes, most of them about different ways to fabricate solid-state amplifiers in actual practice. He did a few quick calculations to examine whether holes could survive long enough to yield any appreciable power gain, but the results were ambiguous.
1月2日星期五，肖克利现身芝加哥大学，与几位假期期间在校的物理学家交谈，并将他的手稿空运至……摩根。之后，他便在酒店里待到周末结束，撰写了一篇关于金属位错的文章。周二就此主题发表演讲后，他与主人共进晚餐，然后经匹兹堡返回新泽西，并在途中拜访了赛茨一天。
Surfacing on Friday, January 2, Shockley visited the University of Chicago, spoke to a few physicists hanging around over the holidays, and airmailed his pages to Morgan. Then he hunkered down at the hotel for the remainder of the weekend, writing an article about dislocations in metals. Following his Tuesday lecture on this subject, he enjoyed an evening dinner with his hosts, then returned to New Jersey by way of Pittsburgh, visiting Seitz for a day.
与此同时，摩根周一收到了他的文件，请巴丁作证，然后将它们粘贴到肖克利的……笔记本就那样静静地躺在那里，又过了两周，几乎无人问津，因为其他更紧迫的事情开始需要人关注。
Meanwhile, Morgan received his pages on Monday, asked Bardeen to witness them, and glued them into Shockley’s notebook. There they lay, largely ignored, for another two weeks, while other pressing matters began to demand attention.
肖克利回到默里山后 ，发现巴丁和布拉坦正在与专利局的律师哈里·哈特谈论他们的发明。凯利得知这一突破后，立即指示律师们着手准备专利申请。
WHEN HE RETURNED to Murray Hill, Shockley found that Bardeen and Brattain were talking to an attorney from the patent office, Harry Hart, about their invention. Once Kelly had gotten wind of the breakthrough, he told the attorneys to get moving on a patent application.
但肖克利对自己的作品被忽视感到沮丧。皮尔逊的实验非常成功，他认为自己1945年提出的场效应理论是促成这项发明的关键火花。他把巴丁叫到办公室，然后又叫了布拉坦，分别和他们谈话。“他当时认为，他可以就整个东西——从场效应开始——申请专利，”布拉坦说道。他直截了当地告诉他们：“有时候，付出劳动的人得不到应有的认可。”
But Shockley was upset that his own work was being overlooked. Buoyed by Pearson’s successful experiments, he felt his field-effect idea of 1945 had been the crucial spark that led to the invention. He called Bardeen into his office and then Brattain, and spoke with them individually. “He thought then that he could write a patent—starting with the field effect—on the whole damn thing,” remarked Brattain, and told them bluntly that “sometimes the people who do the work don’t get the credit for it.”
两人都惊呆了——彻底震惊了。巴丁一如既往地沉默不语，只是低声嘟囔了几句表示反对的话，便阴沉着脸离开了。但布拉坦却毫不留情。“哦，该死的，肖克利，”他大声喊道，“这其中的荣耀足以让每个人都沾光！”
Both of them were stunned—utterly shocked. Characteristically, Bardeen had little to say in reply, mumbling a few words of dissent before departing under a dark cloud. But Brattain had no such reserve. “Oh hell, Shockley,” he shouted back. “There’s enough glory in this for everybody!”
随后，肖克利接手了他的案子。直接向专利局提交申请。作为小组组长，律师们倾向于满足他的要求。但在随后的调查中，他们发现了一系列令人不安的专利，这些专利是二十多年前一位名不见经传的波兰裔美国物理学家兼发明家提交的。
Shockley then took his case directly to the patent office. The attorneys were inclined to oblige him, as the group leader. But during their ensuing search, they uncovered a troubling series of patents filed over twenty years earlier by an obscure Polish-American physicist and inventor.
尤利乌斯·E·利林菲尔德曾于1910年至1926年担任莱比锡大学物理学教授，在他离开之前不久，维尔纳·海森堡也离开了该校。他加入了那里的教职队伍。后来他移民到美国，并于1926年10月提交了三项半导体器件专利申请中的第一项。“本发明涉及一种控制电流的方法和装置。”通过在导电固体的两个端子之间建立第三个电位，可以在这两个端子之间产生电流，并且特别具有适应性。他的论文开头写道：“用于放大振荡电流，例如无线电通信中普遍存在的振荡电流。” 1930年，他获得了一项美国专利；不久之后，又获得了两项专利。
Julius E. Lilienfeld had been professor of physics at the University of Leipzig from 1910 to 1926, leaving just before Werner Heisenberg joined the faculty there. He emigrated to the United States and, in October 1926, filed the first of three patent applications on semiconductor devices. “The invention relates to a method of and apparatus for controlling the flow of an electric current between two terminals of an electrically conducting solid by establishing a third potential between said terminals, and is particularly adaptable to the amplification of oscillating currents such as prevail, for example, in radio communication,” began his text. A U.S. patent was awarded in 1930; two others soon followed.
借鉴了 Julius Lilienfeld 于 1930 年获得的场效应放大器专利。
Drawing from Julius Lilienfeld's 1930 patent on a field-effect amplifier.
当贝尔的律师审查利连菲尔德的专利时，他们发现肖克利的场效应理论可能并非原创。尽管肖克利明确指出使用硫化铜作为电流必须通过的半导体材料，但利连菲尔德似乎拥有肖克利的基本思想——操纵电流。通过对薄膜施加强电场，可以改变其导电性，从而调节电流。该电场会穿透半导体并改变其导电性，进而调节电流。利连菲尔德是否真的制造出这样的装置尚不得而知（如果制造出来，他也会遇到类似的表面态问题），但其工作原理涉及相同的物理过程。
As Bell’s attorneys examined Lilienfeld’s patents, it became evident that Shockley’s field-effect idea might not be original, after all. Although he had specified the use of copper sulfide as the semiconducting substance through which current had to travel, Lilienfeld seemed to have had Shockley’s fundamental idea—to manipulate the current flowing through a thin film by applying an intense electric field to it. This field should penetrate into the semiconductor and alter its conductivity, thus modulating the current flow. Whether or not Lilienfeld had actually fashioned such a device (if so, he would have encountered similar surface-state problems), the same physical process was involved in its operation.
如果钟声如果实验室的专利局试图基于肖克利的场效应理论提交专利申请，那么这项申请很容易被驳回。AT&T 的企业战略一直围绕着积极寻求和捍卫其发明专利权展开，律师们绝不会轻易放过这个机会。因此，他们决定将专利申请的依据改为巴丁等人的理论。布拉坦的工作显然是原创的，前所未有。据他们所知，没有人申请过将电荷载流子引入半导体以放大电信号的专利。哈特分别询问了巴丁和布拉坦对方的贡献，两人都告诉他这是一个合作项目，双方参与程度相同。布拉坦的实验记录也证实了这种说法；偶尔甚至有几条记录是用巴丁的笔迹写的。这显然是团队合作的成果，而且在法律上也更站得住脚。
If the Bell Labs patent office tried to file a claim based on Shockley’s field-effect idea, the application could easily be rejected. AT&T had built its corporate strategy around the aggressive pursuit and defense of patent rights to its inventions, and the attorneys were not about to let this one slip through their hands. So they concluded that the patent application had to be based instead on Bardeen and Brattain’s work, which was clearly original—without precedent. As far as they could tell, nobody had a patent on introducing charge carriers into a semiconductor as a way to amplify electric signals. Hart questioned Bardeen and Brattain individually about the other’s contributions, and both told him that it was a joint project, with equal participation. Brattain’s lab notebook bore out this interpretation; occasional entries were even written in Bardeen’s handwriting. This had obviously been a team effort, and it was legally much more defensible.
这个决定对肖克利来说无疑是沉重的打击。他引以为傲的场效应理论不仅早在二十多年前就被一位名不见经传、对半导体只有粗浅了解的物理学家提出，而且贝尔自己的律师也拒绝承认这一理论。为了支持他的说法，并把他的名字列入专利申请中，事态发生了这样的转变，这多少平息了巴丁和布拉坦的不安情绪，他们现在不必与肖克利分享发明第一台固态放大器的荣誉。然而，半导体集团内部却因此产生了一道难以磨灭的裂痕。
This decision must have been a crushing blow to Shockley. Not only had his vaunted field-effect idea been anticipated over two decades earlier by an obscure physicist with only a rudimentary understanding of semiconductors, but Bell’s own attorneys refused to back him up on his claims and include his name on the patent applications. This turn of events helped soothe the ruffled feelings of Bardeen and Brattain, who now did not have to share any credit with Shockley for inventing the first solid-state amplifier. But an inexorable wedge had been hammered deep into the heart of the semiconductor group.
几乎整个 一 月份，巴丁和布拉坦继续测试不同的配置，试图更好地了解孔洞的运动方式。他们开始使用一种名为“微操纵器”的机械装置，通过显微镜观察，利用两个可调节的螺丝来操纵点接触点。借助这种装置，他们现在可以将两根细金属丝以1密耳到半厘米的间距钉到锗板上。他们甚至可以改变施加在这些点上的压力。他们开始将其中一个点称为“发射极”，因为它会在锗中引入空穴，而将另一个点称为“集电极”，因为它会将这些空穴收集起来，从而影响输出电路中的电流。
ALMOST THE ENTIRE month of January, Bardeen and Brattain continued testing different configurations, trying to understand better how the holes were traveling. They began using a mechanical device called a “micromanipulator,” in which one peers through a microscope and manipulates point contacts using two adjustable screws. With it, they could now jab two fine metal wires onto a germanium slab at separations ranging from 1 mil to half a centimeter and even vary the pressure on them. They began calling one point the “emitter,” because it introduced holes into the germanium, and the other point the “collector,” because it swept them up, thus affecting the current in the output circuit.
自去年12月以来，他们一直坚信这些孔洞位于锗表面极浅的P型层中。该层可能是通过化学方法形成的——当时吉布尼正在为他的技术申请专利——也可能是由半导体表面捕获的过剩电荷引起的物理过程形成的。他们的测试不断证实了这一想法。“人们认为，高背压锗上两个紧密相邻的点接触之所以表现出这种特性，是因为N型锗上存在一层非常薄的P型锗层。”布拉坦在 1 月 19 日的笔记本上潦草地写道：“当点接触相对于锗为正时，该点的电流会扩散到表面上，距离约为 0.5 厘米。”
Since December they had been closely wedded to the notion that the holes were flowing in an extremely shallow P-type layer along the germanium surface. This layer could arise either by chemical means—Gibney was then writing a patent application on his technique—or by a physical process caused by the excess charge trapped on the semiconductor surface. Their testing continued to bear out this idea. “It is thought that the two point contacts close together on High back voltage Ge act the way they do because of a very thin layer of P-type Ge on the N-type,” Brattain scrawled in his notebook on January 19. “When the point contact is positive with respect to the Ge, the current from the point spreads out on the surface to distances to the order of ½ cm.”
巴丁和布拉坦并肩工作，发现随着发射极和集电极之间的距离越来越近，功率增益通常会增加，在 2 mil 的距离处达到最佳值。很快，他们就经常获得超过100倍的增益。1月26日，他们甚至开始使用一块P型硅片观察到类似的现象。在这种情况下，放大效应很可能是由于电子（而非空穴）流经N型表面层所致。
Working side by side, Bardeen and Brattain discovered that the power gain generally increased as they brought the emitter and collector closer together, hitting an optimum at a separation of 2 mils. Soon they were regularly obtaining a gain of more than 100. And on January 26, they even began to observe similar phenomena using a slab of P-type silicon. Here, the amplification was presumably due to a flow of electrons, not holes, through an N-type surface layer.
经常在他们身后观察的还有律师哈特，他的签名可以在布拉坦的笔记本上找到，他见证了其中一条记录。巴丁承担了耗时的工作。向哈特讲解半导体知识的过程十分艰辛，因为哈特对这方面几乎一无所知。在生命的最后时光里，巴丁仍在断断续续地尝试撰写专利申请——这项工作他几乎没有任何经验。那年一月，他经常工作到深夜。
Often looking over their shoulders was attorney Hart, whose signature can be found in Brattain’s notebook, witnessing one entry. Bardeen assumed the time-consuming ordeal of educating him about semiconductors, about which Hart knew next to nothing. During his few remaining moments, Bardeen was occupied by his own halting attempts to draft the patent applications—a task in which he had very little experience. He frequently worked late into the evening that January.
公司规定要求，任何可能涉及员工研究成果的专利申请都必须在……之前提交。员工可以发表论文。尽管凯利推行了一项开明的政策，鼓励科学家在期刊上发表研究成果，但贝尔实验室坚持首先要保护其知识产权。因此，在1948年初，巴丁和布拉坦甚至还没来得及考虑写作，就面临着巨大的压力，必须先完成涵盖所有可能权利要求的专利申请。一篇发表在《物理评论》上的文章。
Company rules required that any possible patents on employees’ research be filed before the employee could publish. Although Kelly promoted an enlightened policy that encouraged scientists to publish their research in the journals, Bell Labs insisted that its intellectual property rights be protected first. So there was tremendous pressure in early 1948 to get the patent applications completed, covering all possible claims, before Bardeen and Brattain could even begin to think of writing an article for the Physical Review.
这种紧迫感部分源于担心其他人可能……有人也做出了类似的发现，并且当时正在申请类似的专利。布拉坦说：“大家都很担心，因为这类突破往往会在两个地方同时发生，我们时刻警惕着这种可能性。”是另一个发明了自己的固态放大器的团队。
Part of this urgency was due to the concern that somebody else might have made a similar discovery and was just then applying for a similar patent. Everybody was worried about “the fact that breakthroughs of this kind have a very definite habit of occurring in two places simultaneously,” said Brattain, “and we were alert to the possibility that there might be another group” that had invented its own solid-state amplifier.
肖克利此刻极度焦躁不安。 自从律师们把他从专利申请中除名后，他就一直难以入眠。他辗转反侧，反复思考着这件事，或者起身坐在厨房里，趁着简和孩子们睡觉的时候，琢磨着一些新点子。星期五一大早，他也是这么做的。 1 月 23 日——巴丁和布拉坦示威游行整整一个月后——他有了一生中最重要的想法。
SHOCKLEY WAS NOW supremely agitated. Ever since the attorneys dropped him from the patent application, he’d had great difficulty sleeping. He repeatedly tossed and turned in bed, thinking about it, or got up and sat in the kitchen, working out some new ideas while Jean and the children slept. That’s what he was doing early on the morning of Friday, January 23—exactly one month after Bardeen and Brattain’s demonstration—when he had the most important idea of his life.
尽管肖克利当时还没提到，但他对巴丁关于半导体放大器中电子和空穴流动方式的解释深表怀疑。他认为，这种解释过于强调锗表面正下方的反型层的作用。作为电荷载体的便捷通道。为什么电荷载体不能也流经其正下方的块状材料呢？
Although Shockley hadn’t mentioned it yet, he was deeply skeptical about Bardeen’s interpretation of how electrons and holes flowed in their semiconductor amplifier. There was too much emphasis, he felt, on an inversion layer immediately beneath the germanium surface acting as a convenient channel for charge carriers. Why couldn’t they flow through the bulk material right beneath that, too?
肖克利研究物理学的一个关键方面是他所谓的“尝试最简情况”方法，即把复杂的问题简化成一个更简单的版本，同时保留其本质特征。以巴丁和布拉坦的放大器为例，空穴从发射极向下流入锗层，然后横向流向集电极，形成复杂的三维流动。但在他于芝加哥跨年夜设计的PNP“三明治”结构中，肖克利意识到，空穴的运动则简单得多，是一种一维的端到端流动。这种几何结构提供了一种更简便的方法来确定电流的实际流动方式。
A key aspect of Shockley’s way of doing physics was what he liked to call his “try simplest cases” approach, in which he reduced a complicated problem into a much simpler version that preserved its essential aspects. In the case of Bardeen and Brattain’s amplifier, there was a complex, three-dimensional flow of holes from the emitter down into the germanium and then laterally over to the collector. But in the P-N-P “sandwich” that he had devised in Chicago on New Year’s Eve, Shockley realized, the hole movement was a far simpler, one-dimensional, end-to-end flow. This geometry offered an easier way to determine how the current actually traveled.
突然，他意识到他回忆说，一种制造半导体放大器的新方法“就在眼前，或者至少，它清晰地呈现在我的脑海中”。他起身，抓起纸笔，迅速开始记录他的想法，并将其命名为“大功率大面积半导体电子管”。他开始写道：
Suddenly, he realized that a new way of making a semiconductor amplifier “was staring me in the face,” he recalled, “or at least, looking me squarely in my mind’s eye.” He got up, grabbed some paper, and quickly started writing down his idea, entitling it “High Power Large Area Semi-Conductor Valve.” He began:
该装置至少采用三层不同杂质含量的材料。假设有两层。由薄薄的一层磷隔开的氮原子。这种装置可以通过蒸发法制成。
The device employs at least three layers having different impurity contents. Suppose there are two layers of N separated by a thin layer of P. Such a device may be produced by evaporation.
这款放大器与他新年夜的设计有两个主要区别。它采用的是NPN三明治结构而非PNP结构，这意味着电子而非空穴必须作为主要的电荷载体。此外，它的电触点直接连接到所有三层晶体管上，这使得对电路的控制更加精准。这些层中的电压水平以及它们之间的差异。
This amplifier had two major differences from his New Year’s Eve design. It was an N-P-N sandwich instead of P-N-P, which meant that electrons instead of holes had to serve as principal charge carriers. And it had electrical contacts attached directly to all three layers, which allowed much better control of the voltage levels in these layers and the differences between them.
这是肖克利笔记本上的一页，记录了他于 1948 年 1 月 23 日构思的“半导体管”。两年多后，在成功演示了这种装置之后，他在页边空白处添加了一条注释。
A page from Shockley’s notebook documenting his conception of a “Semi-Conductor Valve,” January 23, 1948. More than two years later, he added a note in the margin after such a device was successfully demonstrated.
肖克利认为，通过改变内层P层上的电压，他可以增加或减少从一个N层（发射极）到另一个N层（集电极）的电流。这个P层会它的作用就像水龙头上的把手，可以调节压力下水流从一侧流向另一侧。这也是他将自己的发明称为“阀门”的原因之一。它就像真空管中的栅极一样，提供了一个方便的控制装置来调节流经该装置的电子流量。
By varying the voltage on the inner, P-layer, Shockley figured, he could raise or lower the current flow from one N-layer (the emitter) to the other (the collector). This P-layer would act like the handle on a faucet, which regulates the flow of water under pressure from one side to the other. This is one of the reasons he called his invention a “valve.” Like the grid in a vacuum tube, it provided a convenient handle to regulate the electron flow through the device.
“ P层太薄或P杂质含量略高，因此无法产生很高的电位。 ”“屏障，”肖克利继续说道。因此，电子确实电子无需耗费太多能量即可克服这一势垒——只需一些能量，但并不多。因此，施加在该层上的电压的微小变化就能对电子电流产生显著影响。例如，一个较小的正电压就能大幅降低势垒，从而“使电子越过势垒的流量呈指数级增长”。
“The P layer is so thin or so slightly excess in P impurities that it does not produce a very high potential barrier,” Shockley continued. Thus, electrons do not have to muster very much energy in order to surmount this barrier—some, but not a lot. Slight changes in the voltage applied to this layer can, therefore, have a dramatic effect on the electron current. A small positive voltage, for example, would lower the barrier substantially, which “will increase the flow of electrons over the barrier exponentially.”
肖克利随后提出了一种制造这种半导体三明治结构的方法；令人惊讶的是，这与他战前尝试用风化的铜网制作放大器的失败尝试非常相似。三明治结构中较厚的“面包”层是蒸发沉积的N型半导体材料；在其内部，两层超薄的“肉”层包裹着一个承载控制电压的精细金属网格。贯穿整个 P 型材料。
Shockley then suggested a way to fabricate such a semiconductor sandwich; it was surprisingly reminiscent of his abortive prewar attempt to fashion an amplifier using a weathered copper screen. The thicker “bread” layers in the sandwich were N-type semiconductor material laid down by evaporation; inside them, two ultrathin “meat” layers surrounded a fine metal grid that carried a control voltage throughout this P-type material.
但那天在默里山，肖克利对他的新想法却只字未提。他没有告诉任何人——巴丁、布拉坦、皮尔逊，以及半导体小组的其他成员。或许他想在其他人有机会尝试之前，更深入地研究一下，弄清楚它的潜在影响。巴丁的遭遇让他感到很受伤。布拉坦借用了他在 12 月 8 日午餐会议上提出的一个想法，朝着他们的发明迈出了“一大步”。
But Shockley remained completely silent about his new idea at Murray Hill that day. He told nobody about it—not Bardeen, not Brattain, not Pearson, nor any of the other members of the semiconductor group. Perhaps he wanted to study it in greater detail and figure out its further ramifications before anybody else got a shot at it. He had felt burned after Bardeen and Brattain borrowed an idea he’d proposed during their meeting at lunch on December 8 to take “a big forward step” toward their invention.
或许他只是不确定这东西是否真的能行。它的电流流动涉及的物理过程与巴丁和布拉坦的装置截然不同。电子必须在浓度高得多的环境下，以某种方式缓慢地穿过其内部的P层。空穴的自然倾向是吞噬电子，从而不留下净电荷。毕竟，空穴就是电子的缺失——一个渴望被填补的空隙。
Or maybe he was just unsure whether it would work at all. Its current flow involved a different kind of physical process than Bardeen and Brattain’s device. Electrons somehow had to trickle through its inner P-layer in the presence of a far greater concentration of holes, whose natural tendency is to swallow the electrons, leaving no net charge. A hole, after all, is the absence of an electron—a gap yearning to be filled.
电子在P层中的漂移必须通过一种称为“扩散”的物理过程来实现。这就像一团烟雾一样——它逐渐扩散到周围的空气中，同时其密度成正比下降。如果刮风，整个烟雾云会随着扩散而顺风而下。
The drift of electrons through the P-layer had to occur by a physical process called “diffusion.” This is what happens to a puff of smoke—it gradually spreads out into the surrounding air while its density drops in direct proportion. If the wind is blowing, the entire smoke cloud rushes headlong downwind as it diffuses.
在肖克利的NPN三明治结构中，可以通过调节外两层的电压来建立一个电场，该电场就像一阵强风，将电子吹过器件。但是，这个电场的力是否足够强，以至于在被P层吸收之前，有足够多的电子能够扩散穿过P层呢？那些潜伏在那里的空穴会把它们带走吗？作为这一层中的少数载流子，电子真的能够穿越如此险峻的障碍吗？这些问题的答案很大程度上取决于半导体的性质及其内部电子的迁移率，而这些问题在1948年1月下旬远非显而易见。
In Shockley’s N-P-N sandwich, the voltages on the two outer layers could be adjusted to set up an electric field that would act like a blustery wind blowing electrons through the device. But would its force be strong enough so that sufficient numbers of electrons diffused through the P-layer before being gobbled up by the holes lurking there? Could the electrons, which would be minority carriers in this layer, manage to run such a harrowing gauntlet? The answers to these questions, which depended heavily on the properties of the semiconductor and the mobility of electrons within it, were by no means obvious in late January 1948.
肖克利周六和周日早上都早早起床，继续计算。他阐述了自己的新方法，在此过程中又写了十二页。他似乎主要关注这项研究对其他器件的影响——例如，他对巴丁和布拉坦放大器进行改进，用N型半导体代替了其中一个金属触点。但他同时也研究了一些基础物理问题，并短暂地重新研究了他的场效应放大器。
Shockley got up early on both Saturday and Sunday morning to continue figuring out his new approach, in the process writing another twelve pages. He seemed mainly concerned with its implications for other devices—for example, a variation of Bardeen and Brattain’s amplifier in which he replaced one of the metal points by an N-type semiconductor. But he also worked on a few basic physics questions, too, and returned briefly to his field-effect amplifier.
周一，肖克利他仍然对自己的想法守口如瓶。第二天，他终于把全部十六页纸都交给了迪克·海恩斯，请他作证，然后把它们粘贴到笔记本上。巴丁和布拉坦对他的奇思妙想一无所知。 1月28日星期三，肖克利确实向他们提出了一个密切相关的建议，或许是想试探他们的反应，但他们并没有注意到。
On Monday, Shockley still remained secretive about his ideas. The next day, he finally gave all sixteen pages to Dick Haynes, asked him to witness them, then glued them into his notebook. Bardeen and Brattain heard nothing about his brainstorm. Shockley did offer them a closely related suggestion on Wednesday, January 28, perhaps trying to gauge their reactions, but it failed to register.
一周剩下的时间是会议将专门用于在哥伦比亚大学举行的美国物理学会年会，半导体研究小组的大部分成员都在为此忙着准备。肖克利本人则要发表两篇论文，并主持一个关于固态物理的分会。
The rest of the week was to be devoted to the annual meeting of the American Physical Society at Columbia University, for which most of the semiconductor group was busily preparing. Shockley himself had to deliver two papers and preside at a session on solid-state physics.
周四清晨，他登上了一列开往市区的拉克瓦纳铁路公司的火车。途中，他焦急地给母亲写了一封简短的信。他潦草地写了封信，寄到了霍博肯，然后挤上一艘横渡哈德逊河的渡轮，前往西街，拜访贝尔的主要专利局。他希望在那里找到一位更能理解他想法的律师。“也许一封短信总比没有好，”他开头写道，感谢她送的圣诞礼物，并提到自己忙碌的一周。“这周一早上4点半就起床写信了……”上班前要处理一些专利方面的问题。周二和周三早上6点也要起床，在家还要额外工作1.5到2个小时。
Early on Thursday morning, he boarded a Lackawanna train headed for the city. On the way there, he wrote a brief letter to his mother in a frantic scrawl and mailed it in Hoboken, just before climbing aboard a crowded ferry across the Hudson for a stop at West Street to visit Bell’s main patent office, where he hoped to find an attorney more sympathetic to his ideas. “Perhaps a short letter is better than none,” he began, thanking her for her Christmas gifts and mentioning his hectic week. “This Monday got up at 4:30 AM to write on some patent questions before leaving for work. Tues & Wed also up at 6 AM and 1½ to 2 hrs extra work at home.”
半导体小组的成员们 仍然担心其他人——可能是其他公司或大学——可能会研发出类似的固态放大器。在这种情况下，最常被提及的是普渡大学卡尔·拉克-霍罗维茨（Karl Lark-Horovitz）的研究小组，该小组曾对锗进行过开创性的研究。 战争期间，他曾深入研究该元素的半导体特性。
MEMBERS OF THE semiconductor group continued to worry that somebody else—in a different company or a university—might come up with a similar solid-state amplifier. Most often mentioned in this context was Karl Lark-Horovitz’s group at Purdue, which had done the pioneering research on germanium during the war and was intensively studying the element’s semiconducting behavior.
普渡大学的研究小组比贝尔实验室的研究小组更加公开透明。在每一次重要的物理学会议上，他们的成员都会发表更多论文，展示他们稳步（尽管进展缓慢）的研究成果。在1948年1月12日的一份备忘录中，肖克利概述了其他科学家在1947年的重要工作，并引用了他们的研究成果。这是普渡大学物理学家西摩·本泽尔（Seymour Benzer）的研究成果，他在研究中发现了锗中一些令人费解的高频振荡现象。
The Purdue group was far more open about its research than Bell Labs. At every major physics conference, its members delivered a few more papers on their work, demonstrating their steady (if plodding) progress. In a January 12, 1948, memo surveying significant 1947 work by other scientists, Shockley cited research done by Seymour Benzer in which the Purdue physicist encountered some puzzling high-frequency oscillations in germanium.
去年六月，本泽尔曾报告过这种现象，先是在纽约市联合研究与发展委员会晶体问题特设委员会的闭门会议上，随后又在蒙特利尔举行的美国物理学会会议上进行了报告。布拉坦对此非常感兴趣。在这些振荡中。6 月 10 日，他在笔记本上写了六页，试图用 P 型锗表面上薄薄的 N 型层中电子来回振动来解释振荡现象。
The previous June, Benzer had reported this phenomenon, first at a closed meeting in New York City of the Joint Research and Development Board’s Ad Hoc Committee on Crystals and then at the Montreal meeting of the American Physical Society. Brattain was extremely interested in these oscillations. He wrote six pages in his notebook on June 10, trying to explain the oscillations in terms of electrons rattling back and forth in a thin N-type layer on the surface of P-type germanium.
同样引人入胜的是拉尔夫·布雷关于锗“扩散电阻”的研究。二战期间，布雷作为一名研究生，被委派研究电场如何扩散。电流在N型锗表面的点接触下方扩散。战争结束时，他发现，当他在金属触点上施加短暂的正电压脉冲时，这种电流的电阻远低于预期。在蒙特利尔，他报告说，这种电阻“随着电压的增加而降低，并且比体电阻预测值低十倍或更多”。电阻率。”
Equally intriguing was the work of Ralph Bray on the “spreading resistance” of germanium. As a graduate student during the war, Bray had been assigned the task of understanding how electric current spreads out beneath point contacts on the surface of N-type germanium. By war’s end, he had discovered that the resistance to this flow was much lower than expected when he applied brief pulses of positive voltage to the metal point. At Montreal he reported that this resistance “decreases with increasing voltage and is lower by [a] factor [of] ten or more than the value predicted by bulk resistivity.”
布雷和他在普渡大学的同事们当时并不知道，这些高压脉冲会在锗中产生量子力学空穴。他们推测，某种模糊的“高场效应”在起作用，以某种方式释放出额外的电子，从而提高了表面电导率，降低了电阻。但他们根本无法理解内部究竟发生了什么。锗表面——实际上，它们在其下方有一个发射极，该发射极会形成孔洞。“电阻扩散有点像个谜，”布雷回忆道，“没人能理解它。”
Bray and his Purdue colleagues had no idea that quantum-mechanical holes were being created in the germanium by these high-voltage bursts. They speculated that a nebulous “high-field effect” was at work, somehow releasing extra electrons that increased the surface conductivity and, thus, lowered the resistance. But they didn’t begin to fathom what was actually happening inside the germanium surface—that they, in fact, had an emitter creating holes just beneath it. “The spreading resistance was sort of a mystery,” recalled Bray, “and no one understood it.”
1948年1月在纽约举行的会议上，布拉坦和贝尔实验室半导体小组的其他成员听取了本泽尔的演讲，他在演讲中谈到了光伏效应和点接触整流器。之后，布拉坦和本泽在酒店走廊里交谈。本泽继续向布拉坦讲述布雷关于扩散阻力的持续研究，以及他们难以理解的现象，布拉坦静静地听着。“我想，如果有人在靠近这个点的表面上再放置一个接触点，并测量该点周围的电位分布，那么我们或许就能……”“能够理解这一切是怎么回事，”本泽尔坦言道。
At the New York meeting in January 1948, Brattain and other members of the Bell Labs semiconductor group attended a paper given by Benzer in which he spoke about the photovoltaic effect and point-contact rectifiers. Just afterward, Brattain and Benzer were talking in the hotel corridor. Brattain listened quietly as Benzer told him more about Bray’s continuing research on spreading resistance and their difficulty in comprehending what was going on. “I think if somebody put another point contact down on the surface, close to this point, and measured the distribution of potential about the point, then we might be able to understand what this is all about,” Benzer confided.
布拉坦平静地回答说：“是的，我想这或许会是一个非常好的实验。”说完便平静地走开了。当他把这段对话告诉巴丁时，他们同意下周回到实验室后加倍努力，尽快完成并提交专利申请。
To which Brattain calmly replied, “Yes, I think maybe that would be a very good experiment.” And calmly walked away. When he mentioned this exchange to Bardeen, they agreed to redouble their efforts back at the labs the following week and to get their patent applications finished and filed as soon as possible.
一月中旬 ，不久凯利得知巴丁和布拉坦的突破性进展后，便开始调动人手。他宣布这项发明属于“ BTL机密”，并开始向贝尔实验室不断扩大的“表面态项目”（该项目的正式代号）团队招募新成员。但他们被命令不得透露任何细节。他们正在对任何人——甚至对这个小圈子之外的其他员工。
IN MID-JANUARY, shortly after Kelly learned about Bardeen and Brattain’s breakthrough, he began mobilizing his troops. Declaring the invention to be “BTL confidential,” he started adding new people to the widening circle of Bell Labs employees working on the “Surface States Project,” the official code name for the effort. But they were ordered not to reveal the details of what they were working on to anybody—not even to other employees outside this close-knit cabal.
加入突击队的还有杰克·斯卡夫和比尔·普凡，他们在1月19日与巴丁和布拉坦的会面中了解了更多关于“点接触放大器”的细节。斯卡夫立即着手改进制备具有合适表面层的锗所需的冶金工艺。普凡则承担了设计可插入式放大器的任务。就像战争期间和战后用于晶体整流器的那种筒状物一样，可以将锗及其三根电线集成到一个坚固、紧凑的单元中。
Joining the commando unit were Jack Scaff and Bill Pfann, who learned more details about the “point-contact amplifier” in a January 19 meeting with Bardeen and Brattain. Scaff immediately began trying to improve the metallurgical processes needed to prepare germanium with appropriate surface layers. Pfann assumed the task of designing an insertable cartridge—like the ones used for crystal rectifiers during and after the war—that could incorporate the germanium and its three electrical leads in a rugged, compact unit.
入选者中还包括自战后一直致力于仪器研发的贝克尔和他的同事约翰·希夫。希夫是一位英俊、肩膀宽阔的年轻物理学家，他在战争期间加入了贝尔实验室。他开始尝试复制他所谓的“三极管效应”，并了解这种效应如何取决于锗表面处理和金属触点等细节。1月20日，他尝试使用镀金钨触点。“我立刻就得到了极佳的三极管效应，”他写道，“这看起来很适合高压放大。”
Also included among the elect were Becker, who had been toiling on apparatus development since the war, and his colleague John Shive. A handsome, broad-shouldered young physicist who had joined Bell Labs during the war, Shive began trying to replicate the “triode effect” (as he called it) and to understand how it depended on such details as the preparation of the germanium surface and the metal points. On January 20 he tried using gold-plated tungsten points. “At once I got a terrific triode effect,” he noted, “which looks good for high voltage amplification.”
Shive 继续探索不同的组合，几乎又过了一个月，他特别关注自己设计的一种方法，即以可靠且可重复的方式将两个点触点紧密地放置在一起——相距约1密耳。2月13日星期五，他碰巧用两个青铜触点和一块没有用吉布尼的方法制备薄P型表面层的N型锗片做了一个测试。令他惊讶的是，他观察到了一个性能良好的三极管。效果是“功率提升高达40倍！ ”
Shive continued exploring different combinations for almost another month, paying particular attention to a method he had devised of putting two point contacts close together—about 1 mil apart—in a reliable, reproducible fashion. On Friday, February 13, he happened to do a test with two bronze points and a slab of N-type germanium that did not have a thin P-type surface layer prepared on it by Gibney’s techniques. He was surprised to observe a good triode effect, with “gains up to 40× in power!”
这一出乎意料的结果促使希夫彻底改变了他的测试方案。“取一小片上述准备好的切片，将其两面都进一步打磨成薄而尖的边缘，”他用工整的笔迹在旁边画了一幅简洁的图画，并写道。然后，他将两个青铜尖头分别放置在切片的两侧，彼此相对。在银片上，两片银片相距约2密耳，锗片夹在它们之间。施加通常的电压后，他发现仍然能获得强烈的三极管效应，功率增益高达12到44倍！他写道：“这种几何结构比固态电路的三极管组件要求低，而且这一发现便于将电子管安装到唱头上。”
This unexpected result prompted Shive to make a radical right turn in his testing program. “Took a sliver of the above-prepared slice and ground it down some more, both sides, to a thin tapered edge,” he noted in his neat handwriting, next to a clean, simple drawing. Then he placed the two bronze points opposite one another, on the two different sides of the sliver, at a position where they were about 2 mils apart with the germanium between them. Applying the usual voltages, he found that he was still getting a strong triode effect, with power gains from 12 to 44! “The geometry is less exacting than for the solid state group’s triode assembly,” he wrote, “and the present discovery lends itself to easy cartridge mounting.”
希夫展示了他令人费解的结果他们去找贝克尔，试图弄清到底发生了什么。如果发射极在锗中产生了空穴，它们肯定不可能沿着表面缓慢地流到收集器。首先，这对于它们来说是一个极其漫长且迂回的路径。其次，表面也没有合适的通道供它们流动。但是，这些空穴究竟是如何到达收集器的呢？直接穿过锗片？
Shive showed his puzzling results to Becker, and they tried to figure out what was happening. If holes were being generated in the germanium by the emitter, they certainly could not be trickling along the surface to the collector. For one thing, this was an extremely long, roundabout way for them to travel. For another, there was no convenient surface channel for them to flow through. But how could these holes possibly be tunneling right through the germanium sliver?
1948 年 2 月 16 日，约翰·希夫的实验室笔记本中有一篇条目，讨论了他利用锗片两侧的点接触来制作的双面放大器。
A February 16, 1948, entry in John Shive's lab notebook discussing his two-sided amplifier using point contacts on opposite sides of a germanium sliver.
2月18日星期三下午，他们两人参加了在固态物理研究组研讨室举行的表面态研究项目组人员闭门会议。在贝克尔的敦促下，希夫汇报了他的实验结果。双面放大器，他坦言自己真的不明白薄片内部发生了什么。听完他的演示，巴丁推测，这些孔洞一定是直接穿过锗层的。“希夫说话的时候，我立刻就得出结论，就是这样，”他回忆道。这个实验“表明表面层并非至关重要”。全部；他们可以穿过大部分区域。这非常清楚地证明了这一点。”
On Wednesday afternoon, February 18, both of them attended a closed meeting of people working on the surface-states job, held in the seminar room of the solid-state group. At Becker’s urging, Shive presented the results of his experiment on the double-sided amplifier, confessing that he really didn’t understand what was going on inside the sliver. Listening to his presentation, Bardeen figured that the holes must be trickling directly through the germanium. “When Shive was talking, I immediately came to the conclusion that that’s what was happening,” he recalled. This experiment “showed that the surface layer was not essential at all; they could go through the bulk. It was a very clear demonstration of that.”
肖克利回忆说，当希夫展示他的研究结果时，他“大吃一惊”。摆在他面前的是确凿的证据，证明他“几乎保密了近一个月”的半导体三明治结构方案是可行的！即使在存在……的情况下，空穴也确实可以在块状锗中扩散。数量多得多的电子——或者反之亦然。
Shockley recalled being “startled when Shive presented his findings.” Staring him right in the face was rock-hard evidence that his semiconductor-sandwich idea, which he had been keeping “pretty much under wraps for nearly a month,” would work! Holes could, indeed, diffuse through bulk germanium, even in the presence of a much larger population of electrons—or vice versa.
他知道巴丁可能只需几分钟就能得出同样的结论。但这一次，他决心要更快。肖克利跳起来，提出了他的想法（他后来称之为“少数载流子注入”），并“用这些想法来解释希夫的观察结果”。事实上，空穴可以通过扩散穿过在大量电子存在的情况下，块状锗会发生这种情况。然后，他详细展示了他自己独特的设计。用于固态放大器。
He knew Bardeen could easily reach the same conclusions, possibly during the next few minutes. But this time, he was determined to be quicker on the draw. Shockley jumped up and presented his ideas (on what he would later call “minority carrier injection”) and “used them to interpret Shive’s observation.” Holes could, in fact, diffuse through bulk germanium in the presence of a swarm of electrons. Then he revealed the details of his own unique design for a solid-state amplifier.
巴丁和布拉坦目瞪口呆地听完了肖克利的精彩演讲，最后只是敷衍地问了几句。他们的老板显然已经考虑这个设计很久了。为什么他从未跟他们提起过这些想法，也没有征求他们的意见呢？他们的反应？
Bardeen and Brattain sat through Shockley’s tour de force in stunned silence, asking a few perfunctory questions at the end. Their boss had obviously been thinking about this design for some time. Why hadn’t he ever mentioned these ideas to them and sought their reactions?
肖克利的惊人爆料更加坚定了他们尽快申请专利的决心。接下来的一周，2月26日，哈特向美国专利局提交了四份申请。其中三份涵盖了巴丁、布拉坦和吉布尼在11月下旬和12月初公开的关于使用电解质制造半导体放大器和制备半导体放大器的研究成果。锗表面层。第四篇题为“利用半导体材料的三电极电路元件”，重点介绍了巴丁和布拉坦的点接触器件。
Shockley’s surprising revelations only heightened their resolve to file their patents as quickly as possible. The following week, on February 26, Hart sent four applications to the U.S. Patent Office. Three of them covered the disclosures of Bardeen, Brattain, and Gibney in late November and early December on the use of electrolytes to make semiconductor amplifiers and prepare the germanium surface layer. The fourth, entitled “Three-Electrode Circuit Element Utilizing Semiconductive Materials,” concentrated on Bardeen and Brattain’s point-contact device.
1948年初发生 的事件 在贝尔半导体团队内部造成了裂痕，并在接下来的几年里逐渐扩大成一道鸿沟。地壳运动将两支团队推向了遥远的彼岸。一边是……故障出在巴丁和布拉坦的点接触式放大器上；另一方面，肖克利和他的助手们正在研究他的三明治电路（或PN连接）。方法。前者拥有一个运转良好的设备，贝尔实验室可以围绕它投入大量资源。但作为固态物理小组的联合负责人，肖克利可以将大量资源集中于他自己的方法。1948年初，这还只是他脑海中的一个想法。吉布尼、摩尔和皮尔逊夹在中间，努力保持中立。他们之间那种轻松愉快的氛围，大家自由地分享想法，不计较功劳和专利，已经一去不复返了。
THE EVENTS OF early 1948 had opened a rift in Bell’s semiconductor group that gradually widened into a chasm during the next few years. Tectonic forces were driving two contingents continents apart. On one side of the fault stood Bardeen and Brattain with their point-contact amplifier; on the other, Shockley and his coterie of assistants working on his sandwich (or P-N junction) approach. The former had the advantage of a functioning device around which Bell Labs could deploy its extensive resources. But as co-leader of the solid-state group, Shockley could focus substantial resources on his own method, which in early 1948 was still largely a gleam in his eye. Caught in the middle were Gibney, Moore, and Pearson, struggling to remain neutral. The heady days of group rapport, when they all shared their ideas freely, unconcerned about credit and patents, were gone.
专利图纸展示了点接触晶体管中发射极 (15) 和集电极 (16) 之间的空穴流动。请注意，空穴完全在表面层 (11) 内流动。
Patent drawing illustrating the flow of holes between the emitter (15) and collector (16) in a point-contact transistor. Note that the holes flow entirely within the surface layer (11).
“肖克利全身心投入其中，”巴丁坚持道。此前，他的研究领域涵盖固态物理的诸多不同方向，但突然间，他们的老板几乎将所有空闲时间都投入到了……半导体。“他独自离开，在家工作，不再是研究团队的成员了，”布拉坦说道。
“Shockley jumped in with both feet,” insisted Bardeen. Where previously he had been working in many different areas of solid-state physics, suddenly their boss began to spend almost all his available time on semiconductors. “He went off by himself and worked at home and ceased being a member of the research team,” contended Brattain.
那年春天，吉布尼离开贝尔实验室，前往洛斯阿拉莫斯国家实验室任职，但这并非因为半导体部门内部政治斗争日益激烈。他的妻子患有严重的哮喘，而新泽西州的气候对缓解她的病情并无益处。他的职位由摩根接替。斯帕克斯是一位物理化学家，他在战争期间加入了实验室。斯帕克斯一直与肖克利合作，研究与PN结的制造和理解相关的材料。
That spring, Gibney departed from Bell Labs to take a position at Los Alamos, but not because of the worsening politics of the semiconductor group. His wife suffered severely from asthma, which the New Jersey climate did little to alleviate. He was replaced by Morgan Sparks, a physical chemist who had joined the labs during the war. Sparks worked entirely with Shockley, doing research on materials related to the fabrication and understanding of P-N junctions.
鲍恩和弗莱彻竭尽全力安抚各方情绪，但高层管理人员决心让肖克利按自己的想法行事。毕竟，他是凯利的宠儿，是凯利亲自挑选来领导这项工作的。贝尔实验室对固态物理的研究。那年夏天，当他们最终公开半导体放大器时，肖克利成为了一个备受瞩目的人物。“有人下达了命令，大概是因为他与凯利有联系，命令说如果没有他在场，不许拍我和巴丁的照片，”布拉坦透露道。
Bown and Fletcher tried their best to smooth over all the ruffled feathers, but higher management was determined to let Shockley have his way. He was, after all, Kelly’s darling, handpicked to spearhead Bell Labs’ research into solid-state physics. And Shockley was a highly visible figure when they finally went public with the semiconductor amplifier that summer. “Orders came down the line, presumably because he had contact with Kelly, that no pictures be taken of Bardeen and me without him being present,” Brattain confided.
起初，不断加深的裂谷主要位于地下。该群体继续该组织会不定期召开会议讨论研究成果，但以往会议上那种开放包容、团结协作的氛围似乎已经荡然无存。如今，成员们在确定新的研究方向方面遇到了更大的困难。
At first, the deepening rift was mostly subterranean. The group continued to hold irregular meetings to discuss its research, but the openness and esprit de corps that had characterized earlier gatherings seemed to have evaporated. The members now had much more difficulty agreeing on what new directions to pursue.
二月下旬，当 Lark-Horovitz 写信给 Shockley，请求提供 N 型硅样品用于他的研究时，Bardeen 和 Brattain 并没有提出任何异议。由于他们的专利申请已经提交，所以他们才同意。但肖克利心存疑虑。他咨询了斯卡夫、图尔勒和普凡，他们也同样持谨慎态度。经过进一步的考虑，并发出第二封信恳求回复后，肖克利最终决定放弃。在三月底麻省理工学院举办的一次会议上，他最终告诉拉尔克-霍罗维茨，他无法提供硅片，并道歉说“研究结果可能具有专利性”。这将使我们陷入尴尬的境地。
When Lark-Horovitz wrote Shockley in late February, requesting samples of N-type silicon to use in his research, Bardeen and Brattain had no problems with it since their patent applications had already been filed. But Shockley had reservations. He consulted with Scaff, Theuerer, and Pfann, who were also wary. After further deliberation and a second letter begging for a reply, Shockley decided against it. At an MIT conference at the end of March, he finally told Lark-Horovitz he could not provide the silicon, apologizing “that results might be patentable and would lead to our being in [an] awkward position.”
申请提交完毕，耗时的申请工作终于结束，巴丁得以重新投入到半导体内部物理原理的研究中。2月26日，也就是提交申请的当天，他的笔记本上记录了长达八页的内容，详细推导了各种相关物理量之间的简单数学关系。他测量了点触点和锗片的电流、电压和内阻。他总结道，除了功率和电压的提升之外，还应该能够增加流向集电极的电流——这一特性在他和布拉坦之前的实验中并不明显。
With the applications filed and a time-consuming burden finally off his back, Bardeen returned to the physics of what was going on inside the semiconductor. On February 26, the date of filing, there is a lengthy, eight-page entry in his notebook in which he works out simple mathematical relationships among the various quantities involved—the currents, voltage levels, and internal resistances of the point contacts and germanium slab. In addition to gains in power and voltage, he concludes, one should also be able to obtain an increase in the current flowing to the collector—a feature not immediately obvious from the experiments he and Brattain had been doing.
三月中旬，肖克利对自己的研究也得出了基本相同的结论。采用结型方法，运用更为复杂的微分方程分析。这是固态放大器区别于真空管的关键特征，真空管虽然可以提升电压和功率，但不能提升电流。而巴丁和布拉坦的专利申请中却几乎完全忽略了这一点！经过那年春天的反复斟酌，哈特决定撤回申请。然后添加新信息后重新提交。
In mid-March, Shockley reached essentially the same conclusion for his own junction approach, using a much more sophisticated analysis involving differential equations. Here was a crucial feature of solid-state amplifiers that distinguished them from vacuum tubes, which boost voltage and power but not current. And it had been essentially omitted from Bardeen and Brattain’s patent application! After considerable deliberation that spring, Hart decided to withdraw the application and resubmit it with the new information included.
但这意味着巴丁和布拉坦发表研究成果的时间会进一步推迟，而他们现在越来越急于发表。考虑到布雷在锗扩散电阻的研究方面肯定取得了进展，他们尤其担心普渡大学。简·巴丁回忆说，之后“约翰狠狠地训斥了她一顿”。她写信给一位熟悉普渡大学物理学家的朋友，提到他正在研究半导体；这位朋友觉得她的朋友很容易“泄露秘密”。
But this meant additional delay before Bardeen and Brattain could publish their findings, which they were now getting increasingly anxious to do. They were especially nervous about Purdue, given the progress Bray must have been making in his research on the spreading resistance of germanium. Jane Bardeen recalled that “John gave her hell” after she wrote a friend familiar with the Purdue physicists and mentioned that he was working on semiconductors; he felt her friend could easily “let the cat out of the bag.”
巴丁在四月底听完布雷在华盛顿举行的美国物理学会会议上的论文后，焦虑丝毫没有减轻。当然，普渡大学的研究进展依然缓慢。在研究中，他们仍然将扩散电阻的神秘差异归因于假定的高场效应。然而，真正令巴丁担忧的是布雷摘要中的最后一句话，他在演讲结束时对此进行了简要阐述：“为了确定电场对载流子数量或迁移率的影响程度，我们已经开始使用这些脉冲进行霍尔效应测量。”他心想，布雷迟早会意识到，他的高场爆发实际上是在锗织物上撕开了亚微米级的孔洞。
Bardeen’s anxiety was not the least bit relieved after he listened to Bray deliver a paper during the Washington meeting of the American Physical Society at the end of April. Sure, Purdue continued to make only plodding progress in its research, still attributing the mysterious discrepancy in the spreading resistance to a putative high-field effect. What truly worried Bardeen, however, was the last sentence in Bray’s abstract, upon which he elaborated briefly at the end of his talk: “To determine how far the field changes the number of carriers or their mobility, Hall effect measurements using these pulses have been started.” It would only be a matter of time, he figured, before Bray finally realized that his high-field bursts were, in fact, ripping submicroscopic holes in the germanium fabric.
1948年初的几个月里，普凡开发 了一种基于卡筒的点接触放大器。它由一个小型金属圆筒组成，圆筒一端伸出两根导线（分别对应发射极和集电极）。 长约 3/4 英寸，厚不到 1/4 英寸——大约相当于一颗 .22 口径子弹的大小。外壳内部，两根细导线小心翼翼地压在一片纤薄的锗片上，锗片的底部与金属外壳形成电接触，金属外壳同时也是第三根引线。除了这根额外的导线之外，这些墨盒看起来很像西电公司当时成千上万生产的晶体整流器。每周都是如此。而且它们在低集电极电压下也能获得良好的功率增益。到五月底，Pfann 和他的同事们已经制造了近百个这样的唱头。
DURING THE FIRST few months of 1948, Pfann had developed a cartridge-based version of the point-contact amplifier. It had two wires (corresponding to the emitter and the collector) sprouting from one end of a small metal cylinder ¾ inch long and less than ¼ inch thick—about the size of a .22 caliber bullet shell. Inside it, two fine wires pressed delicately onto a slender chip of germanium, whose base made electrical contact with the metal casing, which also served as the third lead. Except for the extra wire, the cartridges look a lot like the crystal rectifiers that Western Electric was manufacturing by the thousands every week. And they also yielded good power gains at low collector voltages. Pfann and his co-workers had already fabricated almost a hundred of these cartridges by the end of May.
尽管噪声很大，但它们的电气特性足够稳定可靠，实验室的工程师们可以开始将它们用于他们设计的电路中。这是另一个原因。由于上市时间推迟，凯利希望贝尔公司能独家了解如何将固态放大器应用于普通电子设备，特别是收音机、电视和电话等设备。这并非简单地将真空管从现有电路中取出，换成普凡的电子管。电路设计需要进行重大改进。需要利用该电路元件同时也是一个电流放大器这一特性。
Although substantially noisy, their electrical characteristics were sufficiently stable and reliable that engineers at the labs could begin to use them in the circuits they were designing. This was another reason for the delay in going public. Kelly wanted Bell to have an exclusive opportunity to learn how the solid-state amplifier might be employed in ordinary electrical devices, especially those used for radios, television, and telephones. And it was not simply a matter of plucking the vacuum tubes out of existing circuits and replacing them with Pfann’s cartidges. Significant changes in circuit design were required to accommodate—and take advantage of—the fact that this circuit element was also a current amplifier.
到五月下旬，即将发布的公告所需的一些必要前提条件已经具备。贝尔公司的工程师们成功地设计并制造了一个基于新型放大器的电话中继电路（用于放大长途电话信号）。他们还拥有一台可以正常工作的无线电接收机。巴丁和布拉坦完成了关于该装置的第一篇科学论文的草稿；他们正着手撰写第二篇关于锗表面效应的论文，以解释布雷的扩散电阻异常现象。鲍恩召集了一系列会议，开始筹备新闻发布会和其他信息发布活动。
By late May a number of necessary prerequisites for the impending public announcement had been achieved. Bell engineers successfully designed and built a telephone repeater circuit (for amplifying long-distance phone calls) based on this new amplifier. They also had a working radio receiver. And Bardeen and Brattain finished a draft of their first scientific paper about the device; they were beginning a second on the germanium surface effects, explaining Bray’s spreading-resistance anomaly. Bown called a series of meetings to begin the preparations for a press conference and other information releases.
随着公开宣布日期临近，确定官方人选变得迫在眉睫。为这个新元件命名。核心圈成员此前在私下谈话、闭门会议和机密备忘录中，曾使用过一些临时性的标签——“半导体三极管”、“表面态放大器”、“晶体三极管”。但这些名称似乎都不够响亮，无法体现这种重要器件应有的气势。有人建议将其命名为“iotatron”，取自第九个……为了强调真空管相对于其体积小，建议使用希腊字母来表示真空管，但这一提议并未引起任何热情。
With the public announcement drawing near, it became urgent to settle on an official name for the new element. Members of the inner circle had so far employed certain ad hoc labels—“semiconductor triode,” “surface-states amplifier,” “crystal triode”—in private conversations, closed meetings, and confidential memos. But none of these names seemed to have the appropriate ring one expects for such an important device. Somebody suggested calling it the “iotatron,” after the ninth letter in the Greek alphabet, to emphasize its small size as compared to the vacuum tube, but this proposal failed to generate any enthusiasm.
巴丁和布拉坦最终被要求为他们的放大器想一个好名字。既然是他们发明的，他们理应有机会命名。他们意识到李·德·福雷斯特为他的真空管三极管起的名字——“audion”——从未流行起来。他们认为这是一项重要的任务，并花费了相当多的时间讨论各种可能性。“我们考虑了各种各样的组合，”布拉坦回忆道。“我们不喜欢以‘tron’结尾的词。”相反，他们想要一个能够轻松融入当时其他固态器件现有名称的名称，例如用于氧化铜整流器的“压敏电阻”（varistor）和用于热敏电阻的“热敏晶体管”（thermistor）。适用于某些对温度敏感的半导体元件。
Bardeen and Brattain were eventually asked to suggest a good name for their amplifier. Since they had invented it, they ought to have the opportunity to name it. Recognizing that Lee de Forest’s term—the “audion”—for his vacuum-tube triode had never caught on, they considered this an important task and spent a fair amount of time discussing various possibilities. “We thought of all sorts of combinations,” remembered Brattain. “We didn’t like words ending in ‘tron.’” Rather, they sought a name that would fit in easily with the existing labels for other contemporary solid-state devices, such as “varistor” for copper-oxide rectifiers and “thermistor” for certain temperature-sensitive semiconducting elements.
五月的一天，约翰·皮尔斯漫步走进布拉坦的办公室，当时布拉坦正在思考这个问题。皮尔斯是肖克利在20世纪30年代的老同事和伙伴，也是秘密研发固态放大器的团队成员之一。他文笔也很好（后来以笔名创作科幻小说）。JJ Coupling）。“约翰，你正是我要见的人，”沃尔特说。“进来坐下。”
One day in May, John Pierce ambled into Brattain’s office during a moment when Brattain was contemplating this question. Shockley’s old colleague and companion of the 1930s, Pierce was a member of the group working secretly on the solid-state amplifier. He also had a good way with words (later writing science fiction under the pseudonym J. J. Coupling). “John, you’re just the man I want to see,” said Walter. “Come in here and sit down.”
布拉坦解释了问题并寻求建议。“皮尔斯知道，从电路角度来看，点接触式放大器与真空管是完全一样的，”他回忆道。作为一名电气工程师，皮尔斯认识到真空管是一种电压驱动器件，其输出由输入电压控制。与此相反，在点接触放大器中，输入电流信号控制输出电流。他静静地思考了一会儿，发现真空管的相关参数是它的“跨导”。接着，他提到了这一特性的电学对偶——“跨阻”。然后，他把所有概念融会贯通，突然说出了一个全新的词：“晶体管”。
Brattain explained the problem and asked for advice. “Pierce knew that the point-contact [amplifier] was the dual of the vacuum tube, circuit-wise,” he recalled. An electrical engineer, Pierce recognized the vacuum tube is a voltage-driven device, in which an input voltage controls the output current; in a point-contact amplifier, by contrast, an input current signal controls the output current. After thinking it over quietly for a moment, he observed that the relevant parameter of a vacuum tube was its “trans-conductance.” Next, he mentioned the electrical dual of this property, or “trans-resistance.” Then he put everything together, suddenly uttering a brand new word: “transistor.”
“皮尔斯，就是它！”布拉坦惊呼道。
“Pierce, that is it!” exclaimed Brattain.
然而，按照典型的官僚作风，鲍恩任命了一个委员会，负责推荐一个合适的名称以及与这种新设备相关的其他术语。5月28日，该委员会向核心圈内人员传阅了一份关于“半导体三极管术语”的备忘录。建议的名称包括“iotatron”和“晶体管”，但没有明确的名称。备忘录并未提出任何建议，而是详细解释了每种方案的优缺点，并请读者在附上的六项候选方案选票上表达自己的偏好。最终，“晶体管”以压倒性优势胜出。
In classic bureaucratic fashion, however, Bown appointed a committee to recommend an appropriate name and other terms to use in connection with the new device. On May 28 this committee circulated a memorandum on “Terminology for Semiconductor Triodes” among the inner circle. Included among the suggested names were “iotatron” and “transistor,” but no explicit recommendations were offered. Instead, the memo explained the merits and flaws of each, asking readers to vote their preferences on an attached ballot listing the six possibilities. Last on the list, “transistor” won the election by a landslide.
然而，也有理由将这项发明保密更长时间。“从消极方面来看，推迟公布的理由，”一份名为“BTL Confidential”的备忘录写道。鲍恩在5月27日的信中写道：“我们发明和专利申请的现状尚不完善，而且西电公司在锗的长期供应方面也令人不满。” 参与表面态项目（Surface States Project）的科学家和工程师们不断涌现出可申请专利的发明和工艺，例如希夫的双面放大器和普凡的A型放大器。晶体管（他的卡带式设备很快就因此得名）。
There were reasons for keeping the invention secret a bit longer, however. “On the negative side, arguing for delay,” reads a “BTL Confidential” memo from Bown dated May 27, “are the incomplete state of our inventing and patenting, and the unsatisfactory position of the Western Electric Company regarding long term supplies of germanium.” A steadily growing stream of patentable inventions and processes had been flowing from the scientists and engineers at work on the Surface States Project—like Shive’s double-sided amplifier and Pfann’s type A transistor (as his cartridge-based device quickly became known).
贝尔的专利局被大量的文书工作压得喘不过气来，竭尽全力应对。经过一番周折，哈特终于设法在6月17日向美国专利局提交了巴丁和布拉坦专利申请的修订版——这次包含了当前收益的影响。他们完成了申请书的草稿。第二篇论文，两位物理学家都迫不及待地想尽快公开发表。
Bell’s patent office was absolutely swamped with paperwork and trying its best to cope with the flood. After some delay, Hart finally managed to get a revised version of Bardeen and Brattain’s patent application—this time including effects of current gain—filed at the U.S. Patent Office on June 17. Having finished a draft of their second paper, the two physicists were eager to go public as soon as possible.
A型晶体管的剖面模型。两根细钨丝与相距2密耳的一小块锗接触。
Cutaway model of the type A transistor. Two fine tungsten wires contact a tiny slab of germanium 2 mils apart.
即将提交的专利申请中，有一项涵盖了肖克利的PN结设计理念。今年一月，他因利连菲尔德的专利问题而颜面尽失，之后便前往西街总部寻找自己的专利律师。他找到了鲁道夫·根特，一位……他很欣赏肖克利的专利撰写技巧。四月初，肖克利寄给他笔记本上二十六页的复印件，以及一份两页纸的、可能获得专利的想法概要。
Among the impending patent applications was one covering Shockley’s P-N junction ideas. After his ego-bruising experience in January over Lilienfeld’s patents, he had sought his own patent attorney at the West Street headquarters. His search uncovered Rudolph Guenther, an attorney whose patent- writing skills he admired. In early April, Shockley sent him photostats of twenty-six pages from his notebook, plus a two-page summary of possible patentable ideas.
根特提交了一份内容极其广泛的申请，涵盖了肖克利从1947年11月下旬到1948年1月期间提出的所有交叉路口设计理念。1948年。然而，它有一个难以忽视的缺陷：这些想法中只有一项最终得以实现。在实际的电流放大装置中，皮尔逊曾于12月4日成功地尝试过这种方法，当时布拉坦因流感缺席。他承认：“这东西很糟糕，可能没什么用处。”他还指出，当时没有人真正理解它为什么有效。
Guenther came back with a remarkably wide-ranging application covering all of Shockley’s junction ideas from late November 1947 through January 1948. It had a gnawing weakness, however: only one of these ideas had so far resulted in an actual device that amplified electric current. This was the use of a drop of electrolyte across a P-N junction, which Pearson had tried successfully on December 4, when Brattain was out with the flu. “It was a miserable thing, and probably no good for anything,” Shockley admitted, noting that nobody really understood why it had worked.
然而，根特巧妙地设计了这份申请。因此，这一个不起眼的测试就能涵盖他为肖克利基于连接点的公开内容提出的所有更广泛的主张。“我非常欣赏鲁迪·根瑟展现出的专利写作艺术，”肖克利在四分之一世纪后回忆道。尽管他的想法缺乏实验依据，贝尔的专利局还是在6月提交了申请。26.
Nevertheless, Guenther deftly crafted the application so this one puny test would be able to cover all the broader claims he made for Shockley’s junction-based disclosures. “I really appreciated the quality of the patent-writing art displayed by Rudy Guenther,” recalled Shockley a quarter century later. Despite the fact that there was very little experimental basis for the validity of his ideas, Bell’s patent office filed the application on June 26.
到六月中旬 ，晶体管的公开发布工作已紧锣密鼓地进行，但具体日期仍未确定。“过去一两周，我们一直忙得不可开交，因为可能要发布一些关于……你知道的……的材料，”肖克利在6月15日写信给当时在洛斯阿拉莫斯的吉布尼说。“我们计划举行大规模的演示活动。” 并向媒体汇报。”几天后，在巴丁和布拉坦提交了修改后的专利申请后，凯利和鲍恩决定于6月30日在西街463号举行新闻发布会。在此之前的一周，他们计划举行一场仅对军事研究机构成员开放的私人演示。
BY THE MIDDLE of June, wheels were turning furiously in preparation for the public announcement of the transistor, but the exact date had still not been set. “We have been having some rather hectic days in the last week or two in connection with a possible release of material on you know what,” Shockley wrote Gibney (then at Los Alamos) on June 15. “There are plans for large demonstrations and reports to the press.” A few days later, after Bardeen and Brattain’s revised patent application had been filed, Kelly and Bown decided to hold a press conference at 463 West Street on June 30. A week before that, there was to be a private demonstration open only to members of the military research establishment.
“我们觉得我们有义务将此事告知国防部，”他说。布拉坦解释说：“因为我们知道它具有军事意义。”但凯利坚决不希望晶体管被列为机密，他意识到这种情况完全有可能发生，而且会延缓该元件在电话系统中的应用。因此，鲍恩特意安排了他的演示，让军方研究人员不得不主动提出这个敏感问题。凯利命令贝尔实验室的人员……完全不要提及此事。“我们告诉他们，这是一次示威活动，下周会向媒体公布，”布拉坦回忆道。“如果他们想阻止，就必须采取行动。”
“We felt that we had the obligation to inform the Defense Department,” said Brattain, “because we knew that it had military implications.” But Kelly absolutely did not want the transistor to be classified, which he recognized could definitely be possible and would delay use of this element in the telephone system. Thus, Bown deliberately structured his demonstration so that the military researchers had to be the ones to raise this delicate issue. Kelly ordered Bell Labs people not to bring it up at all. “We told them that this was a demonstration that was going to be released to the press next week,” recalled Brattain. “And they had to take action if they wanted to stop it.”
6月23日星期三下午，陆军、海军和空军的代表齐聚西街礼堂。贝尔实验室的代表到场欢迎他们并作了简短的介绍。奥利弗·巴克利主席要求他们所有人举起右手，郑重宣誓在新闻发布会结束前绝不透露即将听到的内容。随后，鲍恩带领他们进行了一次与他下周准备向记者们展示的内容几乎相同的演示。这算是一次预演，给了他一个机会。练习投球动作，并解决一些不足之处。之后鲍恩完成了任务，巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利回答了他无法处理的更棘手的技术问题。
On the afternoon of Wednesday, June 23, representatives of the Army, Navy, and Air Force gathered in the West Street auditorium. Present to welcome them and give a brief introduction was Bell Labs president Oliver Buckley, who asked them all to raise their right hands and solemnly swear not to reveal what they were about to hear until after the press conference. Then Bown led them through much the same demonstration that he was preparing for reporters the following week. It was sort of a dry run, giving him a chance to practice his delivery and work through a few of the rough spots. After Bown was finished, Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley answered the tougher technical questions he could not handle.
示威活动结束后，在一次社交聚会上，肖克利拦住了陆军通信兵团的哈罗德·扎尔，该兵团资助了普渡大学大部分的锗研究。“哈罗德，告诉我一件事，”他急切地问道，“拉尔克-霍罗维茨和他在普渡大学的团队是否已经发现了什么？”这种效果，或许军方已经将其列为绝密？
At a social hour after the demonstration, Shockley buttonholed Harold Zahl of the Army Signal Corps, which had been funding most of Purdue’s research on germanium. “Tell me one thing, Harold,” he asked him impetuously, “Have Lark-Horovitz and his people at Purdue already discovered this effect, and perchance has the military put a TOP SECRET wrap on it?”
当扎尔告诉肖克利普渡大学的物理学家们还没有找到答案时，肖克利脸上露出了如释重负的表情，尽管他们可能只差六个月就能找到答案了。扎尔回忆说：“比尔很高兴，因为对他来说，六个月就像无穷大一样漫长！”
A great expression of relief came over Shockley’s face when Zahl told him that the Purdue physicists had not, although they were probably only six months away. Recalled Zahl, “Bill was happy, for to him six months was infinity!”
接下来的几天里，各军种就此展开了讨论。要求贝尔实验室将晶体管列为“秘密”级别，至少在他们有机会进一步考虑其军事影响之前不要这样做。“有人将其比作核裂变的发现，甚至有人建议我们应该启动另一个大型的‘曼哈顿计划’，并采取‘地下’措施，”扎尔写道。然而，军方并未提出正式要求。如果军方提出这样的要求，巴克利和凯利已经做好了应对的准备。它本应到来，但最终并未到来。晶体管的非机密状态一直延续了下来。
During the next few days, there was discussion among the armed services over whether or not to ask Bell Labs to classify the transistor SECRET, at least until they had a chance to consider its military ramifications further. “The analogy to the discovery of fission was given, and some suggested that we should make another big Manhattan Project and go ‘underground,’” wrote Zahl. The military made no official request, however. Buckley and Kelly were girded to fight it, if such a request ever came, but it never did. The unclassified status of the transistor prevailed.
然而，6月25日星期五早上，巴克利接到海军研究主任保罗·李海军上将打来的一个令人不安的电话。李告诉他，海军研究实验室的一些人员也有类似的发现！“我们认为应该联合宣布，”他提议道，“我们有了同样的东西。”
On Friday morning, June 25, however, Buckley took a disturbing call from Admiral Paul Lee, chief of Naval Research. Lee told him that some of the people at the Naval Research Laboratory had made a similar discovery! “We think it should be a joint announcement,” he proposed. “We have the same thing.”
明显情绪低落，巴克利打电话给鲍恩，命令他放下手头的一切工作，查明海军的说法是否属实。新闻发布会的邀请函已经印好，准备第二天发出。鲍恩打电话给海军研究实验室主任H.A.沙德上校，表示愿意立即前往华盛顿。鲍恩说，如果必须提及海军的工作，“我们希望……”立刻就能知道。
Visibly upset, Buckley called Bown, ordering him to drop everything and find out whether the Navy’s claim had any merit. Invitations to the press conference had already been printed and were ready to go out the next day. Bown called Captain H. A. Schade, director of the Naval Research Laboratory, and offered to come down to Washington immediately. If any mention had to be made of Navy work, said Bown, “we would like to know it at once.”
鲍恩安排好第二天早上九点半的会面后，打电话给肖克利，告诉他这个令人不安的消息。然后两人匆匆赶回家换了身衣服，又在机场碰面，搭乘飞往华盛顿的航班。抵达后，他们在白宫北边的高档卡尔顿酒店办理了入住，一起吃了晚饭，然后在酒店大堂里坐着观看。电视。那天晚上正值乔·路易斯和泽西·乔·沃尔科特之间的经典对决；观看这场激烈的比赛有助于缓解他们的紧张情绪。
After he had arranged a meeting for 9:30 the following morning, Bown called Shockley and told him the disturbing news. Then they both rushed home to grab a change of clothing and met again at the airport for the flight to Washington. Once there, they checked in at the posh Carlton Hotel just north of the White House, ate dinner together, and sat around in the lobby watching television. It was the evening of the classic fight between Joe Louis and Jersey Joe Walcott; watching this bruising match helped relieve their tension.
第二天上午的会议上，他们听伯纳德·索尔兹伯里——“一位非常有能力的真空管设计师，他在二战期间制造了一种非常重要的真空管”——讲述了他发明固态放大器的努力。市售产品他制作了一个氧化铜整流器，在氧化层上蒸镀了一层薄薄的金膜，并在金膜上刻出一条锯齿状的线，形成两个电极；其铜质背衬则提供了所需的第三个电极。该器件的电流-电压曲线表明，它的工作方式类似于真空管放大器。
At the meeting the next morning, they listened as Bernard Salisbury—“a very able vacuum tube designer who had made a very important tube during World War II”—recounted his efforts to invent a solid-state amplifier. Using a commercially available copper-oxide rectifier, he had evaporated a thin gold film over the oxide layer and scribed a jagged line through this film to form two electrodes; its copper backing gave him the necessary third electrode. Curves of the current versus voltage for this device indicated to him that it was behaving like a vacuum-tube amplifier.
但当肖克利开始问他一些技术问题时，索尔兹伯里他承认自己从未在放大电路或振荡电路中实际测试过他的装置。随着肖克利继续深入调查，仔细审视数据，他清楚地意识到“他们没有获得任何测量结果，表明他们确实实现了功率增益”。而且，这种简陋的装置似乎也根本不可能产生任何这样的增益。
But when Shockley began asking him some technical questions, Salisbury admitted that he had never actually tested his device in either an amplifying or an oscillating circuit. As Shockley continued his probing, taking a hard, critical look at the data, it became obvious to him that “they had obtained no measurement which showed that they actually had power gain.” And it looked damned unlikely that this crude gadget could ever yield any such gain, either.
此时，沙德上尉他请贝尔公司的代表到隔壁办公室去，以便海军人员和他们的专利律师可以私下讨论此事并给李海军上将打电话。鲍恩和肖克利消磨了十五分钟，不时地向窗外望去，远处是宽阔的波托马克河。在他们被请回会议室后，沙德宣布海军……贝尔实验室因此撤回了关于晶体管公开发布应由双方联合进行的提议。贝尔实验室终于独享了发布会。
At this point, Captain Schade asked the Bell representatives to step into an adjoining office while the Navy men and their patent attorneys could discuss the matter in private and telephone Admiral Lee. Bown and Shockley whiled away fifteen minutes, glancing occasionally out the window across the broad Potomac River. After they were invited back into the conference room, Schade declared that the Navy was hereby withdrawing its proposal that the public announcement of the transistor be a joint affair. Bell Labs finally had the stage all to itself.
一切终于准备就绪 ，只待6月30日星期三的新闻发布会。前一周，肖克利致电《物理评论》编辑泰特，并向他发送了三篇短文，希望发表。泰特很快接受了稿件，并安排了发表时间。7月15日刊创下了该期刊的投稿速度纪录。前两篇论文——巴丁和布拉坦合著的《晶体管：半导体三极管》以及布拉坦和巴丁合著的《锗点接触正向电流的性质》——已成为不朽的经典之作。肖克利和皮尔逊合著的第三篇论文《调制》基于皮尔逊的场效应实验，但几乎无人问津。“半导体薄膜表面电荷的导电性。”肖克利还将这三篇论文和一份新闻稿的副本邮寄给了洛斯阿拉莫斯的吉布尼，并就由于专利律师的担忧，他的名字没有出现在论文中表示歉意。
AT LAST, EVERYTHING was ready for the big press conference on Wednesday, June 30. The previous week, Shockley had called Physical Review editor Tate and sent him three short papers for publication. Tate quickly accepted them and scheduled them to appear in the July 15 issue, record time for the journal. The first two—”The Transistor: A Semi-Conductor Triode,” by Bardeen and Brattain, and “The Nature of the Forward Current in Germanium Point Contacts,” by Brattain and Bardeen—have become ageless classics. Shockley and Pearson contributed a third and largely forgettable paper based on Pearson’s field-effect experiments, entitled “Modulation of Conductance of Thin Films of Semi-Conductors by Surface Charges.” Shockley also mailed copies of these three papers and a press release to Gibney at Los Alamos, apologizing for the fact that, because of the concerns of the patent attorneys, his name was nowhere to be found.
6月29日星期二上午，梅·肖克利抵达拉瓜迪亚机场，并在乔治·华盛顿酒店办理入住手续。在纽约，她抱怨那里的脏乱和酷热。那天晚上，她来到麦迪逊，第一次见到了她的两个孙子，五岁的比利和一岁的迪基。星期三上午，她和简·肖克利与简·巴丁、凯伦·布拉坦以及她们的三位丈夫共进了一顿精致的午餐。西街顶层的行政餐厅。然后他们站了起来。在前往礼堂之前，耐心地与鲍恩、巴克利和凯利拍摄了一系列官方照片。
On the morning of Tuesday, June 29, May Shockley arrived at La Guardia Airport and checked in at the George Washington Hotel in New York, complaining about its dirt and the oppressive heat. That evening, she came to Madison and met her two grandsons, five-year-old Billy and yearling Dicky, for the very first time. On Wednesday morning she and Jean Shockley joined Jane Bardeen, Keren Brattain, and their three husbands for an elegant luncheon in the executive dining room on the top floor at West Street. Then they stood patiently for a series of official photographs with Bown, Buckley, and Kelly before heading down to the auditorium.
“科学研究越来越被认为是一项团队合作工作，”鲍恩说道。他身着一套剪裁合身的灰色西装，系着一条色彩鲜艳的领结，宽阔的肩膀和深色眼镜让他显得既精力充沛又沉稳内敛。“我们今天我要向大家展示的，正是团队合作、个人卓越贡献以及基础研究在工业框架下价值的绝佳例证。”
“Scientific research is coming more and more to be recognized as a group or teamwork job,” began Bown, dressed impeccably in a well-tailored gray suit and sporting a colorful bow tie, his broad shoulders and dark eyeglasses lending him a vigorous but comtemplative air. “What we have to show you today represents a fine example of teamwork, of brilliant individual contributions and of the value of basic research in an industrial framework.”
作为发言人和主持人，鲍恩发表了一场沉稳、克制、保守的演讲，演讲内容侧重于技术细节，而对新型固态放大器的未来可能性着墨不多：
Acting as spokesman and master of ceremonies, Bown delivered a measured, restrained, and conservative presentation that was long on technical details and short on the future possibilities of the new solid-state amplifier:
我们有之所以称之为晶体管（Transistor），是因为它是一种电阻器或半导体器件，能够放大从输入端传输到输出端的电信号。你可以把它看作是电子版的真空管放大器。但相似之处仅限于此。它没有真空，没有灯丝，也没有玻璃管。它完全由冷的固体物质构成。
We have called it the Transistor, T-R-A-N-S-I-S-T-O-R, because it is a resistor or semiconductor device which can amplify electrical signals as they are transferred through it from input to output terminals. It is, if you will, the electrical equivalent of a vacuum tube amplifier. But there the similarity ceases. It has no vacuum, no filament, no glass tube. It is composed entirely of cold, solid substances.
我手里拿着的这个圆柱形物体是晶体管。虽然它个头很小，但它的功率输出可达约100毫瓦，频率可达约10兆赫兹，几乎可以做到真空管能做的所有事情，甚至还能做到真空管做不到的一些独特事情。
This cylindrical object which I am holding up is a Transistor. Although it is a “little bitty” thing, it can—up to a power output of about 100 milliwatts and up to a frequency of about 10 megacycles—do just about everything a vacuum tube can do, and some unique things which a vacuum tube cannot do.
在简要介绍了巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利各自的贡献之后，鲍恩他的演示开始了。记者们通过座位上的耳机听到他合上开关时，声音经过中继电路放大。当他打开振荡器电路时，房间里突然响起一片惊呼，振荡器瞬间发出尖锐的音调，没有任何预热延迟。他还使用一台完全没有真空管的接收器，调到了当地的广播电台，他们通过扬声器播放广播。
After briefly explaining the individual contributions of Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley, Bown began his demonstrations. Through headphones attached to their seats, reporters heard his voice amplified by a repeater circuit as he closed a switch. A sudden gasp filled the room when he flicked on an oscillator circuit, and it emitted a shrill tone instantaneously, with no warm-up delay whatsoever. And employing a receiver built entirely without vacuum tubes, he tuned in local radio stations and played their broadcasts through loudspeakers.
示威活动结束后，肖克利回答了记者提问。他比巴丁和布拉坦更能应付记者，而且他天生具有一种在这种场合至关重要的表演天赋。反应敏捷、机智幽默也大有裨益。但新闻发布会的结构，由鲍恩主持，肖克利……回答问题的方式，反而掩盖了晶体管两位真正发明者的努力。这让人觉得他们的发现似乎是有人在幕后策划和安排的。
After the demonstrations, Shockley fielded questions. He was much more comfortable with reporters than either Bardeen or Brattain, and he had a natural showmanship that was crucial in such situations. It helped enormously to be quick on your feet—and witty, too. But the structure of the press conference, with Bown giving the delivery and Shockley taking questions, cast a shadow across the efforts of the two real inventors of the transistor. It made it seem as if their discovery had been planned and orchestrated from above.
1948 年 6 月 30 日，晶体管发布新闻发布会。拉尔夫·鲍恩在西街礼堂向记者发表讲话。
Press conference announcing the transistor, June 30, 1948. Ralph Bown addresses reporters in the West Street auditorium.
报纸的即时反应不一 ，这可能是由于新闻发布会的语气较为克制所致。尽管《先驱论坛报》在7月1日对这项新发明进行了显著报道，但《纽约时报》却将这条新闻放在了第46页，篇幅仅比标题小了四英寸。 在《广播新闻》专栏的结尾，《时代》杂志明显更加热情，将晶体管的新闻作为7月12日刊“科学”版块的头条新闻。但这篇文章的重点在于真空管的问题，以及晶体管如何取代现有设备和电路中的真空管。当时，没有人意识到它的影响将会多么巨大。是。
IMMEDIATE REACTIONS OF the newspapers were mixed, probably due to the restrained tone of the press conference. Although the Herald Tribune gave the new invention prominent coverage on July 1, the New York Times buried the story on page 46, ceding it only four inches at the very end of its column, “The News of Radio.” Time was noticeably more enthusiastic, making the news of the transistor the lead story in the “Science” section of its July 12 issue. But the focus of this article was upon the problems of vacuum tubes and on how the transistor could replace them in existing devices and circuits. At the time, nobody appreciated just how tremendous its impact might be.
贝尔实验室公开计划的下一步是7月20日举行的另一场更具技术性的演示。新闻发布会一周后，数百封信函寄给了科学家、工程师和无线电制造商，邀请他们参加在默里山举行的演示。李·德·福雷斯特在芝加哥收到了其中一封，当时他正在美国电视公司担任研究主管。他在 7 月 15 日回复，开玩笑说他无法参加“我 42 岁的孩子 Audion 的‘守灵仪式’”，同时补充道，“但我怀疑，至少在高功率和极高频率的领域，遗骸的安葬将会是一个漫长而耗时的过程。”
The next step in Bell Labs’ plans for going public was another, more technical demonstration to be held on July 20. A week after the press conference, hundreds of letters went out to scientists, engineers, and radio manufacturers, inviting them to a presentation at Murray Hill. Lee de Forest received one of them in Chicago, where he was working as director of research at American Television, Inc. He replied on July 15 and jested that he could not attend “the ‘Wake’ of my forty-two year old infant, the Audion,” while adding, “I suspect, however, that the interment of the remains will prove to be a long, time-consuming process, at least in the realms of high powers and very high frequencies.”
收到邀请后，拉尔克-霍罗维茨给正在长岛度假的本泽打了电话。并请他担任普渡大学参加此事的代表。就在鲍恩的演讲即将开始前，本泽尔碰巧遇到了布拉坦。“这是怎么回事？”他问道，“我们对此略知一二。”但布拉坦拒绝透露任何细节。“我不想剧透，”他狡黠地回答道，“你先听着，之后再来跟我谈。”沃尔特当时正站在礼堂前面。一切结束后，他正和几个还在场的物理学家闲聊。本泽尔走到他面前，眼中满是敬畏。“我们对此一无所知，”他坦言道。
Receiving an invitation, Lark-Horovitz called Benzer, who was vacationing on Long Island, and asked him to serve as Purdue’s delegate to the affair. Benzer bumped into Brattain just before Bown’s presentation was to begin. “What’s this all about?” he asked. “We had some idea about this.” But Brattain refused to divulge any details. “I don’t want to spoil the story,” he replied, cannily. “You listen, and then you talk to me afterwards.” Walter was standing at the front of the auditorium after it was all over, gabbing with a few physicists still there. Benzer came up to him with a look of awe in his eyes. “We had no idea of this,” he admitted.
与大众媒体不同，物理学和电气工程专业的出版物对新型晶体管（在那些令人兴奋的早期，晶体管的英文拼写中通常用大写字母“T”表示）的态度绝非漠不关心。《杂志》将贝尔的突破性发现作为1948年9月刊的头条新闻：“晶体管——晶体三极管”。“由于其独特的特性”，编辑们声称，“晶体管注定会对电子技术产生深远的影响，并且无疑将在广泛的应用领域取代传统的电子管。”
As opposed to the popular press, the publications of the physics and electrical-engineering professions were anything but blasé about the new Transistor (which was often spelled with a capital “T” in those heady early days). Electronics magazine made Bell’s breakthrough the lead story of its September 1948 issue: “The Transistor—a Crystal Triode.” “Because of its unique properties,” claimed the editors, “the Transistor is destined to have far-reaching effects on the technology of electronics and will undoubtedly replace conventional electron tubes in a wide range of applications.”
巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利登上了1948年9月《电子学》杂志的封面。肖克利正在使用布拉坦的实验室装置操作点接触。
Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley as featured on the cover of the September 1948 issue of Electronics. Shockley manipulates point contacts using Brattain's laboratory setup.
该杂志甚至将贝尔实验室拍摄的巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利的合影放在封面上，并在照片下方配以“革命性放大器：晶体三极管”的标题。照片中，他们身着衬衫领带，他们在布拉坦的工作台前合影——这显然是管理层为了展现工业实验室中和谐的团队合作而拍摄的。但坐在工作台上的是肖克利，而不是布拉坦。另外两个人站在他身后，目光都集中在他身上，越过他的肩膀，看着他透过显微镜观察，并用……调整锗板上的一个点接触。微型操作器。
The magazine even went so far as to carry a Bell Labs photograph of Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley on its cover, sporting the title “Revolutionary Amplifier: The CRYSTAL TRIODE” beneath them. Wearing dress shirts and ties, they pose together at Brattain’s workbench—a portrait obviously intended by management to convey an image of harmonious teamwork in an industrial laboratory. But it is Shockley sitting at the bench, not Brattain. The other two men stand behind him, their attention focused upon him, looking over his shoulders as he peers through a microscope and adjusts a point contact on a germanium slab using a micromanipulator.
“沃尔特肯定讨厌这张照片，”巴丁晚年说道。照片中人物角色几乎完全颠倒，与实际情况大相径庭。唯一符合现实的元素大概就是巴丁站在工作台前，倚靠在示波器上，用日志记录笔记。这张照片充分揭示了企业神话的构建过程。这一切发生在贝尔实验室。正是这一点——以及他那股势不可挡的劲头——使得肖克利在接下来的几年里成为晶体管研究项目的核心人物。
“Boy, Walter sure hates this picture,” remarked Bardeen later in his life. It portrays an almost complete reversal of roles from what had actually occurred in practice. About its only realistic element is the fact that Bardeen is standing at the workbench, recording notes in a logbook as he leans on the oscilloscope. This photo tells a lot about the corporate mythmaking process transpiring at Bell Labs. That—and his overpowering drive—would help put Shockley at the focus of the transistor research project during the ensuing years.
在不熟悉情况的人看来，A型晶体管似乎将在1948年末进入商业市场，西电公司很快就能日产数千个。毕竟，AT&T的制造部门在战争期间不是也轻松地实现了晶体整流器的快速生产吗？但实验室里的专家们却明白并非如此。这种晶体管与众不同。事实上，在新型器件能够成为标准电路元件之前，必须解决许多棘手的问题。
To the unpracticed eye, it might have seemed that the type A transistor was about to hit the commercial marketplace in late 1948, with Western Electric soon turning out thousands per day. After all, hadn’t AT&T’s manufacturing arm easily accomplished such a speedy turnaround with crystal rectifiers during the war? But knowledgeable men within the labs recognized that the transistor was different. In fact, quite a number of nagging problems had to be resolved before the new device could ever become a standard circuit element.
在新闻发布会后的几周内，凯利宣布成立一个全新的团队。该团队的目标是扩大和深化将巴丁和布拉坦的发明转化为可快速投入使用的设备的必要技术资源。大规模生产。在凯利看来，这种“基础性发展”是实验室运用“有组织的创新技术”将研究成果转化为实用产品过程中至关重要的下一步。“这样，研究项目就能在一个经过深思熟虑的节点上接手，并在此基础上进行扩展，从而提供特定开发和设计所必需的基础技术。”他坚持认为，“关于系统和设施。”
Within weeks of the press conference, Kelly announced the formation of a brand new group. Its goal was to widen and deepen the technology pool needed to transform Bardeen and Brattain’s invention into devices that could be readily mass-produced. To Kelly, such “fundamental development” was the crucial next step in the process of “organized creative technology” used by the labs to convert the fruits of research into practical products. “In this way the programmes of research are taken over at a well-considered point and enlarged upon to supply the body of basic technology essential for the specific development and design of systems and facilities,” he maintained.
凯利成立这个小组，也是为了确保固态物理小组的科学家们能够继续专注于他们受聘从事的工作：对固体物质的行为和性质进行基础研究。正如他两年后所宣称的那样，
By setting up this group, Kelly also hoped to insure that scientists in the Solid State Physics group could continue to concentrate on the work they had specifically been hired to do: basic research into the behavior and properties of solid matter. As he proclaimed two years later,
对科学家而言，最重要的是将他们的努力集中在以下方面：研究领域。如果他们将研究领域扩展到基础研究领域。随着发展……他们往往会与各自科学领域的前沿脱节。久而久之，相当一部分人会丧失科研能力。
It is most important for the scientists to confine their efforts to the area of research. If they extend the area of their effort even to that of fundamental development . . . , they tend to lose contact with the forefront of their field of scientific interest. In time, a considerable fraction will lose their productivity in research.
他的解决方案是将基础发展工作交给一个单独的小组负责，该小组将与外界保持密切联系。与科研人员合作，但关注点更狭窄，以设备为导向。
His solution was to make fundamental development the responsibility of a separate group, which would maintain intimate contact with the research scientists but have a much narrower, device-oriented focus.
凯利任命杰克·莫顿担任这个新团队的负责人——莫顿是一位干劲十足、雄心勃勃、富有远见的人。和肖克利一样，他运动能力很强，而且极具竞争意识；事实上，尽管偶尔会有争执，但两人相处得很好。他们是很好的酒友，都喜欢驾驶小型英国跑车四处兜风。然后，三十五岁左右的莫顿，因领导一个团队开发出一种工作在微波频率的微型真空管放大器而声名鹊起。这项技术最终使AT&T公司得以实现电视信号的跨州传输。在1936年加入贝尔实验室之前，他已在密歇根大学获得了工程学硕士学位。与他一同加入新团队的还有贝克尔、希夫等人。以及其他从事晶体管开发项目的科学家和工程师。
At the helm of this new group, Kelly put Jack Morton—a hard-driving, aggressive, visionary man. Like Shockley, he was very athletic and highly competitive; in fact, the two men got along well despite occasional altercations. Good drinking buddies, they both enjoyed racing around in small English sports cars. Then in his mid-thirties, Morton had recently distinguished himself by heading a team that developed a tiny vacuum-tube amplifier that operated at microwave frequencies. It eventually permitted AT&T to transmit TV signals from coast to coast. Before entering Bell Labs in 1936, he had earned his master’s degree in engineering at the University of Michigan. Joining him in his new group were Becker, Shive, and other scientists and engineers then working on transistor development projects.
新闻发布会和其他公告发布后，索要晶体管样品的请求纷至沓来。其中，军方表现出浓厚的兴趣。“这种晶体管可以大大减轻地面士兵的负重，”陆军在一份新闻稿中宣称。重量减轻了近40%，而且超过标准“对讲机”无线电话机体积的一半是由于为其真空管供电所需的笨重干电池造成的。
After the press conference and other announcements, requests for sample transistors began pouring in. The armed services were among the most intensely interested. “The transistor could take a great load off the ground soldier’s back,” claimed an Army press release. Almost 40 percent of the weight and more than half the volume of standard “walkie-talkie” radio telephone sets were due to the heavy, bulky dry-cell batteries required to power their vacuum tubes.
为了满足爆炸式增长的需求以及实验室内部对晶体管的需求，莫顿建立了一条实验性生产线，生产A型晶体管。他将这些晶体管送到了信号兵团、海军研究实验室以及许多其他政府机构。服务实验室也收到了样品。签署了专利许可协议的公司，例如通用电气、摩托罗拉、RCA、Sonotone 和西屋电气，以及大学研究人员，例如 Lark-Horovitz、Seitz 和 Slater，也都收到了样品。如此激增的需求也让 Morton 的团队有机会发现并着手解决生产中存在的问题。
To satisfy this exploding demand and the need for units inside the labs, Morton set up an experimental production line turning out type A transistors. He sent them to the Signal Corps, the Naval Research Laboratory, and many other government and service laboratories. Companies that signed patent-licensing agreements, such as General Electric, Motorola, RCA, Sonotone, and Westinghouse, also received sample units, as did university researchers such as Lark-Horovitz, Seitz, and Slater. Such a surging demand also gave Morton’s group an opportunity to identify and begin shaking down production problems.
虽然它取得了令人印象深刻的成就起初，A型晶体管距离取代大多数电路中的真空管放大器还有很长的路要走。“在早期， ”莫顿回忆道，“如果有人砰地一声关上门，晶体管的性能就很容易发生变化。”
Although it had made an impressive start, the type A transistor still had a long way to go before it could begin to replace vacuum-tube amplifiers in most electrical circuits. “In the very early days,” recalled Morton, “the performance of a transistor was apt to change if someone slammed a door.”
没有两个晶体管的表现完全相同——这可能是由于表面效应和杂质含量微小差异造成的。痕量磷原子在青铜点例如，触点经常会扩散到其正下方的锗表面，导致难以预测的电流增益。这让老一辈的科学家和工程师想起了令人头疼的猫须探测器问题，而且第一批晶体管的噪声也远高于任何同等的真空管。此外，人们还可能因为粗暴操作而无意中损坏它们。处理或施加过高的电压。这些只是莫顿的新团队在电气工程师放弃他们信赖的真空管而转而使用新兴晶体管之前必须解决的众多棘手问题中的几个。
No two transistors behaved the same—probably due to surface effects and small variations in impurity levels. Trace phosphorus atoms in the bronze point contacts, for example, often diffused down into the germanium surface just beneath them and caused current gains that were difficult to predict. Reminding older scientists and engineers of the maddening problems of cat’s-whisker detectors, the first transistors also proved to be far noisier than any equivalent vacuum tubes. And people could unwittingly destroy them by rough handling or applying an excessive voltage. These were just a few of the thorny problems Morton’s new group had to solve before electrical engineers would abandon their trusty vacuum tubes for the fledgling transistors.
与此同时，肖克利和他的团队开始从亚微观层面了解电子和空穴如何在发射极和收集极之间流动。巴丁的理论图景他所描绘的都是需要通过严谨的实验来验证的假设。肖克利随即构思了一系列确凿的实验方案，并派遣团队成员去执行。
Meanwhile, Shockley and his cadre began to understand—in submicroscopic detail—how electrons and holes flow between the emitter and collector. The theoretical pictures that Bardeen and he had painted were hypotheses that needed testing by exacting, rigorous experiments. Shockley now conceived a series of definitive tests and dispatched members of his group to accomplish them.
最具启发性的实验是由迪克·海恩斯完成的，并在1948年7月7日分发给从事晶体管研究的科学家和工程师的一份备忘录中进行了报告（但奇怪的是，巴丁和……并没有收到）。布拉坦）。继肖克利之后根据建议，海恩斯用从锗锭上切割下来的一小块晶体，制作了一根扁平的N型锗细丝。然后，他将导线连接到细丝上，包括一排发射极和一个集电极触点，集电极触点与发射极之间的距离可以通过微操纵器轻松调节。事实上，他甚至可以将集电极触点放置在发射极的另一端。灯丝侧面。
The most revealing experiment was done by Dick Haynes and reported in a memo circulated on July 7, 1948, to the scientists and engineeers working on transistors (but not, curiously, to Bardeen and Brattain). Following Shockley’s suggestion, Haynes prepared a flat, narrow filament of N-type germanium from a small crystal he had cut out of an ingot. Then he attached electrical leads to it, including a row of emitters and a collector point contact whose separation from the emitter row could easily be altered using a micromanipulator. In fact, he could even put the collector on the opposite side of the filament.
右图为杰克·莫顿，他是 1948 年成立的晶体管开发小组的负责人；右图为罗伯特·赖德，他是莫顿的得力助手之一。
Jack Morton, right, head of the transistor development group formed in 1948, and Robert Ryder, one of his top lieutenants.
海恩斯通过沿灯丝施加电场，证明了从发射极流向集电极的电荷载流子确实带正电，正如空穴所预期的那样。通过将集电极置于灯丝的另一侧，他证明了（就像……一样）。希夫）发现，这些电子不仅沿着锗晶体的表面流动，也渗透到晶体内部。更重要的是，利用他更为精密的仪器，他能够测定空穴的流动速度——即它们的“漂移速度”——并估算出它们的平均寿命（即它们被周围自由电子淹没之前所经过的平均时间）为5到10微秒，也就是百万分之一秒。一秒钟。这看起来似乎很短，但在足够强的电场推动下，这点时间足以让孔洞快速移动，穿过将发射极排与集电极隔开的几密耳距离。
By applying an electric field along the filament, Haynes proved that charge carriers flowing from the emitters to the collector were, indeed, positively charged, as expected for holes. And by placing the collector point on the other side of the filament, he showed (like Shive) that they also trickled through the bulk of the germanium crystal, not just along its surface. What’s more, using his much more sophisticated apparatus, he could determine how rapidly the holes flowed—their “drift velocity”—and estimate their mean lifetime (the average time that elapses before they drown in the ocean of free electrons surrounding them) as 5 to 10 microseconds, or millionths of a second. This may not seem like much, but with a sufficiently strong electric field prodding the holes along, it proved to be enough time for them to dash the few mils separating the row of emitters from the collector.
海恩斯的实验堪称一项杰作。它与希夫的双面晶体管一起，有力地证明了肖克利的少数载流子注入理论的正确性。尽管空穴可以而且确实像巴丁图片中那样沿着狭窄的P型表面层缓慢流动，但它们也能直接穿过N型半导体的主体——即使那里有大量的电子随时准备吞噬它们。这是一个微妙但至关重要的区别，如果肖克利的结型晶体管构想要成为现实，就必须满足这个条件。在这次实验之后，他他确信自己走对了路。
The Haynes experiment was a tour de force. Together with Shive’s double-sided transistor, it firmly established the validity of Shockley’s minority-carrier injection idea. Although the holes could and did trickle along a narrow, P-type surface layer, as in Bardeen’s picture, they also rambled right through the bulk of the N-type semiconductor—even in the presence of far more electrons ready to gobble them up. This was a subtle but crucial distinction that had to hold true if Shockley’s junction-transistor idea was ever to become a reality. After this experiment, he was convinced he was on the right track.
在海恩斯的研究基础上，皮尔逊很快开发出一种制造厚度不足百分之一英寸的细半导体细丝的方法。他通过研磨从普通锗锭上切割下来的高反电压锗小片来实现这一目标。这种细丝具有有效控制电荷流动所需的狭窄通道。与气相沉积薄膜不同，这些细丝中的载流子仍然具有很高的迁移率。
Following up on Haynes’s work, Pearson soon developed a procedure for making narrow semiconductor filaments less than a hundredth of an inch thick. He accomplished this result by grinding down tiny pieces of high back-voltage germanium cut from the usual ingots. Such filaments possessed the narrow channels needed for effective control of the flow of charge carriers, which still had high mobility in these filaments—as opposed to vapor-deposited films.
皮尔逊的突破性进展激发了贝尔实验室半导体小组的又一波强劲的创新浪潮。肖克利很快意识到，通过使用锗丝，他可以消除一个，甚至可能两个碍事的金属触点，并用PN结取而代之。因为点接触他认为，造成高噪声水平的主要原因是这种“丝状”晶体管，与莫顿小组正在研究的 A 型晶体管相比，这种晶体管将带来重大改进。
Pearson’s advance sparked another intense burst of inventive activity in the Bell Labs semiconductor group. Shockley quickly realized that by using germanium filaments he could eliminate one, or perhaps even both, of the bothersome metal points, replacing them with P-N junctions. Because point contacts were largely responsible for the high noise levels being encountered, he figured, such “filamentary” transistors would yield major improvements over the type A transistors that Morton’s group was concentrating on.
到八月中旬，海恩斯、皮尔逊和肖克利已经用一个点接触制造出了一种丝状晶体管。他们还就这种新方法撰写了四份备忘录，并开始着手研究。一系列专利披露。之后，肖克利像往常一样前往乔治湖度假，在那里与家人和朋友一起在阿迪朗达克山脉徒步旅行和登山，度过了三个星期。
By mid-August Haynes, Pearson, and Shockley had fabricated a filamentary transistor using only one point contact. They had also written four memos on the new approach and were beginning a series of patent disclosures. Shockley then left for his customary summer vacation at Lake George, where he spent three weeks hiking and climbing the Adirondacks with family and friends.
Gerald Pearson 和 Richard Haynes 研究锗中少数载流子的流动。
Gerald Pearson and Richard Haynes studying the flow of minority carriers in germanium.
就在半导体研究小组走廊的尽头，隔壁一栋楼里，化学研究部正在办公，楼里坐着戈登·蒂尔，一位四十岁左右、神情严肃的德克萨斯人 ， 他是一名物理化学家。1948年2月，他得知晶体管取得突破性进展后，便渴望在晶体管的研发中扮演更重要的角色。20世纪20年代末，蒂尔在布朗大学攻读研究生期间，曾对锗化合物进行过研究，从此便对这种光泽闪耀的元素产生了一种断断续续的迷恋。“这是一种仅仅出于科学研究目的而被研究的材料，”蒂尔后来回忆起他的研究生工作时写道，“它完全无用这一点既让我着迷，也挑战了我的思维。”
JUST DOWN THE corridor from the semiconductor group, in an adjacent building occupied by the Chemical Research Department, sat Gordon Teal, a dour, fortyish Texan who worked as a physical chemist. After learning about the transistor breakthrough in February 1948, he yearned to play a bigger role in its development. Having done research on germanium compounds during the late 1920s as a graduate student at Brown University, he had had an off-and-on love affair with the lustrous element. “It was a material studied only for its scientific interest,” Teal later wrote, recalling his graduate work; “its complete uselessness fascinated and challenged me.”
1940年磁控管的发明使微波技术得以发展。雷达成为可能后，他满怀热情地重拾旧爱。他意识到锗也可以用于晶体整流器，于是制作了几个样品器件，并引起了霍姆德尔小组的兴趣，让他们参与到相关研究中来。事实上，当拉尔克-霍罗维茨于1942年访问贝尔实验室时，蒂尔对锗整流器的演示给他留下了深刻的印象。但这些努力在1942年后停滞不前，因为实验室非常重视硅材料。1944 年年中，麻省理工学院辐射实验室邀请贝尔实验室参与普渡大学高反电压锗的研发工作，但蒂尔因工伤事故患上肺炎，无法参与。这对他来说无疑是巨大的遗憾。
When the 1940 invention of the cavity magnetron made microwave radar possible, he returned to his former love with enthusiasm. Recognizing that germanium could also be used for crystal rectifiers, he fabricated several sample devices and got the Holmdel group interested in working on them. When Lark-Horovitz visited Bell Labs in 1942, in fact, he was impressed by Teal’s demonstration of germanium rectifiers. But these efforts languished after 1942 because the labs put heavy emphasis on silicon as the material of choice. And when the MIT Rad Lab invited Bell Labs to work on development aspects of Purdue’s high back-voltage germanium in mid-1944, Teal was ill with pneumonia due to a work-related accident and unable to participate. It became a bitter disappointment for him.
1945年，肖克利提出了关于场效应放大器的奇思妙想之后，蒂尔他提供了一些测试所需的硅样品，并在陶瓷晶片和圆柱体上沉积了硅薄膜。1948年初，巴丁和肖克利找到他，请他用他非常擅长的“热解法”制备硅和锗薄膜。与气相沉积（您可能还记得，气相沉积会导致电子和空穴迁移率很低）不同，这种方法该技术是通过将四氯化硅或氢化锗等高温气体通入温度低得多的衬底上，从而生长多晶薄膜；分解的气体将硅或锗沉积在薄薄的微小晶体层中。这种热解半导体薄膜可能比从锭块上切割下来的样品更纯净、更均匀。
After Shockley had his 1945 brainstorm about field-effect amplifiers, Teal supplied some of the silicon samples needed for tests, depositing thin films of the element on ceramic wafers and cylinders. And Bardeen and Shockley sought him out early in 1948, asking him to generate silicon and germanium films by the “pyrolitic” method, with which he had substantial expertise. Unlike vapor deposition (which, you may recall, led to poor mobility of electrons and holes), this technique involves growing polycrystalline films by passing hot gases such as silicon tetrachloride or germanium hydride over much cooler substrates; the decomposing gases deposit their silicon or germanium in a thin layer of tiny crystals. Such pyrolitic semiconductor films might be purer and more uniform than the samples cut from ingots.
在摩根·斯帕克斯的帮助下，蒂尔尽职尽责地提供了几个样品。六月份的测试表明，这些热解薄膜在许多方面确实更胜一筹。但蒂尔并不真正热衷于这种方法；他认为自己知道一种更好的半导体材料制备方法。他认为，真正的问题在于，就像冰冻池塘上的冰一样，几乎所有这些样品都由许多小晶体组成，晶体之间存在“晶界”。这些缺陷阻碍了电子和空穴的运动。这种“晶体缺陷”会扰乱它们均匀的波状流动，并像普通粒子一样将它们散射开来，就像真空管中残留的微量原子阻碍电子从高温阴极到阳极的快速运动一样。蒂尔认为，“清除固态介质中的此类缺陷”对于……同样重要。晶体管的成功发展，正如超高真空的实现之于电子管一样。
With the help of Morgan Sparks, Teal dutifully supplied several samples in June, and tests indicated that these pyrolitic films were indeed better in many respects. But Teal’s heart was not really in this approach; he thought he knew a better way to make semiconductor materials. The real problem, he figured, was the fact that, like ice on a frozen pond, almost all these samples were composed of many small crystals with “grain boundaries” between them that hindered the motion of the electrons and holes. Such “crystal defects” interrupt their uniform, wavelike flow and scatter them away helter-skelter, like ordinary particles, just as the trace atoms that remain in a vacuum tube obstruct the electrons darting from its hot cathode to its anode. Teal believed that “freeing the solid-state medium . . . from such defects would be as important to the successful development of the transistor as the achievement of ultra-high vacuum had been for the tube.”
蒂尔意识到自己终于有机会做出重要贡献，于是开始向肖克利和其他小组负责人建议，让他着手研究锗单晶的生长。他认为，这是制备极其均一、超纯样品的最佳方法。电性能很容易控制。7月初，当海恩斯报告他那具有启发意义的载流子注入实验时，蒂尔受到了迪克利用从锗锭中取出的单晶所取得的优异结果的鼓舞。随后丝状晶体管的发明更是让他信心倍增。正如他在8月份向他的上司们所敦促的那样：
Sensing that he finally had a chance to make an important contribution, Teal began suggesting to Shockley and other group leaders that he start research on growing single crystals of germanium. This, he figured, was the best way to produce extremely homogeneous, ultrapure samples whose electrical properties would be easy to control. When Haynes reported his revealing carrier-injection experiments in early July, Teal was buoyed by the excellent results that Dick had obtained using a single crystal prized from a germanium ingot. And the subsequent invention of filamentary transistors encouraged him even more. As he urged his bosses that August:
单身人士成长的可能性应研究丝状晶体，并评估此类丝状晶体和薄膜的微观结构对其应用性能的影响。此外，还应关注通过热处理、蚀刻和化学处理等方法制备PN结的效果。
The possibility of growing single crystals in filament form should be investigated and the effect of microstructure of such filaments and films on their usefulness should be evaluated. Moreover, the effects of heat treating, etching, and chemical treatment to give P-N junctions at will should receive attention.
但起初似乎没有人听进去。“我认为这对我们的研究来说是不必要的，”肖克利后来写道；“我们可以从现有的多晶锭中切割出合适的样品。”毕竟，这正是海恩斯和皮尔逊一直在做的事情。“他在这件事上相当固执，”蒂尔回忆道。
But nobody seemed to be listening, at first. “I considered this unnecessary for our research,” Shockley later wrote; “we could cut adequate specimens from available polycrystalline ingots.” That, after all, is what Haynes and Pearson had been doing. “He was pretty pig-headed on this,” recalled Teal.
部分问题出在蒂尔的性格上；他相当缺乏幽默感，固执己见，是个完美主义的“独行侠”，很少有人愿意和他共事。但贝尔实验室的体制惯性也是一个重要因素。肖克利和其他人不愿放弃他们沿用已久的锗样品制备方法。
Part of the problem was Teal’s personality; he was a fairly humorless, bull-headed, perfectionist “lone wolf” few people enjoyed working with. But institutional inertia at Bell Labs was another important factor. Shockley and the others were reluctant to abandon their time-honored methods of making germanium samples.
尽管蒂尔对这种缺乏关注感到沮丧，但他无法放弃自己的想法。他知道自己找到了一个绝佳的目标，所以他执着地不肯放手。他曾有过一段痛苦的战争经历：当时他因为官方缺乏兴趣而放弃了锗项目，却眼睁睁地看着它最终蓬勃发展。在他离开的这段时间里，他吸取了一个宝贵的教训。“如果我以后又有了什么我认为是世界级的绝妙想法，即使没人帮我，我也会坚持下去，”他坚持道，“我会一直做下去，直到被踢出局为止。”
Although discouraged by this lack of interest, Teal could not drop his idea. He knew he had a tasty bone in his teeth, and he doggedly refused to let go. From his bitter wartime experiences, when he abandoned his germanium project for lack of official interest only to witness it bloom in his absence, he had learned a valuable lesson. “If I ever had another idea I considered a world-beater, I’d work on it even if nobody gave me any help,” he insisted. “I’d work on it until I was kicked off.”
9月29日下午晚些时候，蒂尔偶然遇到了约翰·利特尔，一位刚被莫顿公司征召从事晶体管研发工作的机械工程师。他们讨论了他们的他们一边工作一边漫步穿过走廊，准备搭巴士去萨米特。利特尔说他需要一根细锗棒来制作丝状晶体管。为了尽量减少浪费，这根锗棒必须足够细，才能用小型金刚石砂轮切割。“当然，我可以从锗熔体中拉出一根给你，”蒂尔说着，两人便上了巴士，“顺便一提，它还会是一根……”单晶也一样。”
Late on the afternoon of September 29, Teal happened to encounter John Little, a mechanical engineer who had just been drafted by Morton to work on transistor development. They discussed their work as they ambled through the hallways to catch the bus for Summit. Little said that he needed a thin germanium rod for use in fashioning a filamentary transistor. To minimize waste, the rod had to be narrow enough to be cut by a small diamond wheel. “Sure, I can make you a rod by pulling one out of a germanium melt,” declared Teal as the two boarded the bus, “and incidentally, it will be a single crystal too.”
他设想的晶体生长方法源于一位名不见经传的波兰科学家J. Czochralski于1917年进行的研究。该方法是将一枚微小的“晶种”置于溶液或熔融液体中，然后缓慢地将晶种取出，同时原子层在其下端逐渐积累。Teal和Little绘制了晶体生长机制的示意图。他们一起乘公交车：
The crystal-growing method he had in mind was based on 1917 research by an obscure Polish scientist, J. Czochralski. It involved placing a tiny “seed” crystal in contact with a solution or molten liquid and then withdrawing the seed very slowly as additional layers of atoms gradually accumulated on its lower end. Teal and Little sketched out a crystal-growing mechanism as they rode the bus together:
我们需要的只是一个能够平稳地将棒材拉出并能承受高温的装置。石墨坩埚似乎是熔化锗的合适容器，而钟表机械装置则可以用来平稳地将棒材从熔体表面提起。
All we needed was something that would pull the rod out smoothly and withstand the heat. A graphite crucible seemed a suitable vessel in which to melt some germanium, and a clock mechanism would serve to smoothly lift the rod from the surface of the melt.
在骑行三英里到达山顶的途中，他们已经画出了装置的草图。仅仅两天后，他们就把它建造出来了。他们利用利特尔位于西街实验室里的大型钟罩和感应加热线圈，在氢气环境中成功制备出了第一块细长的锗晶体。
By the end of their three-mile ride to Summit, they had sketched out an apparatus. Just two days later, they built it using a large bell jar and an induction-heating coil that Little had in his West Street lab. With it they managed to pull their first spindly germanium crystal in a surrounding atmosphere of hydrogen gas.
但这项工作是他们自发进行的，并未获得官方许可或批准。大部分额外的晶体拉制和相关测量工作都是通过绘制两张电路图完成的。贝尔公司“凯利学院”的工程师们——他们在实验室里通过参与各种项目来学习相关知识，之后才最终确定具体岗位。蒂尔肩负着开发用于新型电话的碳化硅整流器的重任，因此几乎没有时间投入到晶体生长项目中。他曾向他的上司和肖克利请求资助，但他们拒绝了。再次拒绝。
But they did this work on their own initiative, without official permission or approval. Most of the additional crystal pulling and related measurement was accomplished by drafting two electrical engineers from Bell’s “Kelly College”—men who were learning about the labs by working on assorted projects before settling down in specific positions. Carrying a heavy responsibility for the development of a silicon-carbide rectifier to be used in new telephones, Teal had precious little time to spend on the crystal-growing project. He asked his bosses and Shockley for financial support, but they again refused.
他并未气馁，于12月再次向莫顿求助，坚持认为更均匀的半导体材料对于大规模晶体管生产至关重要。莫顿接受了这一论点，但他的支持只是部分性的。他同意只支付建造一套新的晶体拉制装置的费用，这套装置可以在蒂尔的实验室里安装和运行，并向他保证：“戈登，你会得到……”这应归功于科学界。”
Undeterred, he appealed to Morton in December, insisting that a more uniform semiconducting material would be important for large-scale transistor manufacture. Morton bought this argument, but his support was only partial. He agreed to pay just the costs of building a new crystal-pulling apparatus that could be set up and operated in Teal’s laboratory, reassuring him, “Gordon, you will get the scientific credit for this.”
与此同时，巴丁和布拉坦 与半导体研究组的其他成员之间的距离越来越远。那年秋天，固态物理研究组搬到了默里山的新楼，他们的办公室在二楼，就在肖克利及其最亲密的合作者们的办公室楼下。他们撰写了一篇更加详细、内容更丰富的物理论文。他们发现了晶体管，并开始在科学会议上发表关于他们突破性发现的报告。但他们完全没有参与海恩斯、皮尔逊和肖克利对丝状晶体管的研发。相反，他们专注于研究点接触下的表面效应和半导体行为。两大洲之间的鸿沟持续扩大。
MEANWHILE, BARDEEN AND Brattain were becoming further alienated from the rest of the semiconductor group. When the Solid State Physics group moved to a new building at Murray Hill that fall, they found their offices on the second floor, beneath those of Shockley and his closest collaborators. They wrote up a much more detailed and extensive paper about the physics of the transistor and began presenting talks about their breakthrough at scientific meetings. But they did not get involved at all in Haynes, Pearson, and Shockley’s development of filamentary transistors. Instead they concentrated on investigating surface effects and semiconductor behavior under the point contacts. The gulf between the two continents continued to widen.
这场暗流涌动的争端关于锗内部载流子如何流动的争论似乎逐渐平息，因为巴丁和布拉坦逐渐承认了肖克利的少数载流子注入假说的正确性。例如，在10月15日由这三位学者共同撰写的、提交给11月美国国家科学院会议的论文草稿中，他们写道：
The smoldering dispute about how the charge carriers flowed inside the germanium seemed to die out, as Bardeen and Brattain gradually acknowledged the validity of Shockley’s minority-carrier injection hypothesis. An October 15 draft of a joint paper co-authored by the three men for a November meeting of the National Academy of Sciences, for example, states:
晶体管中使用的锗通常含有化学物质。杂质导致其仅通过过量工艺导电，空穴数量可忽略不计。当发射极正向或正向工作时在该方向上，它不仅会吸引多余的电子，还会从价键中吸引电子，从而引入空穴。
The germanium used in transistors normally contains chemical impurities which cause it to conduct only by the excess process, a negligible number of holes being present. When the emitter is operated in the forward or plus direction, it draws not only excess electrons but also electrons from the valence bonds as well, thus introducing holes.
但肖克利亲笔在后面加了一句意味深长的附加语；它接续第二句：“这在某些方面一些空穴以薄层形式流过半导体表面，而另一些空穴则明显扩散到半导体内部。”在他们同年12月投稿给《物理评论》的详细文章中，巴丁和布拉坦做出了更多让步。他们指出：“对于平面上两个距离很近的点，空穴既可以流过表面层，也可以流过半导体内部。”
But a telling clause has been appended in Shockley’s handwriting; it continues the second sentence: “which in some cases flow in a thin layer on the surface in and others apparently diffuse into the body of the semi-conductor.” And in the detailed article that they sent to the Physical Review that December, Bardeen and Brattain conceded more ground. “With two points close together on a plane surface,” they stated, “holes may flow either through the surface layer or through the body of the semiconductor.”
那年秋天，三人都开始了巡回演讲，日程安排得满满当当，听众包括科学家、工程师和电话公司员工。布拉坦10月份访问了普林斯顿大学和康奈尔大学，然后前往芝加哥，于11月4日在全国电子学会议上发表演讲。当月晚些时候，在伯克利参加完美国国家科学院会议后，他又前往太平洋西北地区。巴丁先是前往波特兰和西雅图探望家人并与他们交谈，然后途经明尼阿波利斯和明尼苏达大学返回。之后，他在芝加哥举行的美国物理学会会议上发表了演讲，回程途中还顺道访问了普渡大学和橡树岭国家实验室。肖克利则是所有人中最忙碌的，他在纽约和费城向工程学会发表演讲后，又做了晶体管方面的报告。在伯克利，他发表了演讲；随后又在洛杉矶、加州理工学院、芝加哥和伊利诺伊大学进行了演讲。每次演讲都吸引了数百名热情洋溢的听众。
All three hit the lecture circuit that fall, each with exhausting schedules of talks before scientists, engineers, and telephone-company employees. Brattain visited Princeton and Cornell in October, then headed for Chicago to speak at the National Electronics Conference on November 4. Later that month, following the National Academy of Sciences meeting in Berkeley, he swung through the Pacific Northwest to see his folks and talk in Portland and Seattle, returning via Minneapolis and the University of Minnesota. Bardeen addressed the American Physical Society meeting in Chicago, stopping off at Purdue and the Oak Ridge National Laboratory on his way back. Shockley was the busiest of all, speaking to engineering societies in New York and Philadelphia before giving the transistor presentation at Berkeley; he followed that up with talks in Los Angeles and at Cal Tech, as well as Chicago and the University of Illinois. Large, eager crowds often numbering in the hundreds showed up for every lecture.
但地平线上笼罩着一片乌云，名为“利连菲尔德”。美国专利商标局声称这些发明早已被预先提出，因此驳回了前四项专利申请中的两项。关于半导体放大器：涵盖了巴丁、布拉坦和吉布尼于1947年11月完成的工作。正如律师哈特所指出的那样：
But a cloud hung on the horizon, labeled “Lilienfeld.” Claiming that these inventions had already been anticipated, the U.S. Patent Office rejected two of the first four patent applications on semiconductor amplifiers: those covering the November 1947 work of Bardeen, Brattain, and Gibney. As attorney Hart noted:
在巴丁申请中，除某些特定权利要求（尚未就实质内容作出裁决）外，所有权利要求均被驳回，理由是利连菲尔德已完全预见或已基本满足。在布拉坦-吉布尼申请中，所有权利要求均被驳回。均因不符合 Lilienfeld 专利的要求而被驳回。
In the Bardeen application, except for certain specific claims on which no action on the merits has been given, the claims have all been rejected either as fully anticipated by Lilienfeld or as substantially met by Lilienfeld. In the Brattain-Gibney application all claims have been rejected as being unpatentable over either Lilienfeld patent.
至关重要的巴丁-布拉坦专利和肖克利结型晶体管专利仍在审批中。但这两项专利也随时可能被驳回。
The crucial Bardeen-Brattain patent was still pending, as was that on Shockley’s junction transistor. But rejection of those, too, could come at any time.
贝尔实验室做好了打持久战的准备。11月初，鲍恩任命了一个委员会，仔细审查利连菲尔德的专利，并调查他的专利是否涉嫌侵权。这些想法具有技术价值。这项研究必须在1949年3月之前完成，因为这是向专利局提交任何答复的最后期限。作为该小组的成员，巴丁现在又承担了另一项重要职责，这占据了他大量的时间，使他无暇进行研究。
Bell Labs girded for a long fight. In early November Bown appointed a committee to look hard at Lilienfeld’s patents and investigate whether his ideas had technical merit. This study had to be completed by March 1949, the deadline for any response to the Patent Office. As a member of this group, Bardeen now had another important responsibility that absorbed his time and kept him from doing research.
自1940 年奥尔在硅片中发现第一个 PN 结以来，制造 PN 结的实践与其说是一种成熟的技术，不如说是一种神秘的魔法。 技术。随着十年的结束，这项技术的糟糕现状成为了实现实用型结型晶体管的最大障碍。肖克利可以设计出无数种采用这些结型晶体管的半导体放大器，并能以任何可以想象的方式进行配置，但他的草图大多只能停留在纸上谈兵的阶段，直到制造结型晶体管的技术最终赶上他的水平。爆发性的创造力。
EVER SINCE 1940, when Ohl discovered the first P-N junction in a silicon shard, the practice of fabricating them had been more a form of black magic than a well-established technology. As the decade waned, the sorry state of this art was the biggest obstacle blocking the road to a working junction transistor. Shockley could design any number of semiconductor amplifiers employing these junctions in every configuration imaginable, but his sketches would remain mostly a form of mental masturbation until the art of fabricating junctions finally caught up with his explosive inventiveness.
正如Theuerer和Pfann所证明的那样，在缓慢冷却的锗或硅中，痕量杂质（铝、硼、磷、砷等）的自发偏析几乎总是会形成PN结。但是，要精确控制PN结的电学特性，使其具有特定的性能，则完全是另一回事。人们常常需要处理杂质含量……这些物质基本上无法检测，而且为了控制这些物质在极其微小的区域内的浓度，只能借助显微镜才能观察到。
As Theuerer and Pfann had shown, the spontaneous segregation of trace impurities—aluminum, boron, phosphorus, arsenic, and so forth—in slowly cooling germanium or silicon almost always produced P-N junctions. But deliberately fabricating them with precisely controlled electrical characteristics was another matter entirely. One often had to deal with impurity levels that were essentially undetectable and to control these concentrations in regions so minuscule they could be viewed only with the aid of a microscope.
早期制备PN结的尝试通常是对新制备的半导体表面进行某种形式的处理。例如，先用酸蚀刻或喷砂去除不需要的污染物，然后将表面暴露出来。可以通过加热、化学反应或辐射来改变其导电类型。例如，可以在表面蒸镀一层额外的半导体层——例如，在N型衬底上蒸镀P型锗。有时，人们会采用一种科学原理尚不明确的技术，即通过加热来改变其中一层的导电类型。然而，这种方法的一个主要缺点是蒸镀层中电子和空穴的迁移率很低。层。
Early attempts at making P-N junctions generally consisted of subjecting a freshly prepared semiconductor surface to some manner of abuse. After etching it with acids or sandblasting it to chase off undesirable contaminants, the surface was exposed to heat, chemicals, or radiation. An additional semiconductor layer might be evaporated onto the surface—P-type germanium on an N-type base, for example. Using a technique whose scientific basis was poorly understood, heat was sometimes applied to reverse the conductivity type of either layer. A big disadvantage of this approach, however, was the sluggish mobility of electrons and holes in evaporated layers.
解决这些问题的重任越来越落在摩根·斯帕克斯的肩上。斯帕克斯是科罗拉多州人， 1943年从伊利诺伊大学获得化学博士学位后来到贝尔实验室，从事蓄电池和整流器的研究，直到吉布尼的离职，才为他提供了科学生涯中难得一遇的机会。他英俊潇洒，为人低调，说话轻声细语。斯帕克斯留着寸头，眼神深邃而富有笑意，他接管了吉布尼的实验室，就在皮尔逊对面，海恩斯隔壁。他很快就赢得了肖克利的秘书贝蒂·麦克沃伊的芳心，并于1949年与她结婚。
The responsibility for solving these problems fell increasingly on Morgan Sparks. A native of Colorado who had come to Bell Labs in 1943 after receiving his Ph.D. in chemistry from the University of Illinois, he worked on storage batteries and rectifiers until Gibney’s departure offered him the kind of opportunity that occurs only once in a scientific career. A handsome, low-key, soft-spoken man with close-cropped hair and deep, smiling eyes, Sparks took over Gibney’s laboratory just across the corridor from Pearson and next to Haynes. He soon charmed Shockley’s secretary, Betty MacEvoy, and married her in 1949.
那年三月，斯帕克斯发明了第一个结型晶体管。他与技术员罗伯特·米库利亚克合作，将一滴熔融的P型锗滴在加热的表面上。N型锗片。待这些部件冷却熔合在一起，形成PN结后，他们沿液滴边缘平行切割了两条狭窄的垂直线，从而在N型锗片上形成两个相距2密耳的P型锗小指。然后，他们将导线连接到这两个小指上，形成发射极和集电极，并将第三根导线连接到基极，从而使他们的器件几乎它的几何形状与点接触晶体管完全相同，只是将点接触替换成了PN结。斯帕克斯于1949年4月6日测试了这个原型，发现它能实现高达16的功率增益。
That March Sparks figured out how to make the first junction transistor. Working with his technician, Robert Mikulyak, he put a droplet of molten P-type germanium on a heated N-type slab. After these parts cooled and fused together, forming a P-N junction, they cut two narrow, vertical lines parallel to one edge of the drop, thereby forming two small fingers of P-type germanium sticking up from the N-type base 2 mils apart. Then they connected electrical leads to both fingers, forming an emitter and a collector, and a third lead to the base, giving their device almost exactly the geometry of a point-contact transistor but with its point contacts replaced by P-N junctions. Sparks tested this prototype on April 6, 1949, and discovered he could obtain power-gain factors as high as 16 with it.
尽管这项简单粗暴的“原理验证”实验并没有采用肖克利设想的紧凑高效的三明治式结构，但至少它奏效了——并且证明了……他提出的结型晶体管方案是可行的。他可以感到欣慰，因为他正朝着正确的方向前进。如果晶体管的“基极”是由两层不同类型半导体层之间的一层薄半导体层构成，并且晶体管的制造工艺能够改进，那么其性能将会大大提升。
Although this brute-force, “proof of principle” experiment did not use the compact, efficient sandwich-style structure that Shockley envisioned, at least it worked—and showed that his junction approach was viable. He could take heart that he was headed in the right direction. With a properly fabricated transistor whose “base” was instead a thin semiconductor layer between two other layers of the opposite type, the performance would be far better.
受到鼓舞的肖克利加倍努力，致力于完善基于结和晶体管的理论理解。那年春天，他向实验室的晶体管工人分发了一份题为《PN结理论》的长篇备忘录。同年7月，该备忘录以《半导体和PN结晶体管中的PN结理论》为题发表在贝尔系统技术期刊上，成为一部经典之作，其影响力甚至超过了巴丁和布拉坦发表在《物理评论》上的文章。肖克利继续发布专利披露。他以惊人的速度进行写作。同时，他还在疯狂地撰写《半导体中的电子和空穴》一书的手稿，几乎每月都能完成一章。他浩瀚的学术成果依然令人叹为观止。
Encouraged, Shockley redoubled his campaign to refine the theoretical understanding of junctions and transistors based upon them. That spring he circulated among transistor workers at the labs a lengthy memorandum entitled “The Theory of P-N Junctions.” Published that July in the Bell System Technical Journal as “The Theory of P-N Junctions in Semiconductors and P-N Junction Transistors,” it became a classic treatise, eclipsing Bardeen and Brattain’s Physical Review article. Shockley continued issuing patent disclosures at a dizzying pace. And he was furiously at work on the manuscript for a book, Electrons and Holes in Semiconductors, churning out nearly a chapter a month. His vast intellectual output continued to be nothing short of phenomenal.
贝尔实验室促进科学家和工程师之间沟通的另一种 方式是召开关于晶体管项目的跨部门会议。此前已有……前一年十月举办了两场研讨会，约有五十人参加，巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利在会上详细阐述了他们的突破性成果。同年三月和四月，在默里山礼堂又举办了三场研讨会，出席人数超过一百人，其他贡献者也介绍了他们的最新研究成果。海恩斯谈到了他关于孔迁移率的实验，普凡则介绍了PN结的制备方法。斯帕克斯则在他那简陋的结型晶体管上进行了研究。4月14日下午，蒂尔终于有机会讨论他尝试生长锗单晶的成果。
ANOTHER WAY BELL Labs promoted communication among its scientists and engineers was to hold interdepartmental conferences about the transistor project. There had been two the previous October, with perhaps 50 participants, at which Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley explained their breakthroughs in detail. Three more occurred in the Murray Hill auditorium that March and April, with the attendance swelling to over 100, featuring the recent efforts of other contributors. Haynes talked about his experiments on hole mobility, Pfann on the preparation of P-N junctions, and Sparks on his crude junction transistor. On the afternoon of April 14, Teal finally got a chance to discuss his attempts to grow single crystals of germanium.
在莫顿的支持下，他和利特尔建立了一个规模更大的公司。他们制造了一台近7英尺高、两英尺宽的晶体拉制装置。但由于他们连一个小型专用实验室都找不到，他们只好把这台装置搬到了……他们给它装上了轮子，这样就可以把它推进推出冶金实验室的储藏室。他们利用自己的业余时间，主要是晚上和周末，成功地“非法”建立了自己的晶体生长程序。
With Morton’s support, he and Little had built a much more substantial crystal-pulling apparatus that was almost 7 feet high and 2 feet on each side. But because they could not get even a small laboratory dedicated to them, they put it on a set of wheels so that it could be rolled into and out of a storage closet in the metallurgical lab. Working on their own time, mostly evenings and weekends, they managed to “bootleg” their crystal-growing program into existence.
这意味着我经常在凌晨两三点钟的时候，不得不断开大约30英尺长的氢气、氮气和水冷管道与墙壁的连接。“通往拉丝机的线路以及通往高频加热器的高压电线，”蒂尔回忆道。“大约下午4点半，当技术人员开始准备下班时，我可以反向操作，重新开始晶体生长实验。”白天，他专注于他常规的碳化硅项目。“这几乎成了我整个职业生涯的一部分。”“那是1949年，”他回忆道。独自一人照顾三个孩子后，他的妻子莉达开始抱怨说，她“厌倦了我把大部分时间都花在贝尔实验室”。
“This meant that frequently around 2 or 3 o’clock in the morning I had to disconnnect from the wall approximately 30 foot hydrogen, nitrogen and water-cooling lines leading to the puller as well as high-power electric lines to the high-frequency heater,” Teal recalled. “About 4:30 p.m. when the technicians started getting ready to go home, I could reverse the process and begin crystal-growing experiments again.” During the daytime he concentrated on his regular silicon-carbide project. “This became pretty much a way of life for me during almost all of 1949,” he reminisced. Left alone to care for their three children, his wife, Lyda, began complaining that she was “sick and tired of my spending most of my days and nights at Bell Labs.”
1949年3月，蒂尔将他最早获得的锗晶体之一送给了斯帕克斯，斯帕克斯也是一名物理化学家，在加入肖克利的研究小组之前，两人曾是化学系的同事。斯帕克斯将晶体切成了几块。为了进行一系列测试，主要研究其对热的反应，他们切取了样品。那年夏天，两人同意继续合作；蒂尔欣然提供了更多样品，并鼓励他的新盟友进行实验。
In March 1949 Teal gave one of his first germanium crystals to Sparks, also a physical chemist and a fellow colleague in the chemistry department before joining Shockley’s group. Sparks cut it up into several slices for a series of tests, mainly on its response to heat. That summer the two men agreed to collaborate on a continuing basis; Teal gladly provided additional samples and encouraged his new ally to experiment with them.
不久，海恩斯开始测试这些晶体中的电子和空穴迁移率。他惊讶地发现，在某些样品中，少数载流子的寿命超过100年。微秒——万分之一秒。这样的寿命至少比他用从锭块上切割下来的单晶所获得的寿命长10倍，比多晶样品的寿命长20到100倍！
Soon Haynes was testing the electron and hole mobility in these crystals. He was surprised to find that in certain samples, the minority carriers survived longer than 100 microseconds—a ten-thousandth of a second. Such a lifetime was at least 10 times longer than he had obtained using single crystals cut from ingots, and 20 to 100 times better than the lifetimes in polycrystalline samples!
这一显著改进的部分原因是蒂尔和利特尔通过精确控制晶体生长过程实现了极高的均匀性。但另一个重要因素是……关键因素是这些晶体中锗的纯度极高。熔体中的杂质在一定程度上保留了下来，因此晶体的纯度甚至高于熔体本身。为了提纯样品，蒂尔和利特尔熔化了一些早期晶体，并用得到的锗来生长新的晶体；通过重复这个循环几次，他们可以获得纯度非常高的晶体。
Part of the reason for this drastic improvement was the great uniformity that Teal and Little had achieved by precise control of the crystal-growing process. But another important factor was the extreme purity of the germanium in these crystals. The impurities in the melt remained there to a certain extent so that the crystals came out purer than the melt from which they had been drawn. To purify their samples, therefore, Teal and Little melted down some of their earlier crystals and used the resulting germanium to grow new ones; by repeating this cycle a few times, they could obtain very high-purity crystals.
随着这一成功的消息在半导体领域传开，肖克利终于开始重视蒂尔的工作。到1949年末，他不得不承认自己错了。鉴于这些生长出的锗晶体具有远超以往的性能和精确可控的电学特性，它们显然是他研究的理想选择。该小组的实验。通过十二月，蒂尔和利特尔拥有了自己的实验室，还有一位助手厄尼·布勒负责操作晶体生长设备。他们再也不用在晚上工作，也不用在凌晨时分把设备推回壁橱了。不久之后，贝尔实验室将拥有一个专门负责锗单晶生长的团队。
As word of this success percolated through the semiconductor group, Shockley finally began to sit up and take notice of Teal’s work. By late 1949 he had to admit that he’d been wrong. Given the vastly superior performance and precisely controlled electrical characteristics of these grown germanium crystals, they were the obvious choice for use in his group’s experiments. By December Teal and Little had their own laboratory—plus an assistant, Ernie Buehler, to run the crystal-growing apparatus. And they no longer had to work during the evenings and wheel their equipment back into a closet in the early morning hours. Soon Bell Labs would have an entire group devoted to growing single germanium crystals.
B Y MID -1949莫顿生产线他生产了超过3700个A型晶体管，并将其中2700多个分发给了其他公司、军方和大学研究人员。应肖克利的要求，他寄了几个给芝加哥大学的恩里科·费米，供其用于核物理实验。“非常感谢您寄来的晶体管，”费米很快回复道，“它们真是非常精良的装置。”我非常希望它们能对我们的工作有所帮助。
BY MID-1949 Morton’s production line had turned out more than 3,700 type A transistors and distributed over 2,700 of them to other companies, the military, and university researchers. At Shockley’s request, he had sent a couple to Enrico Fermi at the University of Chicago for use in his experiments in nuclear physics. “Thank you very much for sending the transistors,” Fermi quickly replied. “They really are very fine gadgets and I hope very much that they might be useful in our work.”
但点接触晶体管仍然面临着一些棘手的问题，这些问题很难克服。它们的噪声仍然比同等功率的真空管大得多，而且在功率输出和频率范围方面也存在严重的局限性。更糟糕的是，它们的性能特征在不同器件之间差异很大。例如，同一批次产品从装配线下线时，集电极电流增益的变化幅度高达 50%。
But point-contact transistors still encountered vexing problems that proved very difficult to overcome. They continued to be much noisier than equivalent vacuum tubes, and they had serious limitations in power output and frequency range. What’s worse, their performance characteristics differed substantially from one unit to the next. For example, the current gain at the collector varied by as much as 50 percent in a single batch coming off the assembly line.
布拉坦和普凡发明了一种称为“成型”的技术，该技术有助于提高晶体管的增益并降低其变异性。这涉及到对集电极触点施加高压脉冲；成型过程的结果取决于表面准备工作和脉冲频率等因素都会影响结果。通过运用这种技术并筛选出反应良好的单元，平均增益提高了50%以上，而变异性则下降到近20%。
Brattain and Pfann had invented a technique known as “forming” that helped to increase the gain and reduce the variability of these transistors. This involved applying high-voltage pulses to the collector point contact; the results of the forming process depended on surface preparation and the pulse frequency, among other factors. By using this technique and selecting those units that responded favorably, the average gain rose by more than 50 percent while their variability dropped to almost 20 percent.
然而，在肖克利看来，这种成型技术又是制造点接触晶体管过程中固有的“神秘魔法”的又一例证。人们纷纷猜测锗表面究竟发生了什么才导致性能提升，但没有人真正从根本上理解其中的原理。肖克利在推进PN结研究的同时，经常嘲讽莫顿团队的工作。
To Shockley, however, this forming technique was yet another example of the “mysterious witchcraft” inherent in making point-contact transistors. There was plenty of speculation about what might be happening at the germanium surface to cause the improved performance, but nobody really understood in a truly fundamental way exactly what was going on. Shockley often ridiculed the work of Morton’s group as he pushed forward with his research on P-N junctions.
在他经历了几乎坚不可摧的表面态阻碍他预测的挫败之后，肖克利对场效应晶体管完全不信任任何严重依赖半导体表面反复无常行为的器件。尽管他的结型晶体管制造起来可能更困难，但至少它具有简单的一维几何结构，避免了复杂的三维电流流动和难以控制的表面。点接触固有效应设备。
After his frustrating experience with the nearly impregnable surface states blocking his predicted field effect, Shockley thoroughly distrusted any device that depended so heavily on the capricious behavior occurring at a semiconductor surface. Although his junction transistor might prove more difficult to fabricate, at least it had a simple, one-dimensional geometry that avoided the complicated, three-dimensional current flow and the hard-to-control surface effects intrinsic to point-contact devices.
AT&T以外的人开始怀疑，最初对晶体管的热情是否为时过早。《消费者报告》1949年9月的一篇文章指出：“贝尔系统目前对晶体管的表态要低调得多，给人一种严加保密的印象。关于晶体管的直接实际应用，他们很少提及。晶体管的种种难题…… ”高噪音水平备受关注。”
People beyond AT&T were beginning to suspect that all the original enthusiasm over the transistor had been premature. “Current Bell System statements concerning the transistor are far more subdued and give a strong impression that it is under wraps,” noted a September 1949 article in Consumer Reports. “Very little is said of immediate practical applications. Such transistor difficulties as high noise level are stressed.”
但编辑们接着指出，或许造成延误的真正原因并非技术问题，而是另一系列与此无关的事件。他们提到，美国司法部刚刚在1月份对AT&T提起反垄断诉讼，要求其剥离西电公司。他们推测，贝尔系统可能正在“掌控”着一切。“在反垄断情况明朗之前，请支持晶体管。”
But the editors went on to suggest that perhaps a different set of events having nothing to do with technical problems was actually responsible for the delay. They noted that the U.S. Department of Justice had just filed an antitrust suit against AT&T in January, calling for the divestiture of Western Electric. Possibly, they suggested, “the Bell System is holding back the transistor pending clarification of this antitrust situation.”
自1919年成立以来，美国无线电公司（RCA）几乎一直与AT&T就专利侵权和其他激烈纠纷发生冲突。RCA将无线电广播作为其专属市场，并成为无线电和一般娱乐用途真空管的主要制造商。该公司每年仅靠这些销售额就获得了超过2.5亿美元的收入。《消费者报告》总结道： “晶体管的未来必须放在企业巨头之间这场法律战的背景下看待。”
Almost since its inception in 1919, the Radio Corporation of America had frequently locked horns with AT&T over patent infringements and other bitter disputes. Having staked out radio broadcasting as its own proprietary market, RCA became the preeminent manufacturer of vacuum tubes for radio and general entertainment purposes, and was grossing over a quarter of a billion dollars a year from these sales. “The future of the transistor must be viewed against this background of legal warfare between corporate giants,” concluded Consumer Reports, observing that
美国无线电公司和其他无线电研究实验室目前正努力开发一种类似的金属放大器，这种放大器不会侵犯晶体管专利，但是：这恐怕并非易事。贝尔系统与美国无线电公司在1926年和1935年达成的休战协议完全有可能在一场围绕另一款源自纯粹研究的设备而展开的新一轮公司间争斗中被打破，而消费者最终将从中受益。
RCA and other radio research laboratories are now hard at work trying to develop a similar metallic amplifier which will not infringe on transistor patents, but this will probably be no easy task. It is entirely possible that the Bell-System–RCA truces of 1926 and 1935 will be broken in a new intercorporation fight centered about another device originating from pure research, and that the consumer will benefit.
1950年的前 几个月 ，蒂尔和利特尔的晶体生长技术开始取得成效。他们与蒂尔和比勒密切合作。在固态研究组附近搭建的一个小型实验室里，斯帕克斯开始直接从熔体中制备PN结。他们首先利用由高反电压锗组成的N型晶种，从掺杂了镓的P型熔体中拉出晶体。镓是一种稀有的第三列元素，在元素周期表中位于锗旁边，铝的正下方。斯帕克斯将一个点接触点靠近PN结，就实现了晶体管工作。这是一种混合晶体管，其中点接触点充当发射极，PN结充当集电极，反之亦然。
DURING THE FIRST few months of 1950, Teal and Little’s crystal-growing technique began to pay dividends. Working closely with Teal and Buehler in a small laboratory set up near the solid-state group, Sparks began forming P-N junctions directly out of the melt. They first accomplished this feat by pulling a crystal using an N-type seed composed of high back-voltage germanium from a P-type melt, which had been doped with gallium, a rare third-column element that sits next to germanium and right beneath aluminum in the periodic table. By jabbing a point contact down close to the junction, Sparks obtained transistor action. It was a kind of hybrid transistor, with the point contact serving as emitter and the P-N junction as collector, or vice versa.
Sparks 和 Teal 还尝试通过将两个晶种靠近放置并浸入锗熔体中，然后缓慢地平行取出来制造结型晶体管。在两个N型指状结构之间，形成了一条不稳定的P型锗晶体桥。这种结构与Sparks和Mikulyak在前一年四月使用多晶锗制造的原型类似。但Sparks和Teal无法利用这种NPN结构实现晶体管工作。
Sparks and Teal also tried to make junction transistors by putting two seed crystals close together and dipping them into the germanium melt, then slowly withdrawing them in parallel. A shaky bridge of P-type germanium crystallized between the two N-type fingers. This configuration was similar to the prototype that Sparks and Mikulyak had fabricated the prior April using polycrystalline germanium. But Sparks and Teal could not obtain any transistor action with such N-P-N structures.
肖克利最近才开始接受蒂尔的晶体生长技术，但他很快就对蒂尔的理论感到不耐烦了。取得的进展。1950年3月13日，斯帕克斯在他的实验记录本中写下了一段意味深长的文字：
A recent convert to Teal’s crystal-growing techniques, Shockley began to get impatient with the progress being made. On March 13, 1950, Sparks made a telling entry in his lab notebook:
最近，肖克利多次催促我们推进几个月前与蒂尔共同计划的一项实验。该实验旨在通过在拉丝过程中向熔体中添加合适的杂质来制备PN结或连续的PNP层。这项技术或许能够制备出应力更小的PN结。与目前获得的结果相比，可能存在一些热冲击，这是由于晶种接触熔体时突然加热造成的。我们必须提供一种添加杂质的方法，可能还需要某种搅拌装置。
Shockley has prodded us several times recently to do something about an expt. which we planned with Teal several months ago. It involves making a P-N jn. or successive P-N-P layers by adding the correct impurities to the melt during a pulling operation. This technique might give a more strain-free jn. than those obtained at present; there is probably some thermal shock resulting from the sudden heating when the seed touches the melt. We must provide a means for adding the impurities, and probably some sort of stirring also.
他们不到一个月就解决了剩下的问题。“想制作一些高镓含量的锗小颗粒，用作PN jn的掺杂药丸。”“在晶体拉制过程中，”斯帕克斯在4月4日写道。他只需要向高背压锗熔体中添加50微克（百万分之一克）镓，就能将其从N型转变为P型。这些微小的镓丸通过细管滴入熔体中，几乎不会干扰晶体的生长过程。测试表明，使用这种掺杂方法制备的PN结表现出……几乎与肖克利在其论文中所描述的完全一致。“这个结的特性与理论在数量上非常吻合，”他回忆道，“这种程度对于半导体整流器而言是前所未有的。”
It took them less than a month to solve the remaining problems. “Want to make some small pellets of high Ga content Ge to use as doping pills for making a P-N jn. in the middle of a crystal pulling,” wrote Sparks on April 4. He needed to add only 50 micrograms (millionths of a gram) of gallium to the high back-voltage germanium melt in order to convert it from N-type to P-type. Dropped into the melt through a narrow tube, the tiny pills hardly disturbed the crystal-growing process at all. Tests indicated that a P-N junction prepared by using this doping method behaved almost exactly as Shockley had specified in his treatise. “The characteristics of this junction were in good quantitative accord with the theory,” he recalled, “to a degree previously unprecedented for a semiconductor rectifier.”
一周后，斯帕克斯和蒂尔采用相同的掺杂技术，快速连续两次制备了单晶NPN三明治结构。他们首先使用N型熔体。他们首先在锗晶体上掺杂了一片镓片，以在N型晶体上生长出P型层。大约十秒钟后，他们又添加了第二片镓片，其中含有100微克锑，锑是元素周期表中位于砷下方的第五列元素。作为一种施主元素，锑可以为晶格提供过剩电子，其电子数足以弥补镓造成的电子不足。将熔体重新转化为N型。通过应用这种“双掺杂”技术，斯帕克斯和蒂尔成功生长出了一种……这种晶体由两层较厚的N型锗层和中间一层薄薄的30密耳厚的P型锗层组成。他们从这种类似蛋糕的结构中切下一块三层切片，然后在酸浴中蚀刻掉N型锗层，使P型锗层突出足够远，以便焊接导线使用。用作电线。
A week later Sparks and Teal fabricated a single-crystal N-P-N sandwich by applying the same doping technique twice in rapid succession. Starting with a melt of N-type germanium, they first doped it with a gallium pill to grow a P-type layer on an N-type crystal. About ten seconds later, they added a second pill containing 100 micrograms of antimony, a fifth-column element located under arsenic in the periodic table. A donor element supplying excess electrons to the crystal lattice, the antimony more than compensated for the electron deficit caused by the gallium, converting the melt back to N-type. By applying this “double-doping” technique, Sparks and Teal were able to grow a crystal that had a thin, 30-mil layer of P-type germanium between two thicker N-type layers. Cutting a three-layer slice out of this cakelike structure, they etched the N-layers away in an acid bath, leaving the P-layer jutting out far enough for them to solder a wire to it for use as an electrical lead.
斯帕克斯于第二天，即4月12日，测试了这个新的原型。“使用高掺杂的jn作为发射极，高掺杂的jn作为集电极，该装置作为晶体管运行，”他指出。在低于10千赫兹的频率下，它将信号功率提高了7倍。两天后，在蒂尔和布勒的帮助下，他制造了另一个功率增益更高的NPN晶体管。但频率响应较差。通过喷砂和蚀刻工艺，他们成功地将这台器件的功率增益提高了四倍。但它仍然只能在远低于点接触晶体管工作频率的范围内工作。
Sparks tested this new prototype the following day, April 12. “Using the highly doped jn as an emitter and the hbv jn as a collector the unit was run as a transistor,” he noted. Operating at frequencies less than 10 kilocycles, it boosted the signal power by a factor of 7. Two days later, aided by Teal and Buehler, he made another N-P-N transistor with higher power gain but poorer frequency response. By sandblasting and etching this unit, they managed to quadruple its power gain. But it still worked only at frequencies far lower than point-contact transistors could accommodate.
问题在于P层的厚度，在这些NPN器件中通常为20到30密耳。电子脉冲需要几微秒才能穿透P层，并在穿透过程中扩散开来。由于交叉极化，快速变化的信号在两个连续脉冲（一个负脉冲，一个正脉冲）到达另一侧时相互抵消。点接触晶体管的工作频率更高，超过 10 兆赫兹，因为它们的发射极和集电极之间的距离更近，通常只有 1 到 2 密耳。一个显而易见的解决方案是生长更窄的 P 层。但那样做会导致诸多问题。在连接导线时，“焊接P型中心部分是一项非常困难的任务，”斯帕克斯观察到，即使对于这些最初的粗糙装置来说也是如此。“如果我们使用非常薄的中心部分，那就更没希望了。”
The problem was the thickness of the P-layer, typically 20 to 30 mils in these N-P-N units. A pulse of electrons took several microseconds to penetrate the P-layer, spreading out as it crossed, so rapidly varying signals were canceled out by the time two successive pulses—one negative, one positive—reached the other side. Point-contact transistors worked at higher frequencies, above 10 megacycles, because their emitters and collectors were a lot closer, typically 1 to 2 mils apart. One obvious solution was to grow a much narrower P-layer, but that would lead to onerous problems in attaching wire leads. “Soldering to the P-type center section is a very difficult task,” Sparks observed, even for these first crude units. “It looks hopeless if we get really thin center sections.”
1950 年，戈登·蒂尔和摩根·斯帕克斯共同研制出了第一个成功的结型晶体管。
Gordon Teal and Morgan Sparks, who together fashioned the first successful junction transistor, in 1950.
尽管如此，肖克利对这一进展感到十分鼓舞，于是邀请鲍恩、菲斯克、莫顿和其他小组负责人于4月20日观看演示。这些结型晶体管输出功率约为2瓦，被用来驱动一个小型扬声器。但贝尔实验室几乎没有进行任何改进。提到这一突破后，直到年底才对此进行任何公开报道。1950年夏天，肖克利在英国的一次会议上展示了这些晶体管的性能。但他没有透露，它们的PN结是通过一种很有前景的新型双掺杂技术形成的。
Nevertheless, Shockley was sufficiently encouraged by this progress to invite Bown, Fisk, Morton, and other group leaders to witness a demonstration on April 20. Generating an output of about 2 watts, these junction transistors were used to power a small speaker. But Bell Labs made scant mention of this breakthrough and published nothing at all about it until the end of 1950. That summer Shockley revealed the performance of these transistors at a conference in England. But he did not divulge that their P-N junctions had been formed by a promising new double-doping technique.
Sparks 和 Teal 用来制造锗单晶并在其中形成 PN 结的晶体拉制装置的专利图纸。
Patent drawing of the crystal-pulling apparatus used by Sparks and Teal to make single crystals of germanium and form P-N junctions in them.
然而，贝尔固态物理小组中有 一位物理学家，对斯帕克斯、蒂尔和比勒在晶体生长方面取得的进展却鲜有 关注。约翰·贝尔因为无法有效参与晶体管项目而感到极其沮丧。那年春天，巴丁最终放弃了半导体研究，转而将他卓越的理论才能投入到超导现象的研究中。超导现象由荷兰物理学家海克·卡末林·昂内斯于1911年发现，他发现某些材料在接近绝对零度的极低温度下会完全失去电阻。这一神秘现象在近四十年间一直未能得到解释。巴丁在战前就对这个问题产生了浓厚的兴趣，1950 年 5 月，他更加积极地投入到这个问题中。
THERE WAS ONE physicist in Bell’s solid-state group, however, who paid little attention to the crystal-growing progress made by Sparks, Teal, and Buehler. Extremely frustrated because he could not participate effectively in the transistor program, John Bardeen finally abandoned semiconductor research that spring and turned his immense theoretical talents to understanding superconductivity. Discovered in 1911 by Dutch physicist Heike Kamerlingh Onnes, who showed that certain materials lose all electrical resistance at very low temperatures close to absolute zero, this mysterious phenomenon had resisted interpretation for almost four decades. Having become intrigued by the problem before the war, Bardeen returned to it with a vengeance in May 1950.
在完成对利连菲尔德专利的研究工作后，巴丁发现自己与晶体管研究更加疏远了。1949年2月，该小组得出结论，这三项专利中至少有一项是有效的。“肖克利和皮尔逊通过他们的实验证明……”报告指出，“这项专利中的利连菲尔德装置，即特意引入介电层的装置，实际上是可以工作的。”它可能产生的有效功率很小，而且只能在低频下工作，但它的确有效。这份报告出来后，贝尔公司的律师放弃了为肖克利的场效应想法申请专利的任何尝试，转而集中精力进行辩护。他的结型晶体管以及 Bardeen、Brattain 和 Gibney 的点接触专利申请。
After finishing up his work in the group studying the Lilienfeld patents, Bardeen had found himself even further alienated from the transistor research. In February 1949 the group concluded that at least one of these three patents was valid. “Shockley and Pearson showed by their tests,” it stated in a report, “that the Lilienfeld device of this patent, wherein a dielectric layer is deliberately introduced, is in fact operable.” It may have produced little useful power and only at low frequencies, but it did work. After this report came in, Bell’s attorneys abandoned any attempts to secure a patent on Shockley’s field-effect ideas and started concentrating their energy on defending his junction transistor and the point-contact patent applications of Bardeen, Brattain, and Gibney.
这一决定对肖克利产生了何种影响尚不得而知，但在此之前，他一直敦促鲁迪·根瑟申请场效应放大器的专利。巴丁参与利连菲尔德研究小组，恐怕只会加剧他与老板之间本已恶化的关系。无论如何在这种情况下，他很快发现自己基本上被排除在贝尔半导体研究之外，无法做出任何有意义的贡献。肖克利认为他可以自己提出所有理论想法；然后他指派团队成员对这些想法进行实验验证。“简而言之，他主要利用这个团队来推行自己的想法，”巴丁后来写信给凯利说。“由于我的工作也……”在理论方面，除非我想与我的导师直接竞争，否则我无法为实验项目做出贡献，而这种情况是无法容忍的。”
What impact this decision had on Shockley is unknown, but he had been urging Rudy Guenther to pursue a patent on a field-effect amplifier until that point. Bardeen’s involvement in the Lilienfield study group could hardly have enhanced his already deteriorating relationship with his boss. Whatever the case, he soon found himself essentially excluded from making any meaningful contribution to Bell’s semiconductor research. Shockley felt that he could come up with all the theoretical ideas himself; then he assigned members of his group to investigate these ideas experimentally. “In short, he used the group largely to exploit his own ideas,” Bardeen later wrote Kelly. “Since my work is also on the theoretical side, I could not contribute to the experimental program unless I wanted to work in direct competition with my supervisor, an intolerable situation.”
这并非偶然，而是蓄意之举。巴丁一再抗议，但都无济于事。“肖克利本人也安然无恙他告诉凯利：“他了解情况，并且多次向我表明过。”他希望事情就是这样。”肖克利建议他或许可以转而与莫顿的团队或奥尔合作，但这些选择都毫无吸引力。巴丁最擅长的是与从事基础研究的实验物理学家直接合作，而不是与开发电子设备的工程师合作——无论这些设备多么具有革命性。
This was not an inadvertent circumstance, but a deliberate policy. Again and again Bardeen protested, but to no avail. “Shockley himself was well aware of the situation,” he informed Kelly, “and indicated to me on numerous occasions that that was the way he wanted it to be.” Shockley suggested that he perhaps could work instead with Morton’s group or with Ohl, but these options were extremely unappealing. Bardeen was at his best working directly alongside experimental physicists engaged in basic research, not with engineers developing electrical devices—no matter how revolutionary.
他曾多次抱怨肖克利的……去找鲍恩，鲍恩虽然同情他的困境，却也束手无策。贝尔实验室的高层，从凯利到普通员工，显然都把希望寄托在肖克利身上，想让他全权负责。莫顿的团队致力于将点接触晶体管改进成可靠且易于制造的器件，而顶尖的半导体研究小组则专注于结型晶体管的研究。随后，肖克利躁动不安的大脑中涌现出各种相关的想法，速度之快令人难以置信。
Several times he complained over Shockley’s head to Bown, who—though sympathetic to his problems—could offer no solution. The Bell Labs brass, from Kelly on down, was clearly placing its bets on Shockley and wanted to allow him a free hand. While Morton’s group focused on converting the point-contact transistor into a reliable, easily manufacturable device, the crack semiconductor research group was concentrating on the junction transistor and related ideas then issuing forth from Shockley’s febrile brain at a mind-rending pace.
处处碰壁的巴丁甚至在1949年春天考虑过离开贝尔实验室，去橡树岭国家实验室担任新成立的固态物理研究小组的负责人。但他与时任原子能委员会代理主席的菲斯克商议后，拒绝了这份邀请。他继续留在了贝尔实验室。在贝尔的固态器件小组，他与布拉坦等人一起从事了一年不太重要的项目，直到 1950 年春天才勉强决定完全放弃半导体研究。
Finding himself blocked at every turn, Bardeen even considered leaving Bell Labs in the spring of 1949 for a position as head of a new solid-state group at Oak Ridge National Laboratory. But he turned this offer down after discussing it with Fisk, then acting head of the Atomic Energy Commission. He remained in Bell’s solid-state group, working for a year with Brattain and others on projects of lesser importance until making the reluctant decision to drop semiconductor research entirely in the spring of 1950.
归根结底，肖克利也引导他的团队偏离了最初专注于固态物理基础研究的方向，转向了更注重器件应用和开发的研究。他提出的理论问题——并让他的助手们去解答——通常都与将他的结型晶体管构想转化为实际应用有关。点接触晶体管发明之后，凯利让团队专注于基础研究而非应用研究的崇高理想，正受到以盈利为目的的公司需求的微妙侵蚀。这是一种无论巴丁得到了多少鼓励，他大概都无法忍受贝尔实验室的环境。他最初来到贝尔实验室主要是为了从事基础研究，最终却愤然离去，独自踏上了一条充满希望的新道路。
In the final analysis, Shockley had also steered his group away from its original focus on basic research in solid-state physics and toward more device-oriented, developmental research. The kinds of theoretical questions he asked—and set his assistants to answering—usually had something to do with turning his junction-transistor idea into a practical reality. After the invention of the point-contact transistor, Kelly’s lofty ideal of keeping this group focused on basic rather than applied research was being subtly undermined by the demands of a profit-making corporation. This was an environment Bardeen would probably have found intolerable, no matter how much encouragement he had received. Having come to Bell Labs mainly to do basic research, he finally turned angrily on his heel and struck out by himself in a promising new direction.
二战结束后长达五年时间里，肖克利专注于固态电子器件的研究，同时保持着与华盛顿方面的人脉关系。 并始终以旁观者的身份参与军事事务。作为国防部研究与发展委员会政策委员会的成员，他经常接到通知后立即飞往首都，与范内瓦尔·布什在宇宙俱乐部共进晚餐，或者第二天参加一系列报告会。陆军和海军高层。
FOR HALF A decade after the end of World War II, Shockley had concentrated on solid-state research while maintaining his Washington contacts and keeping peripherally involved in military affairs. As a member of the policy committee of the Defense Department’s Research and Development Board, he often flew to the nation’s capital on a moment’s notice for a dinner meeting at the Cosmos Club with Vannevar Bush or for a round of presentations the next day to Army and Navy brass.
在很大程度上，美国放松了其军事管制。战后，各方采取了姿态，但战后冲突阻碍了彻底放松。随着一个又一个国家加入共产主义阵营，丘吉尔宣称一道“铁幕”正在欧洲拉开。1948年柏林封锁之后，新闻评论员开始谈论世界强国之间的“冷战”。1949年中国共产党取得胜利以及苏联原子弹的爆炸，进一步加剧了这种局面。那年八月，日益增长的恐惧情绪达到了白热化的程度。参议员约瑟夫·麦卡锡、众议员理查德·尼克松和众议院非美活动特别委员会开始在国务院、军队和整个美国寻找替罪羊和“颠覆分子”。
To a great extent, the United States had eased its military posture after the war, but postwar confrontations prohibited complete relaxation. As one after another country fell into the Communist bloc, Churchill declared that an “Iron Curtain” was being drawn across Europe. After the Berlin blockade of 1948, news commentators began speaking of a “Cold War” among the world powers. The 1949 Communist victory in China and the detonation of a Soviet atomic bomb that August fanned the growing fears to a fever pitch. Senator Joseph McCarthy, Congressman Richard Nixon, and the House Select Committee on Un-American Activities began seeking scapegoats and “subversives” in the State Department, the armed services, and throughout America.
1950年6月，朝鲜军队越过三八线，占领了巴基斯坦，双方对抗升级为武装冲突。朝鲜军队攻占首尔，将饱受炮火摧残的韩国和联合国军逼入朝鲜半岛南端一个摇摇欲坠的飞地。9月中旬，在道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟将军的指挥下，美国海军陆战队发动反击，在首尔附近登陆，将溃不成军的朝鲜军队一路击退至中国边境附近。随后，大批中国共产党“志愿兵”进入……然而，在11月下旬的战斗中，联合国军撤退到了三八线。
Confrontation turned to armed combat in June 1950 after North Korean forces poured over the thirty-eighth parallel, occupied Seoul, and pushed shell-shocked South Korean and United Nations troops into a shaky enclave at the southern extremity of the Korean peninsula. Led by General Douglas MacArthur, the U.S. Marines counterattacked in mid-September, landing near Seoul and driving the shattered North Korean forces almost all the way to the Chinese border. After hordes of Communist Chinese “volunteers” entered the fight in late November, however, the UN army retreated back to the thirty-eighth parallel.
在战斗正酣之际，肖克利接到国防部一位老朋友——麻省理工学院校友爱德华·鲍尔斯的紧急电话。二战期间，两人曾密切合作，共同参与B-29雷达项目。九月下旬，他们紧随麦克阿瑟之后，带着一群军官飞往朝鲜。为了评估联合国的行动，军事顾问肖克利受邀前往朝鲜。肖克利重点关注了对逃亡的朝鲜人使用心理战，包括从飞机上散发传单和广播承诺宽恕。他回忆说，在那次考察期间，“我发现迫击炮弹中没有使用近炸引信。”他补充说，这种引信“在当时的有限战争中至关重要”。
In the midst of the battle, Shockley received an urgent call from one of his old MIT friends in the Defense Department, Edward Bowles, with whom he had worked closely during World War II on the B-29 radar effort. They flew to Korea in late September, hard on MacArthur’s heels, with a group of officers and military advisers in order to evaluate UN operations. Shockley focused on the use of psychological warfare against the fleeing North Koreans, dropping leaflets from aircraft and broadcasting promises of clemency. During that junket, he recalled, “I found that proximity fuzes were not used in mortar shells.” Such fuzes, he added “would have been very important in fighting that limited war.”
还近炸引信，又称VT引信，是二战期间主要为防空武器而研制的一种武器。这种引信内部装有微型雷达发射器和接收器，当弹体足够接近目标飞机时就会引爆。近炸引信在太平洋战场上被广泛应用，尤其对付日本神风特攻队战斗机时效果显著。肖克利认为它们也可以用于其他用途。这种武器可用于在地面上方引爆迫击炮弹（而非落地引爆），从而向下方敌军倾泻大量致命的弹片。这种武器有助于对抗共产党军队的“人海战术”，甚至可能扭转朝鲜战争的战局。
Also called VT fuzes, proximity fuzes had been developed during World War II mainly for antiaircraft weapons. Containing a tiny radar transmitter and receiver, such a fuze detonated its shell when sufficiently close to a target aircraft. Proximity fuzes were employed with superb effectiveness in the Pacific theater, especially against Japanese kamikaze fighters. Shockley suggested that they could also be used to detonate mortar shells just above the ground (instead of upon impact), thereby throwing a brutal rain of deadly shrapnel onto enemy troops below. Such a weapon should help to combat the “human wave” tactics of the Communist forces and might even turn the tide of the Korean War.
但是，任何此类近炸引信都必须极其紧凑坚固，才能装入炮弹弹头内。能够承受发射时产生的剧烈震动。二战时期为近炸引信开发的微型真空管对于迫击炮弹来说仍然太大。肖克利建议陆军军械官考虑改用结型晶体管。他咨询了贝尔实验室的顶级电气工程师鲍勃·华莱士，华莱士向他保证，“一种性能优良、面积小、频率高的晶体管……”对于近炸引信而言，它将远优于点接触式晶体管。
But any such proximity fuze had to be extremely compact and rugged to fit within the head of a shell and withstand the shattering forces that rocked it upon firing. The miniature vacuum tubes developed for World War II proximity fuzes were still too large for mortar shells. Shockley suggested that Army ordnance officers consider using junction transistors instead. He consulted Bob Wallace, a top electrical engineer at Bell Labs, who assured him “that a good, small-area, high-frequency transistor would be far superior to point-contact transistors for proximity fuzes.”
肖克利只需要听到这些就足够了。在他的敦促下，斯帕克斯加快了双掺杂晶体生长计划的工作，该计划在1950年下半年一直处于停滞状态。1951年1月，他通过降低晶体拉制速度并剧烈搅拌熔体，成功生长出了具有P层的NPN锗晶体。厚度仅为1到2密耳，比一张纸还薄——这比以往的技术有了巨大的进步。频率响应的限制因素不再是基底层的厚度，而是基底和集电极连接处的横截面积。
That was all Shockley needed to hear. At his urging, Sparks accelerated his work on the double-doped crystal-growing program, which had languished for the latter half of 1950. In January 1951, by slowing the rate of crystal-pulling while vigorously stirring the melt, he was able to grow N-P-N germanium crystals with P-layers only 1 to 2 mils thick, thinner than a sheet of paper—a vast improvement over what had been possible before. The limiting factor on frequency response was no longer the thickness of this base layer, but the cross-sectional area of the junction between the base and the collector.
“它们就像香肠一样被制成，”斯帕克斯回忆道，“频率响应取决于它们有多小。”整个过程就是这样。”他将晶体管切成几毫米宽的细条，成功地将这些晶体管的最大工作频率提升到接近调幅收音机典型兆赫兹的频率范围。华莱士还设计了一些巧妙的电路，使它们能够放大高达10兆赫兹的信号。关键在于……”现在的问题是如何建立良好的电气连接极薄的P层。这个问题很快就被Pfann解决了，他发明了一种将细金线粘合到锗上的方法。
“They were made like sausage links,” Sparks recalled, “and the frequency response would be determined by just how tiny the whole thing was.” Cutting narrow slivers just a few millimeters wide, he managed to raise the maximum operating frequency of these transistors closer to the megacycle range typical of an AM radio receiver. And Wallace designed some clever circuitry that allowed them to amplify signals all the way up to 10 megacycles. The critical problem now was how to make a good electrical connection to the extremely thin P-layer. It was quickly solved by Pfann, who had invented a method of bonding fine gold wires to germanium.
这是最早的微瓦级结型晶体管之一的照片。
Photograph of one of the first microwatt junction transistors.
经过几个月的研发，这些豌豆大小的器件在除频率响应以外的所有方面都优于点接触晶体管。而且，它们的噪声比噪声较大的同类器件低数百倍，最终甚至低数千倍。这意味着它们可以轻松处理微弱到人眼无法察觉的信号。与点接触晶体管相比，这就像试图在波涛汹涌的大海上寻找一丝涟漪。它们也极其高效，在放大这些信号的过程中消耗的功率要低得多。
After a few more months of development, these pea-sized devices proved superior to point-contact transistors in every respect except frequency response. And they were hundreds, and eventually thousands, of times quieter than their noisy siblings. This meant that they could easily manipulate far weaker signals, which were imperceptible to point-contact transistors—like trying to find a tiny ripple on a storm-tossed sea. They were also extremely efficient, consuming far less power in the process of amplifying these signals.
华莱士意识到这些特性的重要性，开发了几种电路应用来展示结型晶体管放大极低功率信号的独特能力。他是个优秀的表演者。和肖克利一样，他也制造了一种带有便携式无线电发射器的麦克风，使他能够四处走动并进行无线演讲——他是第一个做到这一点的人，比唐纳休和奥普拉早了四十年。他还喜欢用“跳蚤功率”这个词来强调结型晶体管几乎可以忽略不计的功耗。“如果能设计出合适的跑步机和发电机，”华莱士他开玩笑说：“一只跳蚤每分钟做相当于一次大幅度跳跃的工作量，就能轻松提供驱动一个晶体管所需的电力。”
Recognizing the importance of these features, Wallace developed several circuit applications to demonstrate the junction transistor’s unique ability to amplify extremely low-power signals. A good showman like Shockley, he built a microphone with a portable radio transmitter that allowed him to walk around and deliver lectures with no wires attached—the first person to do so, four decades before Donahue and Oprah. And he liked to use the term “fleapower” to highlight the almost negligible power consumption of junction transistors. “If a suitable treadmill and generator could be devised,” Wallace joked, “a flea could easily supply the power required to operate one transistor by doing an amount of work equivalent to making one good-sized jump per minute.”
1951 年 3 月早期微瓦结型晶体管的示意图。基区厚度仅为 1 至 2 密耳。
Drawing of an early microwatt junction transistor, March 1951. The base layer is only 1 to 2 mils thick.
那年春天，肖克利比往常更加忙碌。他经常和斯帕克斯一起在实验室工作，撰写了一篇关于结型晶体管的《物理评论》文章（与斯帕克斯和蒂尔合著），并且继续着繁忙的授课安排。但他仍然抽出时间进行了几次旅行。华盛顿方面向陆军和海军军械官员提供关于在先进武器中使用新型结型晶体管的建议。1951年4月24日，他收到美国国家科学院的电报，通知他刚刚当选为美国最负盛名的科学机构的成员。41岁的肖克利是获此殊荣的最年轻的科学家之一。
Shockley was in an even greater frenzy than usual that spring. He often worked in the lab with Sparks, he drafted a Physical Review article on junction transistors (co-authored with Sparks and Teal), and he continued his busy lecture schedule. But he still found time for several trips to Washington to advise Army and Navy ordnance officers on use of the new junction transistor in advanced weaponry. And on April 24, 1951, he received a telegram from the National Academy of Sciences, notifying him that he had just been elected a member of the nation’s most prestigious scientific body. At forty-one, Shockley was one of the youngest scientists ever to receive this honor.
巴丁 自1950年春季以来，他 一直在研究超导理论，但他的研究进展并不顺利。由于实验室里很少有人对这个问题感兴趣，也没有进行任何实验，他感到很孤立。肖克利一心投入晶体管的研发，很少鼓励他。周末和布拉坦一起打高尔夫球时，他会提到自己对超导理论日益深入的研究。在将球击出数百码远之前，他对贝尔实验室就已感到失望。尽管1950年秋初，他们点接触晶体管的专利终于获得批准的消息让他短暂地感到振奋，但这并没有改变他对这家公司的看法。
BARDEEN HAD BEEN pursuing the theory of superconductivity since the spring of 1950, but his research was not going well. Since there were few others at the labs interested in the problem and no experimental work going on, he felt isolated. Immersed in transistor research and development, Shockley gave him little encouragement. Sharing weekend rounds of golf with Brattain, he would mention his deepening disenchantment with Bell Labs before whacking the ball hundreds of yards. And although it cheered him momentarily, even the news that their patent on the point-contact transistor had finally been approved early in the fall of 1950 did little to change his mind about the company.
“巴丁对贝尔实验室——尤其是贝尔实验室里的某个人——感到厌烦，”布拉坦回忆道，他曾尽力……他为朋友向高层求情。但鲍恩继续无视频繁的警告信号，礼貌地坚持认为肖克利在指挥团队时需要灵活变通。
“Bardeen was fed up with Bell Labs—with a particular person at Bell Labs,” recalled Brattain, who tried his best to intercede with the brass on behalf of his friend. But Bown continued to ignore the frequent warning signals, politely insisting that Shockley needed flexibility in directing his group.
那年十月，巴丁和肖克利在宾夕法尼亚州东北部波科诺山脉一处度假胜地举行的晶体缺陷研讨会上发表了研究论文，研讨会在绚丽的秋色中举行。塞茨也在场，他最近刚接受了伊利诺伊大学的教授职位。一次会议结束后，巴丁把他拉到一边，悄悄地告诉他自己极度不满。“我真的打算离开贝尔实验室，”他说，“你能推荐一些工作机会吗？”塞茨有些吃惊，回答说他一时想不出什么好机会，但他肯定会在厄巴纳打听一下。巴丁他是一位世界级的科学家，任何物理系都会以他为荣。
That October Bardeen and Shockley presented research papers at a meeting on crystalline imperfections held amid the brilliant fall foliage at a resort in the Pocono Mountains of northeastern Pennsylvania. Also attending was Seitz, who had recently accepted a professorship at the University of Illinois. Taking him aside after one session, Bardeen quietly told him about his extreme dissatisfaction. “I’m really planning to leave Bell Labs,” he said. “Can you advise me of any jobs?” Somewhat taken aback, Seitz replied that he did not know of any offhand, but he would certainly ask around at Urbana. Bardeen was a world-class scientist that any physics department would proudly claim as its own.
然而，20世纪50年代初学术界的招聘形势相当严峻。战后由退伍军人法案资助的大量大学生已经退去，而大萧条时期的低出生率意味着适龄大学生相对较少。赛茨直接去找了院长……工程（他当时负责物理系）并敦促他想办法给巴丁提供聘用。几个月后，院长建议，伊利诺伊大学要想达到巴丁在贝尔实验室的薪水水平，唯一的办法就是让他同时担任物理系和电子工程系的职位。即便如此，他也只能拿出每年1万美元的薪水，塞茨认为这比巴丁的薪水少了2000美元。在他职业生涯的那个阶段，这是他应得的。
The hiring situation in academic circles, however, was pretty dismal in the early 1950s. The postwar flood of college students supported by the GI Bill had ebbed, and low birth rates during the Depression meant that there were relatively few college-age students. Seitz went straight to the dean of Engineering (who had the Physics Department under his purview) and urged him to find some way to make Bardeen an offer. After several months, the dean suggested that a joint appointment—in physics and electrical engineering—would be the only way Illinois could hope to match his Bell Labs salary. Even then, he could come up with only $10,000 per year, which Seitz thought was a couple grand short of what Bardeen deserved at that stage in his career.
“我不在乎薪水，”巴丁在1951年3月塞茨告诉他即将收到的聘用通知时回答道，“对我来说已经足够了。”他转而询问教学要求、养老金计划、厄巴纳地区的房价，以及学校是否会报销他的搬家费用。显然，他已经做好了离开的准备。
“I don’t care about the salary,” answered Bardeen when Seitz told him of the pending offer in March 1951. “It’s good enough for me.” Instead he asked for information about teaching requirements, pension plans, housing prices in the Urbana area, and whether the university would reimburse him for moving expenses. He was clearly ready to leave.
当月贝尔实验室的高层终于意识到他们可能会失去一位顶尖的理论物理学家。固态物理小组的其他成员也纷纷抱怨肖克利的独裁统治以及近期研究方向向应用型、军事导向型方向的转变。巴丁和布拉坦直接向菲斯克反映了情况，菲斯克接替弗莱彻担任物理研究部主任，并且……于是，他成了肖克利的直接上司。“一个星期五，我们走进菲斯克的办公室……告诉他我们不想再向肖克利汇报工作了，”布拉坦说。“星期一早上，我们就不用再向他汇报工作了。”
That month the Bell Labs brass finally woke up to the prospect of losing one of their top theorists. Widespread grumbling about Shockley’s autocratic rule and the recent drift toward applied, military-oriented research had come in from other members of the solid-state group, too. Bardeen and Brattain took their case directly to Fisk, who had replaced Fletcher as head of the Physical Research Department and had thus become Shockley’s immediate supervisor. “One Friday, we walked into Fisk’s office . . . and told him that we did not wish to report to Shockley any longer,” said Brattain. “And Monday morning we weren’t reporting to him.”
3月28日菲斯克的一份备忘录显示，贝尔的固体物理小组此后将分为两个不同的小组：一个是名为“固体物理”的小组，由摩根领导；另一个小组名为晶体管物理小组，由肖克利领导。原小组的大部分成员现在都向摩根汇报工作，包括巴丁、布拉坦和另外两位理论物理学家。海恩斯、摩尔、皮尔逊以及其他研究结型晶体管的核心成员则继续留在肖克利麾下。
A March 28 Fisk memo reveals that Bell’s Solid State Physics group would henceforth be sundered into two distinct groups: one named Physics of Solids, led by Morgan, and the other called Transistor Physics, under Shockley. Most of the original group now reported to Morgan, including Bardeen, Brattain, and two other theorists. Haynes, Moore, Pearson, and the rest of the close cabal working on junction transistors remained with Shockley.
“我还没有最终决定是否离开实验室，”巴丁在给伊利诺伊物理系主任的信中写道。4月6日，塞茨在部门里说：“大约一周前，这里进行了一次重组，从我的角度来看，情况变得有利多了，但我仍然倾向于伊利诺伊大学。”当塞茨当月在洛斯阿拉莫斯遇到菲斯克时，他坦白说自己正试图把巴丁从实验室拉走，但菲斯克却不以为然。“哦，别费劲了，弗雷德，”他回答说，“我们已经搞定了。”
“I haven’t reached a final decision on whether to leave the Laboratories or not,” wrote Bardeen to the head of the Illinois Physics Department on April 6. “There was a reorganization here about a week ago which makes things much more favorable from my point of view, but I am still inclined toward Illinois.” When Seitz encountered Fisk at Los Alamos that month, he confessed that he was trying to seduce Bardeen away from the Labs, but Fisk was nonplussed. “Oh, don’t you bother, Fred,” he replied. “We’ve got that under control.”
他不该如此轻率。院长正在加大力度。四月中旬，院长向巴丁保证，教学不会成为负担，他将拥有充分的自由去从事自己感兴趣的研究。这番话打动了他。四月底，巴丁发出电报，接受了这份工作。
He should not have been so cavalier. The dean was turning up the heat. In mid-April he assured Bardeen that teaching would not be a burden and that he would have broad freedom to pursue research of his own choosing. That did it. At the end of April, Bardeen sent off a telegram accepting the position.
5月24日，他给凯利写了一份三页的备忘录，解释了他离开贝尔实验室的决定。接受伊利诺伊州的职位。“我的困难源于晶体管的发明，”巴丁说道。“在此之前，有非常优秀的……”这里的研究氛围很好。”但他的老板却插手了这项工作，并将其操纵以达到自己的目的。“总而言之，晶体管的发明使得半导体项目以这种方式组织和发展。 ”“我无法有效地参与其中，”巴丁总结道。“我可以研究超导性，但我觉得在一所将超导性作为主要研究方向而非次要研究方向的大学里，我能做得更好。”
On May 24 he wrote a three-page memo to Kelly, explaining his decision to leave Bell Labs and accept the Illinois position. “My difficulties stem from the invention of the transistor,” Bardeen began. “Before that there was an excellent research atmosphere here.” But his boss had stuck his big feet into the midst of this effort and manipulated it to his own ends. “To summarize, the invention of the transistor has led to the semiconductor program being organized and directed in such a way that I could not take an effective part in it,” Bardeen concluded. “I could work on superconductivity, but I feel I could do this better in a university where it is of primary rather than secondary interest.”
然而，鲍恩、菲斯克和凯利拒绝放弃，他们向巴丁施加了巨大的压力，试图挽留他，并承诺大幅提高薪水，还给他安排了一个专属团队。但最终，巴丁还是留了下来。够了。裂痕无法弥合。大陆最终还是分裂了。“巴丁一旦下定决心，一切都无济于事了，”布拉坦叹息道，“太迟了。”
Bown, Fisk, and Kelly refused to give up, however, and put tremendous pressure on Bardeen to stay, offering him a big salary increase and a group of his own to work with. But it was not enough. The rift could not be closed. The continents had finally divided. “And when Bardeen makes up his mind, there is no use doing anything about it,” lamented Brattain. “It is too late.”
1951年7月4日，在第一次发布会近三年后，贝尔实验室在西街礼堂再次举行晶体管新闻发布会。此次发布会的主角是结型晶体管。贝尔公司的新闻稿他们盛赞这种蜘蛛状、豌豆大小的结构是“一种全新的晶体管，它具有前所未有的惊人特性，这是任何放大设备都无法比拟的”。当月，三名研究人员……关于这项新发明的文章——包括肖克利、斯帕克斯和蒂尔在《物理评论》上发表的论文——出现在技术文献中，为科学家和工程师提供了有关这项惊人突破的更多细节。
ON JULY 4, 1951, nearly three years after the first one, Bell Labs held another transistor press conference at the West Street auditorium. The star of this show was the junction transistor. Bell’s press release heralded the spidery, pea-sized structure as “a radically new type of transistor which has astonishing properties never before achieved in any amplifying device.” That month a trio of articles on the new invention—including Shockley, Sparks and Teal’s Physical Review paper—appeared in the technical literature, providing scientists and engineers with further details about the stunning breakthrough.
肖克利在 1951 年解释了他的结型晶体管理论。在他的图中，电子从左向右流动，克服了 P 层在它们路径上设置的障碍。
Shockley explaining his theory of the junction transistor, 1951. Electrons flow from left to right in his diagram, surmounting the barrier placed in their path by the P-layer.
结型晶体管最显著的特点或许是其极低的功耗。它可以在十分之一伏的电压下工作，电流仅为千万分之一安培，这相当于百万分之一瓦的功率——这是精密电子设备中经常遇到的输入信号电平。“但传统的真空管通常需要一瓦的功率来放大这个信号，”鲍恩指出，这是加热其发光阴极所需的功率。“这就像派出一列12节车厢的货运列车，连同机车一起，去运送一磅黄油一样。”
Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the junction transistor was its extremely low power consumption. It could operate at a tenth of a volt, drawing a current of only 10 millionths of an ampere, which corresponds to a power of a millionth of a watt—the level of the input signal often encountered in sensitive electronic equipment. “But a full watt is ordinarily used to amplify this signal by conventional vacuum tubes,” contended Bown, noting that this is the amount of power needed to heat their glowing cathodes. “This is about like sending a 12-car freight train, locomotive and all, to carry a pound of butter.”
因此，结型晶体管能够以更高的效率放大信号，通常可达百万倍甚至更高。在这方面，它甚至明显优于其前辈——点接触晶体管，后者正常工作需要几千分之一瓦的功率。结型晶体管极低的功耗和极高的效率意味着废热可以降至最低，这至关重要。在诸如新兴的数字计算机等应用中具有优势，它们的逻辑电路需要数千个真空管或晶体管。
Thus the junction transistor amplified signals with far greater efficiency, often by factors of a million or more. In this regard it was clearly superior even to its older sibling, the point-contact transistor, which needed several thousandths of a watt to operate properly. Its extremely low power consumption and very high efficiency meant that waste heat would be kept to a minimum, a crucial advantage in applications such as the newly emerging digital computers, which required thousands of vacuum tubes or transistors in their logic circuits.
这个三条腿的蜘蛛状物体是 1951 年 7 月向媒体公开的微瓦结型晶体管之一。
The three-legged spidery object is one of the microwatt junction transistors revealed to the press in July 1951.
在同一场新闻发布会上，贝尔实验室还宣布，点接触晶体管的研发工作“非常成功，将于明年初在贝尔系统中进行试用”。毫无疑问，这得益于高纯度单晶的充足供应。莫顿的研究小组最终解决了锗晶体管均匀性和可靠性的棘手问题——尽管这些器件的性能仍然会随温度变化，而且变化程度令人担忧。尽管如此，点接触晶体管很快就在西电公司投入生产。1952年，它开始应用于复杂的开关设备中，这些设备用于实现直接拨号和绕过传统的电路连接。电话接线员。
At the same press conference, Bell Labs also announced that development work on the point-contact transistor had been “so successful that this type will be put into trial use in the Bell System early next year.” Aided, no doubt, by the ready availability of high-purity single crystals of germanium, Morton’s group finally solved the thorny problems of uniformity and reliability—although behavior of these devices still varied with temperature to a troubling degree. Nevertheless, the point-contact transistor soon entered production at Western Electric. In 1952 it began to see service in complex switching equipment used to permit direct-distance dialing and bypass traditional telephone operators.
但点接触晶体管从未真正大规模地进入商业市场。除了在助听器和军事设备中短暂使用外，它唯一重要的应用领域是贝尔系统。其他制造商不愿投入大量资金生产它，尤其是在肖克利取得突破性进展之后。团队。未来属于结型晶体管及其衍生产品。
But the point-contact transistor never really made it to the commercial marketplace in any big way. Apart from some transient usage in hearing aids and military equipment, the only important applications it ever found came in the Bell system. Other manufacturers were reluctant to put significant capital into its production, especially after the recent breakthrough by Shockley’s team. The future now belonged to the junction transistor and its offspring.
1951年9月17日星期一上午十点，七辆包车组成的车队从纽约斯塔特勒酒店第七大道一侧出发。这些巴士的目的地指示牌上写着“贝尔实验室”，它们缓缓驶过林肯隧道，穿过梅多兰兹公园，经过新泽西州舒适的郊区，最终抵达默里山。从这些巴士上下来的不止一个人。三百名科学家、工程师、军官和政府官员——几乎全是男性——从美国各地聚集在一起，参加为期五天的晶体管研讨会。
At ten o’clock on Monday morning, September 17, 1951, a caravan of seven charter buses departed from the Seventh Avenue side of New York’s Statler Hotel. Sporting “BELL LABORATORIES” in their destination signs, they lumbered through the Lincoln Tunnel, across the Meadowlands, and past comfortable New Jersey suburbs to Murray Hill. Down from these buses stepped more than three hundred scientists, engineers, military officers, and government bureaucrats—virtually all of them men—who had gathered from across the United States for a five-day symposium on the transistor.
他们从一排“女孩”手中接过徽章，走进礼堂。三年前，他们中的许多人正是在这里第一次接触到晶体管。默文·凯利致欢迎辞，宣布：他宣布，西电公司将于当年秋季开始生产点接触晶体管。贝尔实验室也将很快限量供应结型晶体管，用于实验用途。他还表示，本次研讨会的主要目标是为希望探索晶体管在电子电路和系统中应用的工程师提供最新的晶体管知识。尤其是军方所需的那些。“预计这将加速晶体管器件在国家安全领域的应用，”贝尔实验室记录在报道此次会议时指出。
Picking up their badges from a row of “girls,” they entered the auditorium where many of them had first learned about the transistor more than three years earlier. Mervin Kelly welcomed them by declaring that Western Electric would begin manufacturing point-contact transistors that autumn. And the junction transistor would soon be available directly from Bell Labs in limited quantities for experimental purposes. The principal goal of the symposium, he announced, was to provide up-to-date knowledge about transistors for engineers wanting to explore their use in electronic circuits and systems, particularly those the military required. “Accelerated application of Transistor devices in the interests of national security is expected to result,” noted the Bell Laboratories Record in reporting the gathering.
当天下午，莫顿向听众讲述了他的团队如何克服了点接触晶体管遇到的大多数棘手问题，从而最终开始大规模生产。随后，皮尔森谈到了半导体的物理学，斯帕克斯则谈到了晶体管的理论。他们都强调了结型晶体管。研讨会的其余部分，包括华莱士和希夫的演讲，涵盖了这两种晶体管的应用。
That afternoon Morton told the audience how his group had overcome most of the knotty problems experienced with the point-contact transistor so that mass production could finally begin. Following him, Pearson talked about the physics of semiconductors and Sparks about the theory of transistors, both of them emphasizing the junction type. Including lectures by Wallace and Shive, the rest of the symposium covered applications of the two transistors.
然而，令人费解的是，研讨会上却只字未提制造这些装置所涉及的技术。戈登·蒂尔例如，在演讲者名单上根本找不到他的名字。这并非偶然。这是贝尔实验室与共同主办此次会议的军方密切合作制定的一项刻意政策的结果。
Curiously absent from the symposium, however, was any mention of the technologies involved in fabricating these gadgets. Gordon Teal, for example, was nowhere to be found on the list of speakers. This was no accident. It was the outcome of a deliberate policy established by Bell Labs in close cooperation with the armed services, which were co-sponsoring the gathering.
在那年早些时候结型晶体管被证明有效之后，对其进行分类的问题自然而然地出现了。当时朝鲜战争仍在进行，而美国各国再次动员军工生产，实验室对此不敢掉以轻心。贝尔公司的管理层坚决反对将结型晶体管列为机密。他们和对待点接触式晶体管一样，意识到公开这项突破对公司和国家都有更大的好处。“我们目前的目标之一是促进其发展和应用。 ”1951 年 5 月的一份备忘录写道：“晶体管首先应用于直接军事和贝尔系统应用，其次，为了国家利益，应用于整个国内经济。”
After the junction transistor had proved effective earlier that year, the issue of classifying it naturally arose. With the Korean War still raging and the United States again mobilizing its military production, this was a matter the labs could not take lightly. Bell’s managers were staunchly opposed to classification of the junction transistor. As with its point-contact sibling, they realized that both the company and the country had more to gain by publicizing the breakthrough. “One of our objects at present is to promote the development and application of the transistor first for direct military and Bell System applications and secondly, in the national interest, throughout the domestic economy,” read a May 1951 memorandum.
但考虑到当时全国上下弥漫着不祥的气氛，以及人们所感受到的共产主义威胁，贝尔实验室同意做出妥协。虽然设备本身不会被列为机密，但任何在军事系统中的应用都会被列为机密。参谋长联席会议敦促各实验室“尽一切可能保护对晶体管开发和生产成功至关重要的特殊制造工艺，但不要采取实际的军事保密措施”。
But recognizing the ominous national temper as well as the perceived Communist threat, Bell Labs agreed to a compromise. Although the device itself would not be classified, any applications to military systems would. And the Joint Chiefs of Staff urged the labs “to guard the special manufacturing processes so essential to the success of the transistor development and production with all possible care short of actual military classification.”
贝尔组织这次晶体管研讨会，很大程度上是应军方的要求，因为军方有越来越多的承包商迫切想知道这项革命性技术是如何运作的。他们正在为军事用途开发电子系统，而新型放大器或许可以用于这些系统中。为了避免逐一处理此类请求，给研发人员造成沉重负担，各实验室决定将信息提供给一个精心挑选的大型团队。陆军、海军和空军各挑选了约两百人，并将名额平均分配给了他们。这三家服务商，而贝尔公司则选择了其余的服务商，主要从晶体管专利的被许可人中挑选。
Bell had organized the transistor symposium largely at the instigation of the armed services, which had an increasing number of contractors desperate to know how the revolutionary new amplifier might be used in electronic systems they were developing for military purposes. Rather than deal with such requests one by one and put a tremendous burden on its research and development staff, the labs decided to make the information available to a large, hand-picked group. The Army, Navy, and Air Force chose about two hundred people, dividing this allotment equally among the three services, while Bell selected the rest, mainly from among licensees of transistor patents.
研讨会议程事先排除了任何关于“制造艺术”的讨论。然而，这种保密做法引起了一些被许可方的反对，他们希望自己生产晶体管，而不是从西电公司购买。此外，由于针对西电公司的反垄断诉讼迫在眉睫，情况更加复杂。AT&T和贝尔实验室必须谨慎行事，避免给人留下囤积可能对国家整体利益有用的“专有信息”的印象。晶体管制造技术恰好属于此类。
Any discussion of “manufacturing art” was excluded a priori from the symposium agenda. This secrecy, however, led to objections from some of the licensees, who wanted to manufacture transistors themselves rather than buy them from Western Electric. And because of the antitrust suit looming against AT&T, Bell Labs had to be careful to avoid the appearance of hoarding “proprietary information” that might be useful to the broader national interest. Transistor manufacturing know-how fell smack into this category.
除了这些担忧之外，凯利和其他人清楚地认识到，晶体管是一项非凡的突破，而将其技术保密最终只会适得其反。“我们意识到，如果这个项目真像我们想象的那么大，我们就不能独占它，也不能包揽所有的技术贡献，”莫顿回忆道。“把它分享出去符合我们的利益。就像把面包撒在水里，有时候也能得到天使蛋糕一样。”
Apart from these concerns, Kelly and others clearly understood that the transistor was an extraordinary breakthrough and that keeping its technology under wraps was ultimately self-defeating. “We realized that if this thing was as big as we thought, we couldn’t keep it to ourselves and we couldn’t make all the technical contributions,” Morton reflected. “It was to our interest to spread it around. If you cast your bread on the water, sometimes it comes back angel food cake.”
然而，控制由他们小型扩音器引发的火势蔓延却是不可能的。相互矛盾的同时满足军事保密和商业公开的要求非常困难。有关制造工艺的更多信息请求纷至沓来。1951年9月25日，肖克利的结型晶体管专利获得批准后，西电公司开始以25,000美元的费用授权生产晶体管，这笔费用可作为预付款用于……任何未来的版税。伪造版税的技巧不可能再保守太久了。
Controlling the spread of the fire ignited by their pygmy amplifier proved impossible, however. The conflicting demands of military secrecy and commercial openness were very difficult to meet simultaneously. Requests kept flooding in for additional information about manufacturing processes. And after Shockley’s patent on the junction transistor was issued on September 25, 1951, Western Electric began licensing the rights to manufacture transistors for a $25,000 fee, to be applied as an advance against any future royalties. The art of fabricating them could not remain secret much longer.
缴纳了这笔费用的公司受邀派代表参加次年春季在贝尔实验室举行的第二次会议。来自26家美国公司和14家外国公司（全部来自北约国家）的100多名注册者参加了晶体管技术研讨会，该研讨会从4月21日持续到4月。29. 来自通用电气和IBM等巨头以及环球联合和德州仪器等小型公司的工程师齐聚一堂。研讨会期间，与会者参观了位于宾夕法尼亚州阿伦敦的超现代化的西部电气工厂，亲眼目睹了点接触晶体管生产线的实际运行情况。贝尔实验室的一个常驻工作组正在那里协助解决出现的问题。向上。
Firms that paid this fee were invited to send representatives to a second meeting, held at Bell Labs the following spring. Over one hundred registrants from twenty-six U.S. and fourteen foreign companies (all from NATO countries) attended the Transistor Technology Symposium, which ran from April 21 to April 29. Engineers arrived from such giants as General Electric and IBM as well as small firms like Globe-Union and Texas Instruments. The symposium featured a two-day visit to the ultramodern Western Electric plant in Allentown, Pennsylvania, to witness a point-contact transistor production line in actual operation. There a resident Bell Labs task force was helping to iron out problems as they cropped up.
这一次，实验室在制造工艺方面更加开放。他们竭尽全力地公开了所有关于晶体管制造的知识——包括点接触式和结型晶体管。例如，蒂尔和布勒花了几个小时解释如何构建晶体拉制装置，并用它来生长双掺杂锗晶体。“他们真是把我们折腾得够呛，”马克·谢泼德回忆道。随后一位德州仪器公司的工程师说：“他们做得非常好；整个过程非常开放，而且真的非常有帮助。”
This time around the labs was much more open about manufacturing art. It made a concerted effort to reveal everything it knew about making transistors—both point-contact and junction. Teal and Buehler, for example, spent hours explaining how to build a crystal-pulling mechanism and use it to grow double-doped germanium crystals. “They worked the dickens out of us,” recalled Mark Shepherd, then a Texas Instruments engineer. “They did a very good job; it was very open and really very helpful.”
那年夏天，西电公司出版了此次研讨会的论文集，共两卷，题为《晶体管技术》。该书最初被列为“限制级”出版物，多年来一直是晶体管制造技术现状最全面的描述。最终，该书解密并出版发行。在 Van Nostrand 出版社（该出版社也出版了肖克利的巨著《半导体中的电子和空穴》）修订版中，这本书被蓬勃发展的半导体行业的成员亲切地称为“贝尔妈妈的食谱”。
That summer Western Electric issued the proceedings of this symposium in two volumes entitled Transistor Technology. Classified “Restricted” at first, it stood for years as the most comprehensive description of the state of transistor manufacturing art. Eventually declassified and published in a revised edition by Van Nostrand (which also published Shockley’s magnum opus, Electrons and Holes in Semiconductors), the book became fondly known as “Mother Bell’s Cookbook” by members of the burgeoning industry.
1952年研讨会上公布的技术之一 是强大的新型 贝尔实验室对一种名为“区域提纯”的锗提纯方法几乎一直秘而不宣。应军方要求，这项技术耗时两年完成。区域熔炼法由威廉·普凡于1950年至1951年间发明并完善，生产的锗纯度超过99.99999999%，相比其他方法有了巨大的进步。这意味着每100亿个锗原子中杂质原子不足1个，或者正如贝尔喜欢宣称的那样，“大约相当于35节货车车厢的糖里混入一小撮盐”。结合蒂尔的晶体拉制法利用区域提纯技术，人们可以生长出纯度极高的单晶锗，这在几年前是难以想象的。
ONE OF THE technologies revealed at the 1952 symposium was a powerful new method of purifying germanium, called “zone refining,” which Bell Labs had kept under wraps for almost two years at the military’s request. Invented and perfected by William Pfann in 1950-1951, zone refining produced germanium that was better than 99.99999999 percent pure—a tremendous improvement over other methods. That’s less than 1 impurity atom per 10 billion germanium atoms or, as Bell liked to claim, “about the same as a pinch of salt in 35 freight cars of sugar.” Combined with Teal’s crystal-pulling technique, zone refining allowed one to grow single germanium crystals with exceedingly high purity levels that would have been unimaginable just a few years earlier.
Pfann 与典型的贝尔研究员截然不同，他此前已对半导体发展做出了多项重要贡献，包括“形成”点接触的方法以及将金引线连接到结型晶体管上的方法。1935年，他以一名普通技术员的身份加入贝尔化学研究部。当时他还没有大学学位，但在1940年，他通过在纽约库珀联盟学院夜校学习，获得了化学工程学士学位。这位性格沉稳、谦逊低调的人，随着他对半导体研究工作的不断贡献，逐渐赢得了大家的尊重。
Hardly the typical Bell researcher, Pfann already had a variety of important contributions to semiconductor development under his belt, including methods of “forming” point contacts and attaching gold leads to junction transistors. He had joined Bell’s Chemical Research Department in 1935 as a lowly technician. At the time he had no college degree, but in 1940 he earned his bachelor’s degree in chemical engineering after attending night school at New York’s Cooper Union. The quiet, unassuming man grew steadily in everyone’s esteem as he made one valuable contribution after another to the semiconductor research efforts.
普凡最初构思战前不久，他采用了一种“区域熔炼”工艺来生产铅锑合金单晶。1950年代中期，他又重新考虑用这种方法提纯锗。在两端，一根由这种元素制成的棒状物或“船状物”水平穿过一个加热环。环内的锗段熔化，然后在穿过加热环后重新结晶。但正如蒂尔和他的正如同事们之前所发现的，杂质更倾向于保持在液相中；结晶出的锗比初始原料纯度高得多。熔融段沿着锗样品滑动，带走其中的杂质并将其冲到末端。在区域熔炼过程中，沿棒材或熔体上每隔一段距离设置有多个加热环。这艘船反复穿越重重险阻，在其前端产生极高纯度的锗。
Pfann had originally conceived a “zone melting” process just before the war as a way to produce single crystals of lead-antimony alloys. In mid-1950 he returned to the idea as a method of purifying germanium. Rigidly supported on both ends, a rod or “boat” of this element passes horizontally through a heating ring. The germanium segment inside the ring melts and then recrystallizes after passing beyond it. But as Teal and his colleagues had previously recognized, the impurities prefer to remain in the liquid phase; the germanium that crystallizes is substantially purer than what came in. The molten segment slides along the germanium sample, sweeping up impurities in it and flushing them to the trailing end. In the zone-refining process, there are several heating rings positioned at regular intervals along the rod or boat, which runs the gauntlet repeatedly, generating extremely high-purity germanium at its leading end.
威廉·普凡和杰克·斯卡夫操作着一台区域精炼设备。
William Pfann and Jack Scaff operate a zone-refining apparatus.
区域熔炼所能达到的纯度在材料加工史上是前所未有的。此前，百万分之几的杂质含量已被视为极佳；而普凡的技术在此基础上提高了1000多倍。有了如此高纯度的锗可供研究，科学家和工程师们得以进行更深入的探索。这使得关键少数载流子的寿命大大延长——接近毫秒级。而且，通过在几乎100%纯净的锗中添加已知量的杂质，他们可以更精确地控制N型和P型半导体的电学性质。
The purity that can be attained by zone refining was absolutely unprecedented in the history of materials processing. Impurity levels of a few parts per million had previously been considered excellent; Pfann’s technique improved on this by factors of over 1,000. With such high-purity germanium to work with, scientists and engineers could obtain much longer lifetimes—close to a millisecond—for the crucial minority carriers. And they could control the electrical properties of N-type and P-type semiconductors far more precisely by adding well-known quantities of impurities to germanium that was, for all intents and purposes, 100 percent pure.
晶体管技术的另一项重大进步也发生在同一时期：虽然也曾发生过类似的事情，但这一次并非发生在贝尔实验室。1951年，通用电气公司的约翰·萨比利用其位于斯克内克塔迪的研究实验室刚刚开发的合金结技术，制造出了PNP晶体管。纽约。同年六月，他展示了他的设备原型，不到一个月后，贝尔公司宣布其结型晶体管取得成功。
Another major advance in transistor technology occurred during the same period as Pfann’s, but for once it did not occur at Bell Labs. In 1951 John Saby of General Electric fabricated a P-N-P transistor using the alloy-junction techniques that had just been developed at its research laboratory in Schenectady, New York. That June he revealed prototypes of his device, less than a month before Bell’s announcement of its successful junction transistor.
在这个过程中，两个小将铟颗粒（铟是元素周期表第三列镓正下方的一种受主元素）放置在薄片N型锗的两侧。将该组合加热至450°C（或840°F），此时铟熔化并开始溶解锗，形成合金。该过程在两侧均未完全溶解锗之前停止，留下一条狭窄的N型锗带。在两个富铟P型区之间形成基区。电极引线很容易连接到这三个区域，从而形成一个结型晶体管，其中少数载流子是空穴而不是电子。使用铅砷颗粒和P型锗的这种技术的变体也可用于制造NPN晶体管。
In this process two small pellets of indium—an acceptor element sitting right below gallium in column 3 of the periodic table—are placed on opposite sides of a thin slice of N-type germanium. This ensemble is heated to 450°C (or 840°F), at which point the indium melts and begins to dissolve the germanium, forming an alloy. This process stops just short of dissolving all the way through from both sides, leaving a narrow N-type base layer between the two indium-rich P-type regions. Electrical leads are easily affixed to all three sections, yielding a junction transistor in which the minority carriers are holes instead of electrons. A variation of this technique, using lead-arsenic pellets and P-type germanium, could be used to make N-P-N transistors, too.
经RCA公司改造，通用电气公司的合金结晶体管得以大规模生产。很快，合金结晶体管就开始挑战贝尔的生长结器件。它的制造工艺要简单得多，无需精细的双掺杂步骤，而且电极引线的连接也更容易。尽管合金结晶体管的结构相对粗糙（因为基层厚度通常难以控制），但它的一些特性使其在许多应用中更受欢迎。其低电阻特性使其……在开关应用中表现出优异的性能，而随着晶体管开始在数字计算机中取代真空管，开关应用变得极其重要。
Adapted for mass production by RCA, GE’s alloy-junction transistor soon began to challenge Bell’s grown-junction device. It proved much simpler to manufacture, involving no delicate double-doping steps and easier attachment of the electrical leads. Although substantially cruder (since it was often difficult to control the thickness of the base layer), alloy-junction transistors had features that made them preferable for many uses. Their low resistance led to superior performance in switching applications, which were then becoming extremely important as the transistor began to displace vacuum tubes in digital computers.
通用电气和RCA公司联合开发的合金结型晶体管。将铟颗粒合金化到薄薄的N型锗片的相对两侧，形成PNP结型晶体管。
Alloy-junction transistor developed by General Electric and RCA. Pellets of indium are alloyed into opposite sides of a thin sliver of N-type germanium, forming a P-N-P junction transistor.
贝尔实验室在计算机的诞生过程中也发挥了重要作用。战争期间及战后初期，其位于惠帕尼的实验室制造了用于战列舰雷达制导射击控制的计算机。 在战场上，这些计算机并非数字计算机，而是基于真空管放大器的模拟计算机。它们利用雷达天线提供的信息计算目标的轨迹，然后自动引导防空炮向目标附近发射炮弹。雷达、近炸引信和计算机控制的发射机制使得美国战列舰在二战后期几乎坚不可摧。战争的岁月。
BELL LABS HAD also played an important role in bringing computers to life. During and immediately after the war, its Whippany laboratory built computers used for radar-directed firing control on battleships and in the battlefield. These were analog, not digital, computers based on vacuum-tube amplifiers. They used information provided by radar antennas to calculate a target’s trajectory, then automatically directed the antiaircraft guns to fire shells in its vicinity. Radar, proximity fuzes, and computer-controlled firing mechanisms rendered U.S. battleships virtually impregnable during the later years of the war.
1946年，宾夕法尼亚大学的电气工程师建造了第一台大型电子数字计算机。这台名为ENIAC（电子数值积分计算机）的机器，能够执行极其复杂的弹道表计算。ENIAC重达30吨，使用了近18000个真空管，占据了一个30英尺乘50英尺的房间，耗电量为150千瓦。200马力——全速运转时。ENIAC需要时刻警惕才能保持运转。常备着几大篮备用管，以便更换那些经常烧毁的管子。
In 1946 electrical engineers at the University of Pennsylvania built the first large electronic digital computer. Dubbed ENIAC (for Electronic Numerical Integrator and Computer), it performed extremely complicated calculations for ballistics tables. Weighing 30 tons and employing nearly 18,000 vacuum tubes, the machine occupied a 30-by-50-foot room and consumed 150 kilowatts—about 200 horsepower—when operating full blast. ENIAC required constant vigilance to keep it running. Bushel baskets of spare tubes were kept on hand to replace the ones that were frequently burning out.
晶体管的出现可谓是极其偶然的。计算机的发展历程表明，如果只有真空管可用，计算机的发展不可能取得更大的进步。正如肖克利预言的那样。在1949年接受通用电气公司广播节目“科学论坛”采访时：
The transistor happened along at an extremely fortuitous moment in the evolution of the computer, which could not have advanced much further had only vacuum tubes been available. As Shockley prophesized in a 1949 interview on General Electric’s radio program, Science Forum:
近来，人们对电子大脑或计算机进行了大量研究。这些机器的许多问题与自动电话交换机（也称自动电话交换机）的问题类似。对于这类应用，真空管的应用存在一些困难，因为……就其体积和产生的热量而言，在我看来，晶体管在这些机器人大脑中堪称理想的神经细胞。
There has recently been a great deal of thought spent on electronic brains or computing machines. Many of the problems with these machines are similar to those of an automatic telephone exchange, which is also a sort of electronic brain. For applications of this sort there are difficulties in applying vacuum tubes because of their size and the heat which they produce. It seems to me that in these robot brains the transistor is the ideal nerve cell.
自从肖克利初到贝尔实验室，凯利向他灌输电子开关的梦想以来，他就一直非常清楚这些局限性。这种微型晶体管——与真空管不同——在不工作时不消耗任何电能。（而且开机时效果甚微）为那些想要构建更复杂计算机的人们带来了希望。
Ever since he had first arrived at Bell Labs and Kelly had indoctrinated him on his dream of electronic switching, Shockley had been highly cognizant of these limitations. The tiny transistor, which—unlike the vacuum tube—consumed no power when not in actual operation (and very little when it was on), offered hope to those who wanted to build much more complex computers.
最早一批利用晶体管技术的单位之一是美国陆军。哈里·扎尔是新泽西州蒙茅斯堡附近信号兵团电子实验室的研究主任，他热切地见证了1948年6月23日面向军队的演示。演示结束后，他返回了自己的岗位。他们盛赞这种新型微型放大器，以及它对战后陆军计算机和通信设备小型化、轻量化和耐用化项目可能带来的益处。不久，实验室与陆军工程兵团签订了一份合同，定期向其汇报晶体管研发的最新进展。
Among the first in line to take advantage of the transistor was the U.S. Army. Harry Zahl, research director at the Signal Corps Electronic Laboratory at nearby Fort Monmouth, New Jersey, was an eager witness to the June 23, 1948, demonstration for the armed services. He returned to his post singing the praises of the new midget amplifier and what it might do for the postwar program to make Army computers and communications equipment smaller, lighter, and more rugged. Soon the Labs signed a contract with the Corps to keep it apprised of ongoing progress in transistor research and development.
1949年9月，点接触晶体管正处于研发的关键时期，当时，结型晶体管还只是肖克利脑海中的一个设想，鲍恩、菲斯克和莫顿与惠帕尼的工程师们会面，探讨在为军方制造的数据传输设备中使用晶体管的可能性。那时已经取得了足够的进展，表明“很明显，数字技术将会被应用，并且应该将晶体管与真空管进行比较”。用于执行开关和门控操作的电子管。”每个单元的逻辑电路都需要近千个真空管，外加数千个晶体整流器。尽管点接触晶体管作为放大器存在一些问题，但它们在开关电路方面展现出了足够的潜力，足以被视为体积庞大、功耗极高的真空管的替代品。这也有可能成为军事工作的一个额外好处。正如一位与会人员所说：“类似的电路很可能在未来应用于贝尔系统的交换问题。”
In September 1949, while the point-contact transistor was in the throes of development and the junction transistor still mostly a gleam in Shockley’s eye, Bown, Fisk, and Morton met with engineers from Whippany to consider the use of transistors in data-transmission equipment to be built for the military. Enough progress had been made by then to show that it was “quite obvious that digital techniques will be involved and that transistors should be considered in comparison with vacuum tubes for the switching and gating operations that must be performed.” Almost a thousand vacuum tubes, plus several thousand crystal rectifiers, were required to build the logic circuits for each unit. Despite their problems as amplifiers, point-contact transistors showed sufficient promise in switching circuits to be considered as replacements for the bulky, power-hungry vacuum tubes. And there was a potential side benefit to the military work, too. As one man present at the meeting remarked, “Similar circuits will, in all probability, have some future applications to Bell System switching problems.”
开关的本质在于它只有两种可能的状态：“开”和“关”。“关闭”。中间没有中间状态——或者说不应该有。肖克利提出的绘制近邻结型晶体管的想法。例如，引信是用于开关中的。迫击炮弹装填并发射后，雷管电路始终保持断开状态，即“不要发射！”状态。任何其他状态都可能对使用炮弹的士兵造成极其危险的后果。但当炮弹返回到足够接近地面时，其微型雷达接收器发出的微弱信号会触发晶体管，使电路接通，即“发射！”状态。应该没有其他可能性了。
The essence of a switch is that it has only two possible states: “on” and “off.” There is nothing in between—or shouldn’t be. Shockley’s idea of drafting the junction transistor for proximity fuzes, for example, was for use in a switch. When the mortar shell is loaded and fired, the detonator circuit remains resolutely in its off, or “Don’t Fire!” state. Anything else could prove extremely unhealthy for the troops using the shell. But when it returns close enough to ground, a small signal from its tiny radar receiver cues the transistor to switch the circuit to on, or “Fire!” There should be no other possibilities.
电子大脑的思维方式也类似。一切事物非此即彼，非开即关，非上即下，非黑即白。对数字计算机而言，每个数字——实际上，所有信息——都可以用二进制形式表示，即一串由 1 和 0 组成的字符串。例如，十进制数 3 的二进制表示是“11”（表示 1 × 2 加 1 × 1），而十进制数 10 的二进制表示是“1010”（或 1 × 8）。加上 0 × 4 加上 1 × 2 加上 0 × 1）。这两个数的和是 1101，它们的差是 111，它们的积是 11110。
Electronic brains think the same way. Everything is either on or off, up or down, black or white. To a digital computer, every number—all information, in fact—can be represented in “binary” form as a string of ones and zeroes. The decimal number 3 is “11” (which represents 1 × 2 plus 1 × 1) in binary notation, for example, while decimal 10 is “1010” (or 1 × 8 plus 0 × 4 plus 1 × 2 plus 0 × 1). The sum of these two numbers is 1101, their difference 111, their product 11110.
逻辑电路——由真空管或晶体管以及整流器、电阻器和电容器组成——本质上是一个复杂的电子开关系统，它以相同的二进制方式表示数字，并对这些数字执行相同的数学运算（以及其他运算）。必须毫无失误地完成这些动作。例如，任何循环都不能出现 ½ 的情况；它应该始终是 0 或 1，不能有中间值。
Logic circuits—composed of vacuum tubes or transistors plus rectifiers, resistors, and capacitors—are in essence a complex of electronic switches that represent numbers in the same binary way and perform the same mathematical operations (among others) on these numbers. And they must accomplish these gymnastics without making mistakes. No circuit should ever come up as ½, for example; it should always be 0 or 1, nothing in between.
另一个关键要素是速度。计算机执行操作的过程是一系列枯燥乏味、重复性极高的步骤，乍一看似乎非常愚蠢。但它们强大的能力就源于能够快速完成这些操作。它们的逻辑电路每秒可以进行数千次甚至数百万次的开关切换。在这方面，真空管最初比点接触晶体管更具优势，而点接触晶体管最初又比结型晶体管速度更快。所有这些放大器的开关速度都取决于它们能够工作的最高频率。在20世纪50年代初期，点接触晶体管工作效率很高。真空管的频率最高只有每秒 10 到 20 兆赫，而结型晶体管的频率则慢了大约 10 倍。当时，一些真空管的频率可以轻松超过每秒 100 兆赫，而且价格仍然比晶体管便宜得多。
Another essential requirement is speed. Computers execute operations in a boring series of dull, repetitive steps that seems awfully idiotic at first glance. Their power derives from the fact that they can perform these operations rapidly. Their logic circuits can switch from on to off and vice versa many thousands, even millions, of times per second. Here vacuum tubes initially had an edge over point-contact transistors, which were at first quicker than junction transistors. The switching speed of all these amplifiers is governed by the highest frequency at which they can operate. In the early 1950s, point-contact transistors worked up to only 10 to 20 megacycles per second, while junction transitors were about a factor of 10 slower. At that time, some vacuum tubes could easily function above 100 megacycles, and they were still much cheaper than transistors.
但这些优点无法弥补其体积庞大、易烧毁、高能耗和发热等缺点。真空管的致命弱点在于其体积庞大、耗电量高、发热严重等。电子管的缺点在于必须持续向其阴极供电。无论它此刻是否正在工作，电子管都必须保持随时待命的状态，随时准备响应指令。晶体管几乎可以瞬间启动，就像一队训练有素的海军陆战队员一样，但迟缓的真空管却不行，它们总是至少需要几秒钟的时间才能启动。热身并做好行动准备。
But these advantages could not overcome the disadvantages of bulkiness, frequent burnout, high power consumption, and heat production. The Achilles’ heel of the vacuum tube was the fact that power had to be supplied continuously to its cathode. Whether or not it was actually doing anything at a given instant, the tube had to be kept in a state of constant preparedness, ready to switch on command. Transistors can snap to attention almost instantaneously, like a line of well-trained Marines, but not the slothful vacuum tubes, which always need at least a few seconds to warm up and get ready for action.
军方并没有忽视这一区别——事实上，贝尔系统电子开关电路的工程师们也同样注意到了这一点。晶体管早期在军事领域的应用之一是AN/TSQ系列数据发射器。这些设备由惠帕尼设计，本质上是数字计算机，用于接收三个目标坐标。由雷达系统生成，并将此信息转换为二进制形式，通过电话线传输到控制中心；在那里，类似的装置将信息转换回其原始模拟形式，操作员可以在阴极射线管上查看。
This distinction was not lost on the armed services—nor, for that matter, on engineers trying to develop electronic switching circuits for the Bell system. An early military application of the transistor was in data transmitters in the AN/TSQ series. Designed at Whippany, these units were essentially digital computers that took the three target coordinates generated by a radar system and converted this information to a binary form that was transmitted over telephone lines to a control center; there a similar unit converted the information back to its original analog form, which operators could view on a cathode-ray tube.
AN/TSQ单元是混合型设备，其编码和解码阶段使用了真空管，此外还使用了200个或更多晶体管——几乎它们全部采用点接触式设计——位于其逻辑电路的其他部分。事实证明，它们的体积只有完全依赖真空管的同类设备的五分之一，功耗也只有后者的八分之一。这些AN/TSQ单元很快成为耐克导弹阵地的主力装备。20世纪50年代，为了应对苏联空袭的威胁，美国城市周围开始涌现出大量耐克导弹阵地。联盟。利用这些设备，控制中心的军官可以监控导弹。在他的指挥下，为他们分配具体的射击目标。
The AN/TSQ units were hybrid devices that used vacuum tubes in their encoding and decoding stages plus 200 or more transistors—almost all of them point-contact—elsewhere in their logic circuitry. They proved to be five times smaller and to require one-eighth the power of similar devices that depended entirely on vacuum tubes. These AN/TSQ units soon became a mainstay of the Nike missile batteries that began to spring up around U.S. cities during the 1950s in response to the looming threat of airborne attacks from the Soviet Union. Using them, an officer at a control center could monitor the missiles under his command and assign them individual targets to shoot down.
一组耐克-阿贾克斯导弹。早期用于控制这些导弹的雷达系统依赖于点接触式晶体管。
A battery of Nike-Ajax guided missiles. Early radar systems used in the control of these missiles relied on point-contact transistors.
1954年1月，惠帕尼的工程师们为美国空军制造了一台全晶体管计算机。这台名为TRADIC（晶体管数字计算机）的计算机在其电路中使用了700个点接触晶体管和超过10000个锗晶体整流器。TRADIC 每秒可执行一百万次逻辑运算，是第一台完全固态的计算机；它的速度接近基于真空管的计算机。
In January 1954 Whippany engineers built a fully transistorized computer for the Air Force. Called TRADIC (for TRAnsistorized DIgital Computer), it used 700 point-contact transistors and more than 10,000 germanium crystal rectifiers in its circuits. Capable of performing a million logical operations every second, TRADIC was the first completely solid-state computer; it approached the speed of computers based on vacuum tubes.
这些军事应用为晶体管提供了一个直接的市场，在军事领域，成本并非主要考虑因素。这在20世纪50年代初是一个至关重要的因素，当时点接触式晶体管每个可能要花费近20美元，而其他类型的晶体管只需几美元。真空管的价格大约是一美元左右。1951年后，军方开始向实验室投入数百万美元用于晶体管的研发。例如，从1953年到1955年，用于此目的的资金几乎有一半来自军方。1953年，美国陆军通信兵团甚至资助了位于宾夕法尼亚州雷丁市的西电公司工厂的建设，该工厂专门用于大规模生产晶体管。为了确保为了确保可靠的供应，陆军工程兵团还在通用电气、美国无线电公司、雷神公司和西尔瓦尼亚公司等企业投入数百万美元，建设类似的生产线。一个全新的产业就此诞生。
These military applications provided an immediate market for transistors where cost was not a concern. This was a crucial factor in the early 1950s, when point-contact transistors might cost nearly $20 each, compared to only a dollar or so for a vacuum tube. After 1951 the armed services began pouring millions into transistor development at the labs. From 1953 to 1955, for example, almost half the money spent there for this purpose came from the military. And in 1953 the Signal Corps even underwrote the construction costs of a Western Electric plant in Reading, Pennsylvania, devoted to mass producing transistors. To insure reliable supplies, the Corps also spent millions on similar production lines at General Electric, RCA, Raytheon, and Sylvania. Suddenly a new industry had been born.
晶体管的 出现 也帮助凯利将他几十年来梦寐以求的电子交换技术变成了现实。然而，这种转变是渐进的，贯穿了整个 20 世纪 50 年代。一方面，贝尔系统当时已经拥有数十亿美元的资金。受限于现有基础设施，主要基于机电继电器和交叉开关。此外，AT&T 非常保守，坚持在将新技术引入系统之前进行彻底的测试并确保其可靠性得到验证。但至少在这一点上，该公司拥有一个庞大的固定市场，无需担心个人喜好。如果 AT&T 选择晶体管只能用于某些特定应用，无论数百万客户是否愿意，他们最终都会得到这些应用。事实上，司法部在1949年的反垄断诉讼中，正是试图打破这种垄断，要求西电公司剥离其资产。
THE TRANSISTOR ALSO helped to turn Kelly’s decades-old dream of electronic switching into a reality. This conversion was gradual, however, taking the rest of the 1950s to occur. For one thing, the Bell system already had billions tied up in existing infrastructure, based mainly on electromechanical relays and crossbar switches. For another, AT&T was highly conservative, insisting on thorough testing and proven reliability before introducing new technologies to the system. But here, at least, the company had a huge captive market where it had no need to worry about the idiosyncracies of individual tastes. If AT&T chose to proceed with certain applications of the transistor, that is what its millions of customers would get, like it or not. This monopoly, in fact, was what the Justice Department was trying to break up in its 1949 antitrust suit requiring divestiture of Western Electric.
贝尔系统中晶体管的最早应用是卡片翻译器，这是一种机电式开关单元。这套设备在20世纪40年代末期开始研发。这个笨重的装置利用光束穿过一叠水平排列的1200张穿孔金属卡，将进入中心局的长途电话路由到相应的城际干线。“这简直是个蹩脚的玩意儿， ”一位工程师承认道，“最糟糕的那种。”
The earliest application of the transistor in the Bell system was the card translator, an electromechanical switching unit that was under development in the late 1940s. This unwieldy contraption used light beams passing through a horizontal stack of 1,200 punched metal cards to route long-distance calls coming into a central office to the appropriate intercity trunk lines. “It was a kludge,” one engineer acknowledged. “The worst sort.”
卡片转换器最初设计使用超过 100 个 RCA 真空管组成的阵列。光电管用作光探测器，但约翰·希夫发明了一种1948年，光电晶体管的发明做出了更好的选择。在他的发明中，一束窄光束（代替导线）作为点接触晶体管的发射极，在锗表面下方产生空穴，这些空穴会流向附近的集电极，并在光照下提高输出电流。
The card translator was originally designed to use an array of more than 100 RCA vacuum-tube photocells as light detectors, but John Shive invented a “phototransistor” in 1948 that made a better choice. In his invention a narrow light beam serves (instead of a wire) as the emitter of a point-contact transistor, generating holes beneath a germanium surface that flow to a nearby collector point and raise the output current whenever the light is shining.
20世纪50年代初，希夫与贝尔设备开发部门的团队正在研发卡片转换器。其放大器电路采用了点接触晶体管，这些晶体管从1951年底开始在阿伦代尔的装配线上批量生产。作为AT&T收费拨号系统的重要组成部分（该系统于1953年9月开始试运行），卡片转换器在该公司新的直接长途拨号系统中发挥了至关重要的作用。能力。
During the early 1950s, Shive teamed with the group in Bell’s Apparatus Development Department working on the card translator. Its amplifier circuits used the point-contact transistors that started rolling off Allendale’s assembly lines by late 1951. An important component of AT&T’s toll dialing system, which began trial service in September 1953, the card translator played an essential role in the company’s new direct-distance dialing capability.
20世纪50年代初，晶体管的其他应用还包括用于农村线路中继电路以及配备放大器的电话，这些电话专为嘈杂环境、听力障碍者或声音微弱者设计。这种放大电话的出现，得益于晶体管的发明，因为晶体管可以通过电话线获得所需的全部工作功率。
Other early 1950s applications of the transistor came in repeater circuits for the system’s rural carrier lines and in amplifier-equipped telephones for use in noisy locations and by the hearing-impaired or by those with weak voices. Such amplified phones became possible only with the advent of transistors, which can obtain all the operating power they need over the telephone lines.
为了秉承亚历山大·格雷厄姆·贝尔最初帮助聋人和听力障碍者的初衷，AT&T 也向助听器制造商提供了免版税许可。这些公司是首批将晶体管应用于商业产品的企业。1952 年末，Sonotone 公司开始销售售价229.50 美元的助听器，其中三个真空管中的一个被结型晶体管取代。这款助听器由一家名为锗产品公司（Germanium Products Corporation）的小型初创公司生产，该公司位于泽西市一栋破旧的建筑内。几天后，迈科公司（Maico Company）推出了一款基于三个雷神晶体管的无导管助听器。几个月后，Acousticon公司宣布推出一款售价仅为74.50美元的无导管单晶体管助听器。随后，又有十几家制造商竞相效仿，纷纷采用锗产品公司的晶体管。雷神公司的产品可以为他们的助听器供电。
In keeping with Alexander Graham Bell’s original devotion to helping the deaf and hard of hearing, AT&T also extended royalty-free licenses to hearing-aid manufacturers. These were the first companies to market commercial products using transistors. In late 1952 Sonotone began selling hearing aids for $229.50, in which one of the three vacuum tubes was replaced by a junction transistor; it was made by the tiny start-up Germanium Products Corporation, which operated out of a ramshackle building in Jersey City. Days later the Maico Company came out with a tubeless model based on three Raytheon transistors. Within a few months Acousticon announced a tubeless, single-transistor hearing aid for only $74.50. Another dozen or so manufacturers rushed to catch up, using transistors from Germanium Products or Raytheon to power their own hearing aids.
真空管助听器的主要局限在于其放大单元所需的电池价格昂贵且佩戴不便，因为放大单元通常佩戴在腰间。一年的电池供应费用可能接近 100 美元，但如果使用晶体管，费用可以降至 10 美元以下。巴丁的妻子简就使用了一种……第一批晶体管助听器是由索诺通公司在肖克利的敦促下提供的。随着小型化技术的不断进步，固态电路最终使得完全可以佩戴在耳内的助听器得以生产，几乎完全隐形。
The principal limitation of a vacuum-tube hearing aid was the expense and encumbrance of the batteries needed to power its amplifying unit, which was generally worn around the waist. A typical year’s supply of batteries might have cost close to $100, but this could be cut to less than $10 with transistors. Bardeen’s wife, Jane, used one of the first transistorized hearing aids, supplied by Sonotone at Shockley’s urging. With the relentless progress of miniaturization, solid-state circuits eventually allowed the production of hearing aids that could be worn entirely within the ear, almost completely out of sight.
“在晶体管和新型固态电子器件中，人类或许有望找到一个能与原子能的强大力量相匹配的大脑。”1953年3月， 《财富》杂志发表了一篇题为“晶体管之年”的文章，宣称晶体管时代即将到来。文章指出，当时美国制造商的晶体管月产量仅为5万个，而真空管的月产量则高达3500万个。尽管如此，《财富》杂志仍然预测晶体管的未来一片光明。这种小型固态器件，制造商正准备每月生产数百万个。
“In the transistor and the new solid-state electronics, man may hope to find a brain to match atomic energy’s muscle,” proclaimed a March 1953 Fortune article entitled “The Year of the Transistor.” The combined output of transistors from U.S. manufacturers was only 50,000 a month, it allowed, compared to 35 million vacuum tubes. Nevertheless, Fortune predicted a rosy future for the diminutive solid-state device, citing the fact that manufacturers were gearing up to produce millions per month.
一张照片文章中，自信的肖克利坚定地站在莫顿和艾迪生·怀特之间，后者接替迪恩·伍尔德里奇成为贝尔物理电子部门的负责人。巴丁和布拉坦直到文章结尾才被提及，他们被描述为“进行表面态实验的团队”，正是这些实验促成了突破。相比之下，肖克利被特别强调为“取得突破的主要负责人”。这些洞见促成了晶体管的发明。莫顿被着重描绘成解决晶体管制造难题的研发团队的负责人。
A photograph in the article features a confident Shockley standing rigidly between Morton and Addison White, who replaced Dean Wooldridge as head of Bell’s Physical Electronics Department. Bardeen and Brattain are mentioned only toward the end as the “team that conducted the surface-state experiments” that led to the breakthrough. By contrast, Shockley is singled out as “the man chiefly responsible for obtaining these insights,” which led to the transistor’s invention. And Morton is prominently portrayed as head of the development group that solved its pressing manufacturing problems.
1952年，戈登·蒂尔在《纽约时报》上看到一则分类广告，一家达拉斯公司正在招聘人员来组织和领导其研究部门。他记得，德州仪器公司的代表也曾参与过招聘。在去年四月的晶体管技术研讨会上，他谈到了……主要是因为他的妻子莉达想念德克萨斯州，他们俩都在那里长大，一起就读贝勒大学，并且经常和他们的三个儿子在那里度过暑假，所以他决定去考察一下。而且最近他在贝尔实验室也开始感到有些不适应。蒂尔想要一个责任更大的职位。在得知……一家德克萨斯州的公司想生产晶体管，他写了一封信去应聘。
IN 1952 GORDON Teal noticed a classified ad in the New York Times from a Dallas company seeking someone to organize and direct its research department. Representatives of Texas Instruments, he remembered, had participated in the Transistor Technology symposium the previous April. Mainly because his wife, Lyda, was homesick for Texas, where both of them had grown up, gone to Baylor together, and often spent their summer vacations with their three sons, he decided to investigate. And lately he had been getting restless at Bell Labs, too. Teal wanted a position offering more responsibility. After learning that the Texas company wanted to make transistors, he wrote a letter to apply.
德州仪器公司副总裁帕特·哈格蒂是出席研讨会的四位德州仪器代表之一。他和负责公司早期半导体制造业务的工程师马克·谢泼德一起，回忆起蒂尔举办的那场内容丰富的晶体拉制研讨会。他们很高兴收到他的来信，并邀请他来达拉斯访问。蒂尔找到了一家规模虽小但充满活力的电子公司，员工不足1800人，该公司当时已经在培育锗晶体并制造点接触晶体管。到1952年12月31日他加入该公司时，该公司甚至已经开始向一家钟表制造商出售其第一批结型器件。
Vice President Pat Haggerty was one of four men from Texas Instruments who attended the symposium. Along with Mark Shepherd, the engineer who led its infant semiconductor manufacturing operations, he recalled Teal’s informative crystal-pulling workshop. Pleased to receive his letter, they invited him to Dallas for a visit. Teal found a small but vigorous electronics firm, with fewer than 1,800 employees, that was already growing germanium crystals and making point-contact transistors. By the time he joined the firm on December 31, 1952, it had even begun selling its first junction devices—to a watchmaker.
德州仪器公司成立于大萧条时期，最初名为地球物理服务公司（Geophysical Services, Inc.），是一家生产反射式地球物理探测器的小公司。用于石油勘探的地震仪。珍珠港事件后，GSI凭借其电子技术专长，成功拿下海军一份大合同，为其提供机载潜艇探测设备。战争结束后，在许多其他公司大幅缩减规模之际，该公司却决定积极拓展军用电子产品业务。它生产的设备包括低空轰炸瞄准器和机载雷达等。系统。作为其战略的关键要素，GSI 从海军航空局挖来了哈格蒂。“他求知欲极强，不停地阅读，”谢泼德说。“当他决定我们应该对半导体感兴趣时，他去了南方卫理公会大学读研究生，选修了一些物理课程。
Texas Instruments began during the Depression as Geophysical Services, Inc., a tiny company producing reflection seismographs used for oil prospecting. After Pearl Harbor GSI used its electronics expertise to snag a big Navy contract supplying airborne submarine-detection equipment. When the war ended, the company decided to expand aggressively in military electronics—at a time when many other firms were cutting back drastically. It manufactured such equipment as low-altitude bombsights and airborne radar systems. As a key element in its strategy, GSI hired Haggerty away from the Navy’s Bureau of Aeronautics. “He was insatiably curious, just read and read and read,” said Shepherd. “When he decided that we ought to get interested in semiconductors, he went out to the graduate school at SMU and took some physics courses.”
该公司于1951年更名为德州仪器，并开始与西电公司接洽。为了获得生产新型结型晶体管的许可证，哈格蒂和其他德州仪器（TI）的高管们与这家大型电子制造商的律师们周旋了很久，后者“显然对我们坚信自己有能力在这个领域竞争的胆大妄为感到好笑”。经过数月的反复游说，德州仪器终于在1952年春季获得了许可证。预付 25,000 美元。作为这项交易的一部分，哈格蒂、谢泼德和德州仪器公司的另外两名员工于 4 月 21 日抵达默里山，参加第二届晶体管研讨会。
Renamed Texas Instruments in 1951, the company approached Western Electric for a license to manufacture the new junction transistor. But Haggerty and other TI officials had a difficult time with lawyers from the big electronics manfacturer, who were “visibly amused at the effrontery of our conviction that we could develop the competence to compete in the field.” After pestering them for months, Texas Instruments finally obtained a license in the spring of 1952 for an up-front payment of $25,000. As part of this deal, Haggerty, Shepherd, and two other men from TI arrived in Murray Hill on April 21 for the second transistor symposium.
那年秋天，晶体管生产已基本步入正轨，哈格蒂准备组建一个能够引领德州仪器走向未来的研发部门。他需要一支由科学家和工程师组成的团队，能够创造……他需要掌握各种理念和技术，才能使他的公司始终处于新兴半导体行业的前沿。作为该部门的主管，蒂尔几乎完美地胜任了这一职位。尽管他性格内向，不太容易相处，但他拥有成功的智慧和毅力。而且，由于他在晶体生长领域做出的关键贡献，蒂尔在业内声名鹊起。对于这个新兴行业而言，这一点至关重要，因为他需要从零开始组建一个团队，并招募优秀人才。“如果没有他，或者没有像他这样的人，我们根本不可能吸引到那么多优秀的人才，”谢泼德坦言，“而且，我们当时确实招到了一些非常杰出的年轻科学家。”
With transistor production fairly well under way that autumn, Haggerty was ready to set up a research department that could lead Texas Instruments into the future. He wanted a team of scientists and engineers who could generate the ideas and technologies needed to keep his company poised at the leading edge of the new semiconductor industry. As director of this department, Teal fit the bill almost perfectly. Despite an introverted personality that made him hard to work with, he had the intelligence and stubbornness to succeed. And due to his pivotal contributions in crystal growing, Teal was becoming well known throughout the young industry. This would be crucial in recruiting good people for a group he had to create essentially from scratch. “We could never have attracted the stable of people that we did without him, or without somebody like him,” admitted Shepherd. “And we got some really outstanding young scientists in those days.”
在贝尔实验室的最后两年里，蒂尔开始专注于一项新的研究。问题：如何生长和掺杂大尺寸硅晶体。1951年2月，他和比勒成功生长出硅单晶，并在其中形成PN结。经过一年的研究，他们发表了研究成果。蒂尔加入德州仪器后，便渴望继续从事这方面的研究。
During his last two years at Bell Labs, Teal had begun to concentrate on a new problem: growing and doping large silicon crystals. In February 1951 he and Buehler managed to grow single crystals of silicon and form P-N junctions in them. And after another year of research, they published their results. When Teal came to Texas Instruments, this was a direction he was eager to pursue.
它的熔点比锗高得多（1410°C 而不是 937°C），硅的反应活性更高，加工难度也更大。但它的储量远比锗丰富，而且在某些方面，其电性能更胜一筹。锗虽然优点众多，却有一个无法克服的致命缺陷：锗晶体管的性能会随温度变化，因为其电子很容易脱离原子核。它们原本平衡的N层和P层会被大量的自由电子淹没。温度超过75°C（167°F）后，锗晶体管就完全停止工作了。一些早期型号在高湿度环境下也会出现问题。这些问题对于……来说都极其令人担忧。他们最大的用户是武装部队，他们需要稳定、可靠的设备，能够在各种条件下保持相同的性能。
With a melting point substantially higher than that of germanium (1,410°C instead of 937°C), silicon is more reactive and much more difficult to work with. But it is a far more abundant element, and its electrical properties are in certain respects preferable. For all its excellent qualities, germanium has one crippling, insurmountable limitation. The performance of germanium transistors changes with temperature because its electrons can break away much too easily from their parent atoms. Their delicately balanced N and P layers become drowned in a sea of free electrons. Beyond about 75°C (167°F), germanium transistors quit working altogether. And some of the early models had difficulty in high humidity. These were extremely worrisome problems for their biggest users, the armed services, which needed stable, reliable equipment that performed the same in a wide variety of conditions.
“我在德州仪器的主要目标是制造能够满足军用环境条件的生长结硅单晶和小信号晶体管，”蒂尔说道。1953年，在哈格蒂的积极鼓励下，他组建了一个由物理化学家威利斯·阿德科克领导的团队，专注于实现这一目标。其他科学家和工程师也在其他地方追求类似的目标，他们中的大多数都使用通用电气的合金结晶体管。技术上，蒂尔坚持采用他首创的虽然繁琐但更易于控制的晶体拉拔法。
“My main aim at TI was to make grown-junction silicon single-crystal and small-signal transistors that would meet military environmental conditions,” claimed Teal. In 1953, with Haggerty’s active encouragement, he put together a group led by physical chemist Willis Adcock to focus on this goal. Other scientists and engineers were pursuing a similar goal elsewhere, most of them using GE’s alloy-junction technique. Teal insisted on employing the cumbersome but more controllable crystal-pulling approach he had pioneered.
硅的提纯和加工难度远高于锗。由于其熔点高且反应活性强，熔融硅几乎会与任何能盛装它的坩埚发生反应。即使是熔融石英——最好的容器之一——也会在熔体中缓慢溶解。杂质石英中存在的杂质通常会进入硅中，氧也是如此，这会毒化硅以及由此生长的任何晶体。硅也不太适合区域提纯，因为它在冷却时经常开裂。而且，很难将合金化过程控制到足以产生晶体管所需的优质PN结的程度。20世纪50年代初，看似硅的顽固特性让许多研究人员感到绝望，认为他们永远无法用这种无处不在、令人着迷的元素制造出好的晶体管。
Silicon was proving to be much more difficult to purify and process than germanium. Due to its high melting point and reactivity, molten silicon reacts with almost any crucible that can contain it. Even fused quartz, one of the best containers, slowly dissolves in the melt. Impurities present in the quartz usually find their way into the silicon, as does oxygen, poisoning it and any crystal grown from it. Silicon did not lend itself very readily to zone refining, either, because it often cracked upon cooling. And it was difficult to control the alloying process to the degree necessary to produce the good P-N junctions needed for transistors. In the early 1950s, the seeming intransigence of silicon led many researchers to despair that they would ever be able to manufacture good transistors from this ubiquitous, tantalizing element.
蒂尔和他的团队苦苦挣扎了一年多——从1953年剩余的时间一直到1954年——却始终没有成功。最终，他们使用从杜邦公司以每磅500美元的价格购买的高纯度硅，在4月中旬成功生长出NPN结构。从上面切下一段半英寸长的“条”。虽然制作窄的P型基区很重要，但这并非限制因素。最关键的是仔细掺杂发射极区以获得足够的电流增益。4月14日早上，哈格蒂接到蒂尔兴奋的电话，让他赶紧去实验室做演示。几分钟后，“我亲眼目睹了第一个晶体管的工作原理。”“生长结硅晶体管，”哈格蒂回忆道。
Teal and his group struggled along for more than a year—for the rest of 1953 and well into 1954—without success. Finally, using high-purity silicon purchased from du Pont at $500 a pound, they grew an N-P-N structure in mid-April and cut a half-inch “bar” from it. Although making a narrow P-type base was important, it proved not to be the limiting factor. Most crucial was carefully doping the emitter region to get enough current gain. On the morning of April 14, Haggerty received an excited call from Teal, asking him to hurry over to the lab for a demonstration. Minutes later, “I was observing transistor action in that first grown-junction silicon transistor,” Haggerty recalled.
对于这家年轻的半导体制造商来说，这是一个决定性的时刻。意识到其他公司（例如雷神公司）也可能取得类似的突破，德州仪器迅速建立生产线并开始生产硅晶体管。阿德科克和蒂尔起草了一篇论文，准备在全国机载电子学会议上发表。下个月将在俄亥俄州代顿市由无线电工程师协会举办的会议。到了5月10日他预定演讲的那天，蒂尔的外套口袋里装着几个硅晶体管，准备向大家展示。但他一直在等待最佳时机。
It was the defining moment for the young semiconductor manufacturer. Realizing that another firm (Raytheon, for example) could have made a similar breakthrough, TI raced to set up a production line and to begin manufacturing silicon transistors. Adcock and Teal drafted a paper to present at the National Conference on Airborne Electronics, to be held the next month in Dayton, Ohio, by the Institute of Radio Engineers. By the day of his scheduled talk on May 10, Teal had several silicon transistors in his coat pocket to show around. But he waited for the ideal moment.
“上午的会议上，演讲者们无意中为我们铺平了道路，”他回忆道。“他们一个接一个地提到，指望成功是多么的绝望。”硅晶体管的研制历时数年。多年来，他们建议业界目前可以先满足于锗晶体管。”他听着，心中“越来越兴奋”，意识到自己的宣布会带来巨大的惊喜。他迅速在报纸上写下几句结尾，报纸的标题平淡无奇，只是“近期的一些进展”。“硅和锗材料及器件。”
“During the morning sessions, the speakers had unwittingly set the stage for us,” he recalled. “One after another they remarked about how hopeless it was to expect the development of a silicon transistor in less than several years. They advised the industry to be satisfied with germanium transistors for the present.” He listened with “mounting exultation,” recognizing the great surprise his announcement would bring. He quickly penned a few closing sentences to his copy of the paper, which sported the bland and innocuous title, “Some Recent Developments in Silicon and Germanium Materials and Devices.”
蒂尔开始演讲时，听众已经昏昏欲睡。他单调乏味地讲了将近半个小时，回顾了德州仪器最近的研究成果，许多人开始打瞌睡。最后，他开始总结。“与我的同事们所说的硅晶体管前景黯淡的说法相反，”他平静地说道，“我这里正好有几个硅晶体管。”在我的口袋里。
By the time Teal began, the audience was pretty drowsy. Many began to nod off as he droned monotonously on for almost half an hour, reviewing recent TI research. Finally he began his wrap-up. “Contrary to what my colleagues have told you about the bleak prospects for silicon transistors,” he calmly proclaimed, “I happen to have a few of them here in my pocket.”
他的听众突然回过神来。“您刚才说您已经生产硅晶体管了？”大约十排后面一位目瞪口呆的听众问道。
His audience suddenly woke up. “Did you say you have silicon transistors in production?” asked one stupefied listener about ten rows back.
“是的，我们目前生产三种硅晶体管，”蒂尔回答道，一边从口袋里掏出几个晶体管，举到众人面前，引得众人惊讶不已。然后，在一位助手的帮助下，他演示了它们的性能：
“Yes, we have three types of silicon transistors in production,” replied Teal, pulling several out of his pocket and holding them up to everyone’s astonished gaze. Then, aided by an assistant, he demonstrated their performance:
首先是锗唱片机放大器中的晶体管被浸入热油烧杯中，由于高温导致器件无法正常工作，唱片的声音戛然而止。之后我换上了新的硅晶体管，使得阿蒂·肖的《峰岭大道》中那摇摆的弦乐得以继续响彻云霄，没有丝毫中断。
First a germanium transistor in the amplifier of a record player was dunked into a beaker of hot oil, causing the record sound to die away as the device failed to operate at the high temperature. Then I substituted the new silicon device, which permitted the swinging strings of Artie Shaw’s “Summit Ridge Drive” to continue to blare forth without interruption.
然后蒂尔宣布，站在后面的一个人大厅门口放着他论文的复印件，供人免费领取。听众们立刻起身，争先恐后地跑回去领取，可怜的最后一位演讲者顿时无人问津。这时，有人听到雷神公司的人对着电话沙哑地喊道：“他们在德克萨斯州搞定了硅晶体管！”
Then Teal announced that a person standing at the rear door of the hall had copies of his paper to give away. His listeners quickly clamored to their feet and stampeded back to get one, leaving the poor final speaker without an audience. And a man from Raytheon was overheard croaking hoarsely into a telephone, “They got the silicon transistor down in Texas!”
真正负责将德州仪器（TI）的硅晶体管投入量产的人是 谢泼德当时是半导体产品实验室的负责人。“我们刚推出这些产品的时候，每个才卖一百美元，”他回忆道。马克身材高大魁梧，胸膛宽阔，下巴方正，在达拉斯长大，19岁就从南方卫理公会大学工程系毕业。在通用电气工作一段时间后，他应征入伍，加入了海军。战争期间，他专攻雷达系统。凭借退伍军人法案提供的教育福利，他在伊利诺伊大学获得硕士学位，之后在印第安纳州的法恩斯沃斯电视广播公司短暂工作，然后于 1948 年回到家乡，加入德克萨斯州的一家电子公司。
THE MAN PRINCIPALLY responsible for getting TI’s silicon transistors into production was Shepherd, then head of its Semiconductor Products Laboratory. “When we first brought them out, we were getting a hundred dollars apiece for them,” he recalled. A tall, thick-set, barrel-chested, square-jawed man, Mark had grown up in Dallas and studied engineering at Southern Methodist University, graduating at age nineteen. After working for General Electric, he enlisted in the Navy during the war, specializing in radar systems. Earning his master’s degree from Illinois on the GI Bill, he worked briefly at the Farnsworth Television and Radio Corporation in Indiana before returning to his hometown in 1948 to join the Texas electronics company.
1952年晶体管技术研讨会之后，谢泼德接管了德州仪器新成立的半导体项目工程组。起初，当时只有三四个人在位于城市郊区莱蒙大道工厂后方的一间小实验室里工作。“业务发展起来后，我们很快就觉得那里不够用了，”他回忆道，“然后我们搬到了街对面的保龄球馆。”之后，他们又接管了附近的一家面包店。除了军售之外，他们每年还为助听器生产数千个生长结锗晶体管。制造商。
Following the Transistor Technology symposium in 1952, Shepherd took charge of TI’s new Semiconductor Project Engineering Group. At first there were only three or four people working in a tiny laboratory at the back of its Lemmon Avenue plant on the city’s outskirts. “Once things picked up we rapidly outgrew that,” he recalled, “and then we moved into the bowling alley across the street.” After that they took over a bakery nearby. In addition to military sales, they made thousands of grown-junction germanium transistors a year for hearing-aid manufacturers.
然而，1954年德州仪器（TI）的军工业务却步履维艰，这主要是因为前一年7月朝鲜战争的结束导致多份合同被取消。当年，其军工收入从预期的3000万美元骤降至仅900万美元（总收入为2440万美元）。为了帮助公司抵御此类冲击，哈格蒂需要提升其……在商业产品领域，德州仪器(TI)的业务规模庞大。助听器晶体管的销售只是一个小众市场，但它帮助TI进入了半导体领域。谢泼德坚持认为，帕特也“想做一些规模更大的产品——让全世界都关注到它”。
TI’s military business was faltering in 1954, however, largely because the end of the Korean War the previous July had caused the cancellation of several contracts. From an anticipated level of $30 million, its military income that year plummeted to only $9 million (out of a total of $24.4 million). To help insulate the firm against such vicissitudes, Haggerty needed to boost its business in the commercial-products arena. The sale of transistors for hearing aids was only a small niche market that had helped launch TI into the semiconductor field. And Pat also “wanted to get something with some volume to it—call the world’s attention to it,” maintained Shepherd.
“我当时确信，全晶体管袖珍收音机是可行的，”他回忆道。哈格蒂说：“我试过了，没有这一成功引起了几家老牌大型无线电制造商的兴趣。”但RCA和其他公司当时更倾向于继续使用真空管。由于担心晶体管成本高昂且性能不稳定，他们都对晶体管持观望态度。1954年6月，哈格蒂最终与工业发展工程公司的Regency部门签署了一项合资协议。合作方（IDEA）负责为当年的圣诞市场设计和制造这样一款晶体管收音机。这是一项雄心勃勃的计划。这些收音机必须在十月份投入生产。
“I was convinced that an all-transistor pocket radio was feasible,” recalled Haggerty, “and I tried, without success, to interest several of the established large radio manufacturers in the idea.” But RCA and the others preferred to stick with vacuum tubes for the time being. Wary of its high cost and quirky performance, they all took a wait-and-see attitude toward the transistor. In June 1954 Haggerty finally inked a joint-venture agreement with the Regency Division of Industrial Development Engineering Associates (IDEA) to design and manufacture such a transistor radio for that year’s Christmas market. It was an incredibly ambitious venture. These radios had to be in production by October.
马克·谢泼德在德州仪器莱蒙大道工厂的办公室里。
Mark Shepherd in his office at TI’s Lemmon Avenue plant.
为了将成本控制在 50 美元左右，这款收音机设计时只使用了四个生长结锗晶体管，因此这些晶体管必须在 1 兆赫兹以上频率下工作，并具有高增益——接近 40 分贝（增益系数为 10,000）。而且，这些晶体管的单价也必须控制在 2.5 美元，而不是通常的 16 美元。“我们当时的想法是…… ”“如果我们能以 10 美元的价格卖出四个晶体管，”哈格蒂声称，“制造商可以用 17 或 18 美元的价格把剩下的零件组装起来，卖出一台 50 美元的收音机，在支付给经销商之后还能剩下一些钱。”
To keep its cost down to around $50, this radio was designed to use only four grown-junction germanium transistors, which consequently had to operate above 1 megacycle with high gain—almost 40 decibels (a gain factor of 10,000). And instead of the $16 typically charged for these transistors, they had to come in at $2.50 apiece. “We figured that if we could get $10 for four transistors,” Haggerty claimed, “the manufacturer could put the rest of the parts together for $17 or $18, sell a $50 radio, and still have a little left over for himself after paying a dealer.”
生产这些收音机所需的晶体管的重任完全落在了谢泼德宽阔的肩膀上。那一年，他经常工作到午夜。他经常邀请……他邀请了几位同事回家吃晚饭，晚饭是他的妻子玛丽·爱丽丝做的。之后，他回到实验室继续工作。她偶尔会去实验室看望他，并给予他鼓励。
The responsibility to produce the transistors for these radios fell squarely on Shepherd’s broad shoulders. Many days that year he worked until midnight. Often he invited a few colleagues home for a dinner cooked by his wife, Mary Alice, then returned to the lab for the rest of the evening. She occasionally dropped by to see him there and offer her encouragement.
为了降低晶体管成本，他们不得不大幅提高产量，同时还要努力保持合格品率足够高。在那个年代，10%的合格率已经相当不错了。就像它们从未达到过那样。“这其中涉及几十道工序，”谢泼德说。每道工序都必须严格控制，否则最终得到的晶体管就会出现无法接受的偏差。
To get the transistor costs down, they had to raise the production volume drastically while trying to keep the yield of good ones sufficiently high. In those days 10 percent yields were about as much as they ever got. “There were dozens of processes that went into this,” said Shepherd. Each process had to be carefully controlled or unacceptable variations would occur in the resulting transistors.
他的工人们培育出双掺杂锗晶体，并将这些晶体锯成细条。他们对每条晶体进行蚀刻和抛光，然后将细导线连接到晶体的三个部分上。经过测试和他们剔除了大部分批次的产品，给合格的产品加装电容器，以补偿剩余的误差并提高频率。最后，他们将这些晶体管封装起来，以保护它们免受外界环境的影响。根据性能，不合格的产品会被放入一系列的桶中。“那时候我们从不扔东西，”谢泼德回忆道，“总会有客户需要一些。”如果顾客进来想点些不一样的，我们会重新翻找酒桶，满足他们的订单。”
His workers grew double-doped germanium crystals and sawed these crystals into tiny bars. They etched and polished each bar, then attached delicate wires to its three segments. After testing and rejecting most of every lot, they affixed capacitors to those that passed—to compensate for remaining variability and attain higher frequency. Finally they encapsulated these transistors to protect them against the elements. Depending on their performance, the rejects were consigned to a series of barrels. “We never threw anything away in those days,” Shepherd recalled. “Some customer would always come in and want something a little different, and we’d go back through our barrels and fill the order.”
在IDEA工程师的帮助下，德州仪器还设计并制造了晶体管收音机所需的紧凑型电路。这意味着需要找到能够在短时间内提供微型扬声器、感应线圈和其他微型元件的公司，因为这些微型设备非常小巧。20世纪50年代中期，这种产品市面上根本买不到。然而，凭借着坚持不懈和一点运气，一切奇迹般地水到渠成，Regency公司的TR1袖珍收音机终于在当年秋天按计划开始艰难地驶下生产线。“随着这款首款以微型晶体管取代脆弱真空管的量产产品的问世，电子技术进入了一个新时代，”当时这样宣称。哈格蒂在 10 月 18 日的新闻稿中宣布了这一成就。
With the help of an IDEA engineer, Texas Instruments also designed and built the compact circuitry needed for the transistor radios. This meant finding companies that could supply tiny speakers, induction coils, and other miniature components on short notice since such diminutive devices were not available off the shelf in the mid-1950s. Somehow, through a combination of doggedness and good fortune, everything came together miraculously, and Regency’s TR1 pocket radio began limping off the assembly line on schedule that autumn. “With the introduction of this first mass production item replacing the fragile vacuum tube with the tiny transistor, Electronics enters a new era,” proclaimed Haggerty in an October 18 press release heralding the achievement.
Regency TR1 收音机于 1954 年 10 月上市，是第一款商用晶体管收音机。它使用德州仪器公司生产的四个锗晶体管来放大无线电信号。
The Regency TR1 radio, which came on the market in October 1954, was the first commercial transistor radio. It used four germanium transistors produced by Texas Instruments to amplify radio signals.
尽管开展了大规模的宣传活动，但截至1954年底， Regency公司仅售出了1500台晶体管收音机，基本上错过了圣诞节销售旺季。次年，总销量飙升至32000台。TR1收音机于1955年4月开始销售，最终在1955年末突破了10万台。其标价为49.95美元，一经推出便迅速售罄。但以这个价格来看，这款收音机对生产商来说根本无利可图。“我们始终未能收回晶体管的成本，”谢泼德坦言，并透露TR1的定价过低。“我们本来可以卖到比现在多得多的钱。”做过。”
Despite a major promotional campaign, however, Regency shipped only 1,500 transistor radios by the close of 1954, essentially missing the Christmas season. The total swelled to 32,000 the following April and eventually topped 100,000 in late 1955. At a list price of $49.95, the TR1 quickly sold out wherever supplies became available. But at that price the radio was simply not profitable for its producers. “We never quite met our cost on the transistors that went into it,” Shepherd admitted, confiding that the TR1 was way underpriced. “We could have gotten a lot more money for it than we did.”
因此，德州仪器没有继续独自开拓消费电子市场，而是成为了大型无线电制造商的主要晶体管供应商，这些制造商包括Admiral、摩托罗拉、RCA和Zenith等，而德州仪器正是这些制造商的行业标杆。“我们曾经包揽了所有这些业务，”谢泼德自豪地说。其中一些制造商曾尝试自行生产晶体管，通常是基于……合金结工艺。尽管德州仪器最初担心会受到他们的激烈竞争，但这种情况并未发生。“结果证明他们不堪一击，”他打趣道。
So instead of continuing to pursue the consumer electronics market on its own, Texas Instruments became the principal transistor supplier to the big radio manufacturers for whom it had shown the way—Admiral, Motorola, RCA, and Zenith, among others. “At one time we had all that business,” bragged Shepherd. A few of them had tried to manufacture their own transistors, usually based on the alloy-junction process. Although TI at first feared strong competition from them, it never materialized. “Turns out they were pushovers,” he quipped.
20世纪50年代中期，摇滚乐从节奏布鲁斯中演变而来，一位来自孟菲斯、留着鸭尾发型、扭着屁股的白人男孩开始俘获少女们的芳心。与此同时，新一代行动敏捷的年轻人开始使用小小的口袋收音机收听流行音乐电台。他们可以随身携带收音机。如今，只要跟它的成员提起“晶体管”这个词，这些收音机的画面就会立刻浮现在他们的脑海中。正是晶体管收音机最终让这种曾经鲜为人知、深奥的固态放大器获得了应有的广泛认可。
As rock and roll evolved from rhythm and blues during the mid-1950s, and a ducktailed, wobblyhipped white boy from Memphis began capturing the hearts of teenage girls, a new, highly mobile generation tuned into pop music stations using tiny pocket radios they could carry with them wherever they went. Mention the word “transistor” to its members today, and images of these radios spring immediately to mind. The transistor radio is what finally brought this unseen, esoteric, solid-state amplifier the broad public recognition it deserved.
这也帮助德州仪器公司获得了一笔利润丰厚的新生意。1955年，IBM总裁托马斯·J·沃森购买了一百多台Regency收音机送给他的高管们，并告诉他们：“如果德克萨斯州那家小公司能以这样的价格做出这些收音机，他们也能做出让我们的计算机正常工作的晶体管。”两年后，哈格蒂公司签署了一份协议，为IBM的第一台全晶体管计算机供应晶体管。
It also helped bring Texas Instruments a lucrative new business deal, too. In 1955 IBM president Thomas J. Watson purchased over a hundred Regency radios to give his top executives, telling them, “If that little outfit down in Texas can make these radios work for that kind of money, they can make transistors that will make our computers work, too.” Two years later Haggerty signed an agreement to supply the transistors for IBM’s first fully transistorized computer.
M ASARU I BUKA 遇到了困难在离纽约喧闹的时代广场不远的塔夫脱酒店里，他渐渐睡着了。作为东京通信工业株式会社的社长，他于1952年3月来到美国，考察美国市场，以推广他那家在日本率先推出的录音机。这个幅员辽阔的国家规模庞大，现代化程度极高，令他叹为观止。他给合伙人盛田昭夫回信说：“美国真是太棒了。建筑物色彩鲜艳……”夜幕降临后灯火通明，街道上挤满了汽车。这真是一个令人惊叹的国家！
MASARU IBUKA WAS having difficulty falling asleep in the Taft Hotel not far from New York’s noisy Times Square. The president of Tokyo Tsushin Kogyo, he had come there in March 1952 to evaluate the U.S. market for the tape recorders his tiny company had pioneered in Japan. Overwhelmed by the scale of the vast nation and its modernity, he wrote back to his partner Akio Morita: “America is really fantastic. Buildings are brightly lit until late at night. Streets are jammed with automobiles. This is a stunning country!”
1946年，井深大和森田在东京的废墟中创立了他们的公司，也就是人们熟知的东通公司。井深大和森田是一位电气工程师，森田是一位物理学家，两人于1945年在战争研究委员会工作时相识，当时他们都在竭力研发一种热寻导弹，以击落成群的流线型B-29轰炸机。轰炸机充斥着日本上空，将城市夷为平地。两人仅有19万日元（约合500多美元）的启动资金，只能依靠员工的智慧和创造力来维持他们摇摇欲坠的战后企业。
In 1946 Ibuka and Morita had formed their company, known familiarly as Totsuko, amid the ruins of Tokyo. An electrical engineer and a physicist, they had met in 1945 while working for the War Research Committee, desperately trying to develop a heat-seeking missile to shoot down the swarms of sleek B-29 bombers filling the skies over Japan and incinerating its cities. With capital of 190,000 yen, or only a little over $500, the two men had to rely on the intelligence and creativity of their workers to fuel their shaky postwar enterprise.
在一家饱受战争蹂躏的百货商店租用了几个月的场地后，他们终于为这家初创公司找到了更长久的办公场所。“我们终于安顿下来了。 ”“我们在御殿山一间非常简陋破旧的木屋里工作，”森田写道，“御殿山曾以盛开的樱花而闻名，位于品川区，靠近东京市南缘。”1947年1月他们开始在那里工作时，日本惨败的痕迹随处可见。“我们目光所及之处都是炸弹的破坏，”他回忆道，“屋顶漏水，我们不得不打开屋顶。”我们有时会在办公桌上撑伞。
After renting space for several months in a war-ravaged department store, they found more permanent quarters for their fledgling company. “Finally, we settled down in a very cheap, dilapidated wooden shack in Gotenyama,” wrote Morita, “a hill once famous for its cherry trees in bloom, in Shinagawa near the southern edge of the city.” When they began working there in January of 1947, evidence of Japan’s humiliating defeat was all around. “We could see bomb damage wherever we looked,” he recalled. “There were leaks in the roof and we literally had to open umbrellas over our desks sometimes.”
东通公司很快便与日本放送公司建立了良好的合作关系，后者聘请该公司协助修复其演播室和设备。但井深大和森田希望在公开市场上生产和销售自己的产品。在尝试了从加热垫到电压表等多种产品并取得褒贬不一的成绩后，东通公司终于迎来了第一个成功。录音机在日本法院和学校的销量虽小但稳定。1951年，随着公司推出更轻便、更紧凑的型号，这些机构市场迅速增长。
Totsuko soon established a good reputation with the Japan Broadcasting Company, which engaged it to help in restoring its studios and equipment. But Ibuka and Morita wanted to produce and sell their own products on the open market. After achieving mixed results with several items, ranging from heating pads to voltmeters, Totsuko finally had its first success. Tape recorders achieved small but steady sales in Japan’s courts and schools. These institutional markets swelled in 1951 when the company introduced lighter, more compact models.
随着录音机业务的成功，井深大和森田开始寻找其他可以生产的新设备。他们考虑的其中一项就是晶体管。几年来，关于晶体管的报道零星出现。来自美国的一篇文章介绍了一种革命性的点接触式锗放大器。据说它注定要在许多应用中取代真空管，但井深大对此却不以为然。“它没有未来，”他在读完一篇文章后得出结论，想起了自己小时候摆弄过的那些脾气古怪的晶体探测器。
With the success of their tape-recorder business, Ibuka and Morita began searching for other new devices to produce. One of the things they considered was the transistor. For a few years reports had been trickling in from America about a revolutionary point-contact germanium amplifier. Supposedly it was destined to replace vacuum tubes in many applications, but Ibuka was not at all impressed. “It has no future,” he concluded after reading an article, remembering the temperamental crystal detectors he had tinkered with as a boy.
但到1952年初井深大启程前往美国时，西电公司已经宣布……当时，该公司正在获得结型晶体管的专利授权。得知这一机会后，井深大在纽约被深深吸引。他意识到，对于当时只有120名员工的公司来说，制造晶体管并非易事。但东津子才华横溢的工程师们需要新的挑战。在纽约辗转反侧的那个夜晚，井深大意识到，这正是他们梦寐以求的项目。“我们将致力于……”“晶体管，”他决定道。
But by the time Ibuka left for America in early 1952, Western Electric had announced it was licensing patent rights in the junction transistor. Learning of this opportunity in New York, Ibuka was intrigued. He recognized that making transistors would not be an easy matter for his company, which then had only 120 employees. But Totsuko’s talented engineers needed a new challenge. During his sleepless night in New York, Ibuka realized that this was just the right project. “We will work on the transistor,” he decided.
在一位日本股票经纪人的牵线下，他试图安排与西方电气公司官员会面，讨论东通公司生产晶体管的可能性。但他这家小公司在美国完全默默无闻。没有人认真对待井深大的努力。几次徒劳的尝试后，他最终在六月离开了纽约，带走了一个锗二极管。还有一块塑料桌布，这是他唯一的纪念品。一年后，在股票经纪人的坚持不懈的努力下，西电公司给井深收到了一封信，信中写道：“我们很乐意将我们的专利授权给贵公司。”
With a Japanese stockbroker acting as intermediary, he tried to arrange a meeting with Western Electric officials to discuss the possibilities of Totsuko producing transistors. But his tiny company was completely unknown in the United States. Nobody took Ibuka’s overtures seriously. After several fruitless attempts, he finally left New York in June, a germanium diode and a vinyl tablecloth his only souvenirs. A year later, after the stockbroker’s persistent efforts, a letter from Western Electric arrived on Ibuka’s desk, stating, “We will be pleased to license our patent to your company.”
井深大和森田慎太郎做出这个决定并非轻率之举。最初支付的2.5万美元约占公司净资产的10%，再加上开发成本，更是雪上加霜。价格还会更高。他们这是在把未来押在晶体管上。此外，日立、三菱和东芝等大型公司已经与RCA签订了总括合同，在日本生产基于晶体管的产品。东通公司又怎能奢望与这些巨头竞争呢？
This was not a decision Ibuka and Morita took lightly. The initial payment of $25,000 represented about 10 percent of the company’s net worth, and the development costs would be even higher. They would be betting their future on the transistor. Besides, major companies such as Hitachi, Mitsubishi, and Toshiba had already signed an umbrella contract with RCA to manufacture transistor-based products in Japan. Who was Totsuko to imagine it could ever compete with these godzillas?
1953年8月，森田抵达纽约与西方电气公司的律师会面。眼前的一切令他震惊不已，他开始对这笔交易犹豫不决。但他还是按计划参加了会议，并签署了一份临时专利许可协议。然而，当通商产业省（MITI）的官员们得知此事后，他们对东津工未经许可擅自行动感到愤怒，并拒绝批准。当时资金非常稀缺，要从经济困难的国家支付 25,000 美元仅仅是为了获得专利权，这笔钱是一笔巨款。
In August 1953 Morita arrived in New York to meet with Western Electric attorneys. Overwhelmed by everything he saw, he began having second thoughts about the deal. But he went ahead with the meeting and signed a provisional patent licensing agreement. When the bureaucrats at the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) learned about it, however, they were outraged that Totsuko had proceeded without their permission, and they refused to grant approval. With foreign currency so scarce, $25,000 was a tremendous sum to be sending out of the struggling country merely for patent rights.
井深大并未气馁，开始组建晶体管开发团队，由森田的妹夫、东京大学地球物理学家岩间一夫领导。1954年1月，通产省改组后，他们的协议获得批准的可能性增加，岩间前往美国。他开始学习晶体管生产。他的工人们所掌握的大部分知识都来自《晶体管技术》这本行业圣经。但这本书对制造工艺和设备却鲜有提及。岩间先生参观了西电公司位于阿伦敦的工厂，用他那蹩脚的英语不停地提问。晚上回到酒店房间后，他一页接一页地写下了这些文字。他将观察到的现象描述并绘制成图表，第二天就寄往了东京。
Undaunted, Ibuka started to assemble his transistor development team, led by Morita’s brother-in-law Kazuo Iwama, a Tokyo University geophysicist. In January 1954, after a MITI shake-up improved the prospects that their agreement would be approved, Iwama headed for the United States to learn about transistor production. Most of what his workers knew they had gleaned from the pages of Transistor Technology, the bible of the field. But it offered little information about manufacturing processes or equipment. Iwama visited Western Electric’s Allentown facility, asking question after question in his broken English. Returning to his hotel room in the evening, he wrote page after page of descriptions and diagrams of what he had observed, mailing them to Tokyo the next day.
根据这些报告和《晶体管技术》杂志，东津工学院的研发团队开始建造晶体管制造设备。他们当时只有一间简陋的机械车间，里面只有两台小型车床、一台钻床和一台铣床。他们匆忙组装了一套区域熔炼装置和一套晶体生长装置。机器。岩间回来时，他的研发团队已经制造出了一个能正常工作的点接触晶体管。仅仅几周后，令他大吃一惊的是，他们又成功制造出了一个结型晶体管。当电压表指针来回摆动，表明电路确实在振荡时，岩间简直不敢相信自己的眼睛。
Working from these reports and Transistor Technology, the Totsuko development team began building equipment to fabricate transistors. At their disposal was a dingy machine shop with only two small lathes, a drill press, and a milling machine. They hastily assembled a zone-refining apparatus and a crystal-growing machine. By the time Iwama returned, his development team had made a functioning point-contact transistor. And just a few weeks later, to his great surprise, they produced a successful junction transistor. Iwama could hardly believe his eyes as the voltmeter needle swung to and fro, indicating that the circuit was indeed oscillating.
井深和森田两人合作，管理得非常出色。团队。井深大比盛田昭夫年长十三岁，是一位富有远见的领导者，总是勇于开拓新领域，带领公司走在科技前沿。盛田昭夫则是一位务实的商人，他确保产品能够在现实世界中找到付费客户。他是长子，从小就被培养成继承父亲名古屋清酒酿造厂的继承人。他的家族经营已久，可以追溯到幕府时代。但井深大希望他成为合伙人，并说服老森田让儿子去东京过一种截然不同的生活。
Between them, Ibuka and Morita made an excellent management team. Thirteen years older, Ibuka was the visionary leader, always striking out on new paths and keeping his company working at the frontiers of emerging technology. Morita was the hardheaded businessman, the one who made sure their products could find a ready market in the real world of paying customers. The firstborn son, he had been raised to take over from his father the Nagoya sake brewery that his family had operated for centuries, dating back to the days of the shoguns. But Ibuka wanted him for a partner and convinced the elder Morita to let his son depart for a very different kind of life in Tokyo.
从他们涉足晶体管制造的早期开始，井深大和森田就将这项工作置于更广泛的消费品制造背景下看待——制造一种人们可以使用的微型收音机。便于携带。日本不像美国那样拥有庞大的军工市场；战后，日本被禁止拥有常备军。因此，东通公司计划生产的晶体管必须足够便宜，才能作为消费品出售。它不能以每台一百美元的价格将晶体管卖给信号兵团，而是必须面向普通消费者生产。几百日元，大约一两美元。
From the early days of their foray into transistor manufacturing, Ibuka and Morita viewed the effort in the broader context of making a consumer product—a miniature radio that people could easily carry about with them. Japan did not have the luxury of a huge military market like the United States; after the war it was forbidden to have a standing army. So the transistors that Totsuko intended to produce had to be inexpensive enough for consumer goods. Instead of selling transistors to the Signal Corps at a hundred dollars each, it had to produce them for ordinary customers at hundreds of yen, or about a dollar or two.
这些晶体管仍然需要具备可靠性，并且能够放大射频信号。这正是阻碍它们应用于无线电的关键问题。点接触晶体管虽然也能在这些频率下工作（通常约为兆赫兹），但它们价格昂贵且可靠性极差。而结型晶体管则有望解决这些问题。虽然它更坚固耐用，价格也便宜得多，但截至 1954 年初，它还不能稳定地放大无线电信号。
These transistors still had to be reliable and able to amplify signals at radio frequencies. This was the crucial problem that had slowed their introduction into radios. Point-contact transistors worked at these frequencies, typically a megacycle or so, but they proved to be expensive and notoriously unreliable. The junction transistor promised to be far sturdier and much cheaper, but as of early 1954 it had not been able to amplify radio signals consistently.
森田回忆说，岩间和他的工程师们“经历了漫长而艰苦的反复试验，使用新的，或者至少是不同的材料，才获得了我们所需的更高频率”。在此过程中，他们采用了贝尔实验室首创的生长结技术。最终，该公司他们成功地运用了一种实验室已经放弃的技术——用磷掺杂锗。通过不断提高杂质含量，他们最终制造出了一种基区足够薄的结型晶体管，可以放大无线电信号。
Iwama and his engineers “went through a long period of painstaking trial and error, using new, or at least different, materials to get the increased frequency we needed,” recalled Morita. In the process they adapted the grown-junction methods pioneered by Bell Labs. At last the company succeeded with a technique that the Labs had abandoned—doping the germanium with phosphorus. By pushing the impurity level higher and higher, they eventually made a junction transistor with a base layer thin enough to amplify radio signals.
井深大和森田几乎已经闻到了胜利的甜香。但就在他们的工程师开始组装公司第一台原型机的时候，他们从美国传来令人沮丧的消息。世界上第一台晶体管收音机于1954年10月在美国上市——正好赶上圣诞节。尽管东通公司投入了大量研发精力，最终还是屈居第二。
Ibuka and Morita could almost smell the sweet scent of victory. But just as their engineers were beginning to assemble the company’s first prototype, they heard terribly discouraging news from America. The world’s first transistor radio had hit the U.S. market in October 1954—just in time for the Christmas season. Despite its intensive R&D efforts, Totsuko had to settle for second place.
然而，这次短暂的失败激励了岩间和他的团队，他们继续前进。1月份，他们成功制造出了一台晶体管收音机原型，并将其命名为……TR-52收音机完全没有使用真空管，只用了结型晶体管，并由一块小型电池供电。它有一个白色塑料网罩，装在一个直立的黑色塑料盒子里，盒子顶部略微收窄，收音机的旋钮就位于那里。工程师们给它起了个绰号叫“联合国大楼”。
Spurred by this momentary defeat, however, Iwama and his team forged ahead. In January they managed to fashion a prototype transistor radio, which they dubbed the TR-52. It used no vacuum tubes at all, only junction transistors, and was powered by a small battery. With a white plastic grid on the front of an upright, black plastic box that tapered slightly at its top, where the radio dial was located, it was nicknamed the “UN building” by the engineers.
森田在三月份另一次去美国的行程中带去了TR-52的样品。是时候为它寻找市场了。他想弄清楚原因。Regency收音机的销量并不理想。他最终发现，原因在于制造商们不够努力。“作为该领域的先行者，他们本可以利用自身优势，为他们的产品创造巨大的市场，”他后来评论道，“但他们显然错误地判断出，收音机没有未来。”我放弃了这项生意。
Morita brought samples of the TR-52 with him in March on another trip to the United States, this time to find markets for it. He wanted to find out why the Regency radio had not done well. The answer, he eventually discovered, was that its manufacturers had not tried hard enough. “As the first in the field, they might have capitalized on their position and created a tremendous market for their product,” he later remarked. “But they apparently judged mistakenly that there was no future in this business and gave it up.”
在前往美国之前，他和井深大决定他们的产品必须拥有一个全新且独特的品牌名称。晶体管收音机将成为公司进军国际市场的旗舰产品。在美国，几乎没人能记住东京通信工业株式会社（Tokyo Tsushin Kogyo）或东津工（Totsuko），更别提念出来了。“这名字太拗口了，”他坦言道。森田。
Before leaving for America, he and Ibuka decided that their product had to carry a new and distinctive brand name. The transistor radio would become the flagship bearing the company identity into the international marketplace. In the United States nobody could remember Tokyo Tsushin Kogyo or even Totsuko, much less pronounce them. “It was a tongue-twister,” admitted Morita.
于是他们开始寻找替代方案，先是尝试了东京电信（Tokyo Teletech），直到听说一家名为Teletech的美国公司。他们曾尝试用一个风格化的字母“T”作为标志，但很快就放弃了这个想法。他们也尝试过使用缩写TTK，但很快也觉得不太合适。
So they began searching for an alternative, trying Tokyo Teletech until they heard of an American company called Teletech. They experimented with a logo made of a stylized letter “T” before rejecting that idea. They tried using the acronym TTK but soon soured on that possibility, too.
他们逐渐决定不要符号，而要名字。 “名字本身就是符号，因此“名字要短，不超过四五个字，”森田说。“它必须是一个全世界都能识别的名字，而且在所有语言中发音都要一样。”
Gradually they decided they did not want a symbol, but a name. “The name would be the symbol, and therefore it should be short, no more than four or five characters,” said Morita. It had to be a name that would be recognized anywhere in the world, and pronounced the same in all languages.
“我和井深大翻阅字典，想找个响亮的名字，结果发现了拉丁语单词sonus，意思是‘声音’，”他回忆道。“我们的业务充满了声音，所以我们开始重点考虑sonus这个词。”当时，那些才华横溢的年轻人常常被称为“sonny boys”，这个俚语恰如其分地反映了他们对员工的看法。“sonny”一词也包含拉丁语中表示“健全”的词根。
“Ibuka and I went through dictionaries looking for a bright name, and we came across the Latin word sonus, meaning ‘sound,’” he recalled. “Our business was full of sound, so we began to zero in on sonus.” At the time, bright young men were often referred to as “sonny boys,” a slang phrase that fitted the way they thought of their staff. And “sonny” contained the Latin root for “sound.”
但问题依然存在。在日语中，这个词的发音是“sohn-nee”，意思是“赔钱”。这可不是推出新产品的好方法！“我们思考了一会儿这个问题，答案突然出现在我的脑海中。”“那天，”森田回忆道，他那饱经风霜的脸上绽放出灿烂的笑容。“为什么不直接扔一封信呢？”
But there was still a problem. In Japanese, this word was pronounced “sohn-nee,” which means “to lose money.” Hardly a good way to launch a new product! “We pondered this problem for a little while and the answer struck me one day,” Morita recounted, a broad smile lighting up his craggy face. “Why not just drop one of the letters?”
就是它了！正是他们想要的名字——“索尼！”
That was it! Just the name they wanted—“Sony!”
第一批 晶体管收音机只能接收调幅（AM）电台——这是有原因的。尽管调频（FM）电台在20世纪50年代迅速发展，为听众提供干扰更少的无线电信号，但这些信号的发射频率要高得多。 频率——通常为每秒100兆赫。1955年，能够在如此高频率下工作的晶体管仍在研发中；它们还要过几年才能商业化。而甚高频（VHF）或超高频（UHF）电视广播这就需要更高的频率。因此，晶体管电视机似乎还遥不可及。
THE FIRST TRANSISTOR radios could pick up only AM radio stations—and for a good reason. Although FM stations were proliferating during the 1950s, offering listeners radio signals with much less static, these signals were broadcast at far higher frequencies—typically 100 megacycles per second. Transistors that could function at such high frequencies were still under development in 1955; they would not be available commercially for another few years. And the VHF (Very High Frequency) or UHF (Ultra High Frequency) television broadcasts required still higher frequencies. Transistorized TV sets therefore seemed just a distant possibility.
1955年，最好的商用晶体管——无论是点接触式、合金结式还是生长结式——都只能工作在10到20兆赫兹，因为很难将它们的发射极和集电极之间的间隙缩小到千分之一英寸以内。此外，结型晶体管条的固有电容（即两端积累足够电荷需要大约一微秒的时间）也限制了其工作频率。这是另一个很大的绊脚石。
In 1955 the best commercial transistors—whether point-contact, alloy-junction, or grown-junction—could operate up to only 10 to 20 megacycles because it was difficult to narrow the gap between their emitters and collectors to less than a thousandth of an inch. And the natural capacitance of a junction transistor bar (the fact that it took a microsecond or so to build up enough charge on either end) was another big stumbling block.
幸运的是，20世纪50年代初，一种全新的、截然不同的PN结形成方法正在研究中。早在20世纪40年代末，奥尔、斯卡夫和图尔勒进行探索性测量时，贝尔实验室的科学家和工程师们就讨论过这种可能性。但直到普凡的技术出现，“扩散基区”晶体管才得以实际应用。在接下来的十年里，人们开发出了用于生长超纯锗和硅单晶的Teal技术。即便如此，仍然需要超洁净的方法来加工这些材料，并精确控制添加到其中的杂质含量。
Fortunately a new and radically different way of forming P-N junctions was under investigation during the early 1950s. Scientists and engineers at Bell Labs had discussed the possibility since Ohl, Scaff, and Theuerer made exploratory measurements in the late 1940s. But “diffused-base” transistors could not become a practical reality until the techniques of Pfann and Teal for growing ultrapure single crystals of germanium and silicon were developed during the next decade. Even then, ultraclean methods were needed to process these materials and control precisely the amounts of impurities added to them.
在新型器件中，利用扩散这一物理过程来创建相邻的P型和N型半导体区域。这种现象扩散发生在各种物质中，无论是固体、液体还是气体。最后一种情况比较常见。例如，一缕烟雾会在几秒钟内扩散到周围的空气中。扩散在液体中发生得更慢。一滴墨水可能需要近一个小时才能均匀地渗透到一杯冰冷的静水中；但如果事先将水加热，墨水就会扩散得更快。在较高温度下， H₂O分子的振动更加剧烈；这种振动作用迅速将墨水分子推向玻璃的最远角落。
In the new class of devices, the physical process of diffusion was used to create adjoining regions of P-type and N-type semiconductor. This phenomenon occurs in all kinds of material, whether solid, liquid, or gas. The last case is fairly familiar. A puff of smoke, for example, spreads out into the surrounding air in seconds. Diffusion occurs more slowly in liquids. It can take a drop of ink almost an hour to percolate evenly throughout a glass of cold, still water; but warm the water beforehand, and the ink will diffuse much more quickly. The jostling of H2O molecules is more vigorous at higher temperatures; this vibrating action rapidly prods the ink molecules into the furthermost corners of the glass.
扩散现象也会发生在固体中，但这个过程远不如液体那样显而易见，因为它可能需要几个世纪才能完成。一块新抛光的金属表面暴露于蒸汽中，经显微镜检查会发现，其表面含有来自蒸汽的原子，造成污染。在其晶格的最外层。然而，如果将金属和蒸汽一起在炉中加热，侵入过程就会发生得更快；更多的原子会渗入晶格——而且渗透得更深。
Diffusion occurs in solids, too, but the process is far less obvious because it can take centuries to occur. A freshly polished metal surface exposed to a vapor will be found, upon microscopic examination, to contain atoms from the vapor contaminating the outermost layers of its crystal lattice. Heat the metal and vapor together in a furnace, however, and the invasion occurs much faster; many more atoms creep into the lattice—and penetrate more deeply, too.
这种原子扩散为贝尔实验室的研究人员提供了一种强大的方法，可以控制外来原子添加到锗和硅晶体中。通过精确调节密度，例如，通过测量砷或磷原子蒸气的压力和温度，他们可以准确地确定这些施主杂质会渗透到裸露半导体表面的深度，以及原子在较浅深度的浓度。通过改变这些参数和曝光时间，可以测定材料的电学特性（例如电阻率和迁移率）。由电子和空穴组成的微观薄半导体层，厚度通常小于万分之一英寸（0.0001 英寸），比人类头发细得多。
Such atomic diffusion offered Bell Labs researchers a powerful method of controlling the addition of foreign atoms into germanium and silicon crystals. By carefully adjusting the density, pressure, and temperature of a vapor of arsenic or phosphorus atoms, for example, they could determine exactly how deeply these donor impurities would penetrate into an exposed semiconductor surface and how concentrated the atoms were at shallower depths. Varying these quantities and the exposure time provided a means to determine the electrical properties (such as the resistivity and the mobility of electrons and holes) of microscopically thin semiconductor layers, often less than one ten-thousandth of an inch (0.0001 inch) thick, far narrower than a human hair.
扩散法最适用于纯度极高且均匀的晶体，然而，这种晶体直到20世纪50年代初Pfann和Teal提出区域提纯和晶体生长方法后才得以获得。它对痕量其他原子的污染也极其敏感。任何进入蒸汽或残留在半导体表面的此类外来物质都很容易扩散到晶体中，污染其杂质层并破坏其电性能。
The diffusion technique worked best with exceedingly pure and uniform crystals, however, which were not available until Pfann and Teal came up with their zone-refining and crystal-growing methods during the early 1950s. And it was extremely sensitive to contamination by trace amounts of other atoms, too. Any such foreign substance that found its way into the vapor or remained on the semiconductor surface could easily diffuse into a crystal, poisoning its impurity layers and ruining its electrical properties.
在20世纪50年代初中期的几年里，肖克利（以及其他人）谈到了一类神秘的物质。他称之为“死亡钚”的物质，不知何故渗入半导体，成为空穴的陷阱，吞噬空穴并进一步缩短其本就短暂的寿命。经过一番令人困惑和百思不得其解的调查，最终确定微量铜原子是罪魁祸首之一。人们认为，这些铜原子是通过未洗的手，从实验室门把手转移到锗表面而来的。不知情的技工们！
For several years during the early to mid-1950s, Shockley (and others) spoke of a mysterious class of substances that he dubbed “deathnium,” which somehow crept into semiconductors and acted as traps for holes, gobbling them up and further shortening their already-too-brief lifetimes. After much consternation and head scratching, trace atoms of copper were finally identified as one of the culprits. They were thought to have found their way from laboratory doorknobs to germanium surfaces on the unwashed hands of unwitting technicians!
随着这些棘手问题的逐步解决和扩散原理的日益深入，贝尔实验室开始利用这项技术制造实用器件。其中最早的器件之一是“太阳能电池”，也称为太阳能电池，其工作原理是在从单晶硅上切割下来的薄片上，以非常均匀的浅深度形成单个PN结。其物理过程与十多年前奥尔偶然发现的漆黑硅碎片中发生的现象相同。光子穿透硅内部，将电子从原子中击出，从而产生空穴-电子对。然后，在它们复合之前，PN结处的强电场驱动电子向一个方向运动，空穴向另一个方向运动，从而产生电流。以及高达半伏的电势。
As such vexing problems were gradually solved and diffusion became better understood, Bell Labs began generating practical devices that had been fabricated using this technique. One of the earliest, the “Solar Battery” or solar cell, involved forming a single P-N junction at a very uniform, shallow depth into a thin slice cut from a single crystal of silicon. It operated according to the same physical processes that had occurred serendipitously over a decade earlier in Ohl’s coal-black silicon shard. Photons penetrated within the silicon, knocking electrons out of atoms, thereby creating hole-electron pairs. Then, before they could recombine, the powerful electric field at the P-N junction drove the electrons one way and the holes the other, generating current and an electrical potential up to half a volt.
但与奥尔在缓慢冷却的硅锭核心自发形成的粗糙结不同，贝尔太阳能电池中的PN结是经过精心设计的，其几何形状能够最大程度地吸收入射的阳光。1954年初，化学家卡尔文·富勒和杰拉尔德·皮尔逊成功地将硼扩散到硅中。将原子注入一块薄薄的N型硅晶体晶片中，晶片大小与剃须刀片相仿，从而在其表面形成厚度仅为0.0001英寸的P型层。这使得结（横跨晶片的整个表面）位于最佳深度，而大部分空穴-电子对都产生于此深度。事实证明，硅是贝尔太阳能电池的理想材料。光子的能量阳光（通常）1伏的电压与将电子从硅原子中激发出来所需的能量非常接近。这些早期的太阳能电池能够将照射到其上的太阳能量的6%到10%转化为电能——比现有的基于硒等元素的太阳能电池的效率高出十倍以上。
But unlike Ohl’s crude junction, which had cropped up spontaneously in the core of a slowly cooling silicon ingot, the P-N junction in Bell’s Solar Battery was deliberately created in the geometrical configuration that afforded optimum exposure to impinging sunlight. In early 1954, chemist Calvin Fuller and Gerald Pearson successfully diffused boron atoms into a thin crystalline wafer of N-type silicon, about the size of a razor blade, thus forming a P-type layer on its surface only 0.0001 inch thick. This put the junction (which stretched across the entire face of the wafer) at the optimum depth where most of the hole-electron pairs originated. And silicon proved to be an ideal substance for Bell’s Solar Battery. The energy of photons in sunlight (typically 1 volt) closely matches the energy needed to roust the electrons out of silicon atoms. These early solar cells converted into electrical power a whopping 6 to 10 percent of the sun’s energy striking them—over ten times better than existing photocells based on such elements as selenium.
1954年4月26日，就在蒂尔的德州仪器团队制造出第一台……之后不到两周。在贝尔实验室隆重推出其太阳能电池之前，他们刚刚研发出了生长结硅晶体管。与晶体管不同的是，太阳能电池的重要性很容易被大众所理解。太阳能电池几乎登上了所有媒体的头版头条，包括《纽约时报》和《华尔街日报》。
On April 26, 1954, hardly two weeks after Teal’s Texas Instruments group made the first grown-junction silicon transistor, Bell Labs announced its Solar Battery with great fanfare. And unlike the transistor, this was a gadget whose importance the general public could easily grasp. The solar cell made news nearly everywhere, including the front pages of the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal.
《泰晤士报》头条：“利用沙子成分制造电池，获取太阳能量”。文章宣称：“贝尔公司的科学家们利用这辆现代版的阿波罗飞船，已经收集了足够的太阳光，为电话线上的语音传输提供了动力。”文章热情洋溢地写道，“阳光还为无线电发射机中的晶体管提供了电力，从而能够传输语音和音乐。”
“Vast Power of the Sun Is Tapped by Battery Using Sand Ingredient,” the Times headline proclaimed. “With this modern version of Apollo’s chariot, Bell scientists have harnessed enough of the sun’s rays to power the transmission of voice over telephone wires,” rhapsodized the article. “Beams of sunlight have also provided electricity for a transistor in a radio transmitter, which carried both speech and music.”
类似的 扩散 技术可应用于晶体管制造。但由于晶体管结构更为复杂，对内部杂质分布的要求也更为严格，因此难度更大。肖克利和他的团队于1953年末开始着手这项研究，首先从锗入手。他们可以通过区域熔炼法获得超纯锗样品。而且，锗的加热温度只需相对较低（约800摄氏度，而非远高于此）。在 1200ºC 下（与硅一起）扩散很容易发生。
SIMILAR DIFFUSION TECHNIQUES could be applied to transistor fabrication but with greater difficulty because transistors are more complex structures with far stricter demands on the distribution of impurities within them. Shockley and his minions took up the quest in late 1953, beginning with germanium. They could get ultrapure samples of the element by zone-refining it. And it had to be heated only to relatively low temperatures (about 800ºC rather than well over 1,200ºC with silicon) for diffusion to occur readily.
1954 年末，该研究小组利用扩散法制造了第一个晶体管。他们将砷原子扩散到 P 型锗中，形成厚度不足 0.0001 英寸的 N 型层。然后，他们通过加热沉积在 N 型层上的一小条铝，将更窄的 P 型发射极层合金化到该 N 型层中。到当年年底，这种 PNP 扩散基极晶体管问世。锗晶体管可以将信号放大到每秒 170 兆赫兹——几乎是当时市面上最好的晶体管的十倍。
In late 1954 this group made the first transistor using diffusion. Arsenic atoms were diffused into P-type germanium, creating an N-type layer less than 0.0001 inch thick. Then an even narrower P-type emitter layer was alloyed into this N-layer by heating a tiny strip of aluminum deposited onto it. By the end of the year, such P-N-P diffused-base germanium transistors could amplify signals all the way up to 170 megacycles per second—almost ten times higher than the best commercially available transistors of the day.
在实验室保密的掩护下，鲁迪·根特和专利局以远超以往的热情抓住了这一突破。他们开始撰写一份范围异常广泛的专利申请，最终甚至将肖克利也纳入其中。作为发明者之一，这几乎涵盖了所有可以想象到的扩散晶体管结构——无论是用锗、硅还是任何其他可以想象的半导体材料制成的。
Under the cover of laboratory secrecy, Rudi Guenther and the patent office jumped on the breakthrough with more than their customary gusto. They began writing an unusually broad patent application, eventually including Shockley as one of the inventors, that covered almost every diffused-transistor structure imaginable—whether made with germanium, silicon, or any other conceivable semiconductor material.
制造硅扩散基晶体管耗时更长，需要几个月的时间。在这种情况下，超纯样品不易获得，而且需要使用非常热、干燥的气体。在这些早期促进扩散的尝试中采用了硅晶体表面常常会留下划痕。“晶体会被侵蚀、凹陷，甚至完全破坏，”1954年至1955年间研究过这个问题的工程师尼克·霍洛尼亚克回忆道。它们看起来“就像从煤炉里取出的煤渣一样”。
Fabricating a silicon diffused-base transistor took several months longer. In this case ultrapure samples were not readily available, and the very hot, dry gases employed in these early attempts to promote diffusion often scarred the silicon surfaces. “The crystals would be eroded and pitted, or even totally destroyed,” recalled Nick Holonyak, an engineer who worked on the problem in 1954–1955. They looked “just like cinders you’d pull out of a [coal] furnace.”
1954 年末，莫顿公司研发部门的工程师们正努力解决这些问题。鉴于固态元件的快速发展，AT&T高管最终决定大力推进中心局全电子交换系统的研发。这一决定使得提升这些组件的速度、可靠性和降低成本变得至关重要。随着扩散基锗晶体管的问世，扩散技术注定将成为未来的发展趋势。
Engineers in Morton’s development department were struggling to solve these problems in late 1954. Given the rapid progress in solid-state components, AT&T executives had finally decided to make a major commitment to produce fully electronic switching systems for its central offices. This decision put a great premium on achieving further improvements in the speed, reliability, and cost of these components. And after diffused-base germanium transistors had been made, diffusion was destined to become the wave of the future.
关键问题当时的问题是应该集中精力研究硅还是锗。到1954年末，锗的技术已经成熟得多，而且在速度方面也表现出色。由于锗中电子和空穴的迁移率更高，因此用这种元素制造的晶体管和整流器显然可以在更高的频率下工作。
The crucial question at the time was whether to concentrate on silicon or germanium. The technology of the latter was much further along in late 1954, and it also performed admirably in the speed department, too. Due to the higher mobility of electrons and holes in germanium, transistors and rectifiers made from this element would obviously operate at higher frequencies.
但锗也有严重的缺点。除了高温特性之外，锗还会导致开关漏电。通常情况下，我们希望开关完全断开——尤其是在接近保险丝这类危及生命的应用中。但由于电子很容易从锗原子中脱离，因此在用锗元素制成的固态开关中，会出现微弱的“反向电流”。它们就像一个永远无法完全关闭的令人抓狂的水龙头，不断滴落电子。
But germanium also had serious drawbacks. Besides its high-temperature quirks, it also produced leaky switches. When you turn a switch off, you usually want it to be absolutely off—especially in such life-threatening applications as proximity fuzes. But due to the fact that electrons can break free fairly easily from their parent germanium atoms, small “reverse currents” can and do crop up in solid-state switches made from this element. Like a maddening faucet that you can never quite shut off completely, they drip electrons.
约翰·莫尔是一位来自俄亥俄州立大学的年轻博士工程师，他领导着莫顿部门的一个小型半导体开关研究小组。他曾就这个问题向贝尔公司的同事们发出警告。“我写了几份内部备忘录，指出锗在这种应用上的局限性，以及使用其他材料的必要性。”“硅，”他回忆道。“如果你要制造开关，硅比我们当时拥有的任何其他材料都更优越。”在正常工作温度下，硅的电子更不容易挣脱束缚；因此，反向电流要小几个数量级。
John Moll, a young Ph.D. engineer from Ohio State who led a small group in Morton’s department working on semiconductor switches, warned his Bell colleagues about this problem. “I wrote a few internal memoranda in which I pointed out the limitations of germanium for this function, and the necessity to use silicon,” he remembered. “If you’re making a switch, silicon was superior to anything else that we had.” Its electrons are far less likely to break free at normal operating temperatures; thus reverse currents are orders-of-magnitude smaller.
“还有一件事我非常坚持，”莫尔说道，“那就是我们必须采用扩散策略。”他的团队被指控……肖克利几年前提出的四层PNPN二极管的开发，使得该器件内部必须包含三个PN结，而不是晶体管中的两个或简单整流器中的一个。最内层的PN结难以用合金化技术形成，因为合金化总是要从外表面向内进行。而生长结法又过于复杂。笨拙不堪。扩散是唯一真正的替代方案。
“And there was another thing which I was very insistent about,” claimed Moll, “and that is that we had to use diffusion.” His group was charged with the development of a four-layer P-N-P-N diode that Shockley had conceived a few years earlier. This device therefore had to have three P-N junctions inside it instead of just two in a transistor and only one in a simple rectifier. The innermost junction could not be easily formed using alloying techniques, which always had to proceed inward from an outer surface. And grown-junction methods were just too unwieldy. Diffusion was the only real alternative.
但要让这个项目成功，他的团队必须解决那些棘手的问题。在硅加工过程中，经常会遇到极高的温度，通常高达 1300°C（或近 2700°F）。为此，莫尔的研究小组与化学系的卡尔·弗罗施合作，弗罗施是一位经验丰富的资深人士，在扩散研究方面拥有多年经验。1955 年初的某一天，在制作出一系列布满划痕和凹坑的样品后，弗罗施意外点燃了氢气，并将水蒸气引入了扩散室。此前，他一直小心翼翼地避免这种情况发生，因为他担心水中的氧（H₂O 中的 O ）会氧化内部的硅片，使其报废。但他即将面临一个巨大的意外。
But to make it work, his group had to solve the daunting problems being encountered in processing silicon at extremely high temperatures, often as high as 1,300°C (or almost 2,700°F). In this effort Moll’s group collaborated with Carl Frosch from the chemistry department, an older man with years of experience on diffusion. One day in early 1955, after producing a sorry series of scarred, pitted samples, Frosch accidentally ignited hydrogen gas and introduced water vapor into the diffusion chamber. Until that moment he had carefully avoided this for fear its oxygen (the O in H2O) would oxidize the silicon wafers inside, rendering them useless. But he was in for a big surprise.
“好吧，我们又做到了，”弗洛施面无表情地说着，同时把……他将样品拿给霍洛尼亚克（莫尔团队的成员）看，霍洛尼亚克脸上带着一丝阴郁的表情。但随后，他嘴里叼着烟，嘴角却绽放出灿烂的笑容，炫耀着他的晶片，这些晶片“颜色翠绿漂亮”。真是巧合再次降临。七年前，布拉坦也曾在他的锗板上意外地形成过类似的闪闪发光的绿色氧化膜，只是……如果尝试将其用作绝缘层，它很容易被冲刷掉。但弗罗施的二氧化硅薄膜却完全没有被冲刷掉。这种氧化物在硅表面形成了一层光滑、坚硬的保护层，防止硅被腐蚀、腐蚀或蒸发。
“Well, we did it again,” deadpanned Frosch as he brought the resulting samples to show Holonyak (a member of Moll’s group), a glum expression masking his face. But then, without removing the cigarette from his mouth, he cracked a broad smile and showed off his wafers, which were “nice and green in color.” Serendipity had struck once again. Seven years earlier Brattain had accidentally formed a similar shimmering green oxide film on his germanium slab, only to have it wash away upon trying to use it as an insulating layer. But Frosch’s silicon dioxide film did not wash away at all. The oxide formed a smooth, hard, protective layer on the silicon surface that kept it from eroding, pitting, or evaporating away.
与此同时，1955 年 3 月，肖克利团队的莫里斯·坦南鲍姆终于成功制造出了第一个性能良好的扩散基硅晶体管。他他们使用了富勒公司提供的样品，该公司已将铝和锑同时扩散到N型硅中。较轻、较小、扩散速度较快的铝原子渗透得更深，形成厚度小于0.0002英寸的薄P型基底层。在靠近表面的位置，较重的锑原子占主导地位，在P层之上形成更窄的N层。
In March 1955, meanwhile, Morris Tanenbaum of Shockley’s group had finally succeeded in making the first good diffused-base silicon transistor. He used samples supplied by Fuller, who had simultaneously diffused both aluminum and antimony into N-type silicon. The lighter, smaller, quicker aluminum atoms penetrated more deeply, forming a thin P-type base layer less than 0.0002 inch thick. Closer to the surface, the more ponderous antimony atoms predominated, forming an even narrower N-layer on top of the P-layer.
在晶体硅晶片上进行双扩散杂质层，制成NPN结型晶体管。图中顶部两层的厚度被大大夸大了；它们通常只有一微米厚。
Double diffusion of impurity layers into a crystalline silicon wafer to make an N-P-N junction transistor. The thickness of the top two layers is greatly exaggerated in this drawing; they are typically only a micron thick.
采用这种“双扩散”方法制造的 NPN 硅晶体管外观粗糙，就像 Bardeen 和 Brattain 最初的装置一样，但性能却非常精密。两根细而笨拙的导线接触到一个微小的按钮，或者说是一块通过蚀刻凸出于周围硅层的“台面”。这种台面晶体管很快就能放大高达每秒120兆赫兹的信号——几乎是早期硅晶体管频率的十倍。“作为一项存在性证明， ”莫顿团队的两位工程师反思道，“这项实验可能仅次于其他任何实验。”原始点接触晶体管奠定了电子器件发展的基础。”
The N-P-N silicon transistor made using this “double-diffusion” method was crude in appearance, like Bardeen and Brattain’s original gadget, but highly sophisticated in performance. Two fine, ungainly wires touched a tiny button, or “mesa” of silicon that had been raised above the surrounding layers by etching. Such mesa transistors soon amplified signals at frequencies as high as 120 megacycles per second—almost ten times higher than earlier silicon transistors. “As an existence proof,” reflected two engineers in Morton’s group, “this experiment likely ranks second only to the original point-contact transistor in establishing the course of electron device development.”
莫顿在一次欧洲商务旅行中得知这一突破后，立即取消了所有后续行程，飞回纽约。此前，他一直隐约觉得硅扩散技术是正确的方向，但同时也在尝试几种不同的方法，包括……合金结。终于准备做出决定时，他在阿伦敦召集了团队领导和西部电气公司顶尖的制造工程师举行了一次高级别会议。在三月下旬一个“下雪的糟糕日子”里，莫顿大胆地宣布，从那天起，“未来的晶体管和二极管发展将以硅材料和扩散技术为核心”。贝尔系统。”他坚决拒绝支持进一步开发生长结晶体管。他还强烈取消了正在进行的合金结硅晶体管的研究工作，并嘲笑这些研究纯属“瞎折腾”。
When Morton learned of this breakthrough on a business trip to Europe, he immediately canceled all further travel plans and flew back to New York. Until then, he had harbored a hunch that silicon diffusion was the way to go but had been spreading his bets among several different approaches, including alloy junctions. Finally ready to make his decision, he convened a high-level meeting at Allentown of his group leaders and the top Western Electric manufacturing engineers. On a “snowy, miserable day” late that March, Morton boldly decreed that from that day forward “it was to be in silicon as a material and diffusion as a technology that future transistor and diode development would move in the Bell System.” He adamantly refused to support further development of grown-junction transistors. And he vehemently canceled the work already under way on alloy-junction silicon transistors, which he ridiculed as so much “diddling.”
贝尔实验室终于在 1955年6 月于费城举行 的 IRE（无线电工程师协会）半导体器件会议上公开展示了扩散基极晶体管。关于这些晶体管的文章于次年一月发表在《贝尔系统技术期刊》上。同月，实验室在默里山再次举办晶体管研讨会，向西电公司的授权用户讲解扩散技术。德州仪器的阿德科克和索尼的岩间出席了研讨会。
BELL LABS FINALLY went public with diffused-base transistors in June at the 1955 IRE (Institute of Radio Engineers) Semiconductor Device Conference in Philadelphia. Articles about these transistors appeared the following January in the Bell System Technical Journal. That same month the labs held yet another transistor symposium at Murray Hill to educate Western Electric licensees on diffusion technology. Present were TI’s Adcock and Sony’s Iwama.
但这种革命性的新方法并没有让晶体管制造商蜂拥而至，放弃现有的技术。技术。对于当时的许多应用，例如助听器和晶体管收音机，合金结或生长结锗晶体管都能很好地工作，而且制造成本要低得多——至少在初期是这样。掌握新的扩散和硅技术这需要大量的时间和投资，而且客户必须是财力雄厚的专业人士，愿意支付专用固态器件更高的初始成本。正是利用它们制成的。只有克服了这些障碍，才能实现批量加工扩散技术所承诺的自动化大规模生产更低的成本。
But the revolutionary new approach did not exactly create a stampede of transistor manufacturers away from existing techniques. For many applications of the day such as hearing aids and transistor radios, alloy-junction or grown-junction germanium transistors worked fine and were far cheaper to make—at least at first. Mastering the new diffusion and silicon technologies required lots of time and investment, plus well-heeled customers willing to pay the much higher initial costs of specialized solid-state devices made with them. Only after surmounting these barriers could the lower costs of automated mass production promised by batch-processing diffusion techniques be realized.
幸运的是，贝尔实验室和西部电气公司有四家财力雄厚的客户——美国陆军、海军和空军，以及AT&T公司本身——他们对这项技术非常感兴趣。在20世纪50年代中期，他们都渴望能够发送、接收和处理电子信号。他们致力于在最高频率下传输信号，因为在这个频率下，信息量最大、传输速度最快。他们也准备好承担将扩散和硅制造技术变为现实所需的高昂前期成本。
Fortunately, Bell Labs and Western Electric had four wealthy customers—the U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Force, plus AT&T itself—that were very interested. In the mid-1950s all of them were eager to send, receive, and manipulate electronic signals at the highest frequencies, where the greatest amounts of information could be transferred most rapidly. They were ready to foot the high up-front costs of making diffusion and silicon manufacturing technologies a reality.
尽管朝鲜战争在1953年以停战协定结束，但冷战并未就此结束。在美国的带头下，苏联也爆发了战争。那一年，贝尔实验室研制出了第一批氢弹，这种武器足以摧毁一座纽约大小的城市。次年，美国空军利用贝尔实验室在电子和通信领域的专业知识，在北美大陆极寒的北部地区建立了一个由五十多个预警雷达站组成的网络。这个庞大的网络被称为“远距离预警系统”（DEW）。警告）线路必须能够在地球上一些最恶劣的条件下，以超高频和甚高频频率进行可靠通信。鉴于这种紧迫性，对于军方采购人员来说，每个价值一百美元的锗硅基扩散基晶体管和开关根本不成问题。
Despite the fact that the Korean conflict had ended in a 1953 armistice, the Cold War had not let up. After the United States led the way, the Soviet Union exploded its first hydrogen bombs that year, weapons that could obliterate an entire city the size of New York. During the ensuing year the U.S. Air Force drafted Bell Labs’ expertise in electronics and communications to help it build a network of more than fifty early-warning radar stations across the frigid northern extremes of the continent. This sprawling nervous system, dubbed the DEW (or Distant Early Warning) Line, had to be able to communicate at UHF and VHF frequencies without fail under some of the most severe conditions on the planet. Given these great urgencies, germanium and silicon diffused-base transistors and switches costing a hundred dollars apiece proved to be no problem for military purchasing agents.
尽管乔·麦卡锡在……之后受到了参议院同僚的谴责为了对抗陆军，这位来自南加州的“反共”代表如今在白宫拥有了自己的办公室。尼克松的战争英雄竞选搭档艾森豪威尔最终会感叹“军工复合体”对美国生活产生的不良影响，但在20世纪50年代中期，他绝不会轻易放弃军工复合体提供的先进电子设备。在那黑暗的、需要躲避的时期。十年来，美国军方决心不再让敌人的袭击出其不意。在这样一个充满焦虑和两极分化的世界里，新兴的半导体产业注定会蓬勃发展。
And although Joe McCarthy had been censured by his Senate colleagues after trying to take on the Army, the Red-baiting representative from southern California now had an office in the White House. Nixon’s war-hero running mate, Eisenhower, would eventually lament the dubious impact of the “military-industrial complex” on American life, but in the mid-1950s he was hardly about to turn his back on the superior electronic equipment it provided. In that dark, duck-and-cover decade, the U. S. military forces had resolved never again to be surprised by an enemy attack. In such an anxious, polarized world, the fledgling semiconductor industry was guaranteed to flourish.
20世纪50年代中期，威廉·肖克利正经历着后来心理学家所说的“中年危机”。他的症状不胜枚举。1953年夏末秋初，在他四十多岁的时候，他卖掉了自己的MG跑车，并在一次欧洲长游中买了一辆绒面绿色的捷豹XK120超级跑车敞篷车。次年二月，他从贝尔实验室请了假。为了看看自己是否更喜欢学术生活而非工业界，他曾在加州理工学院担任了四个月的访问教授。但这段经历让他感到不满意，于是他在七月前往华盛顿，开始在五角大楼担任武器系统评估小组副主任，为期一年。与此同时，他的妻子琼则留在新泽西州的家中照顾两个儿子，并从子宫切除手术中恢复过来。随后，艾莉森返回拉德克利夫，接受子宫癌的后续 X 射线治疗。
During the mid-1950s William Shockley was having what psychologists of later decades would call a midlife crisis. The symptoms were legion. Then in his mid-forties, he sold his MG and bought a suede green Jaguar XK120 Super Sports convertible on an extended visit to Europe in the late summer and early fall of 1953. The following February he took a leave from Bell Labs to see if he might enjoy the academic life better than industry, spending four months as a visiting professor at Cal Tech. Finding that unsatisfying, he moved on to Washington in July and began a one-year appointment at the Pentagon as deputy director of the Weapons Systems Evaluation Group. Meanwhile, his wife Jean stayed at home with their two boys in New Jersey, recuperating from a hysterectomy and follow-up X-ray treatment for uterine cancer, while Alison headed back to Radcliffe.
肖克利在贝尔实验室感到发展受阻。事实上，他的确受到了阻碍。作为晶体管物理研究主管，他遇到了某种“玻璃天花板”。虽然成就不如他的人都能稳步晋升，但他却始终停留在中层管理岗位。事实上，在1951年的一次大规模重组中，鲍恩菲斯克被任命为副总裁，而肖克利则跃升为新的研究主管。1954年初，菲斯克接替鲍恩担任副总裁，但肖克利留任。“我在华盛顿和贝尔实验室都见过很多次类似的事情，”他写信安慰母亲，安慰她所遭受的挫折。“对杰出个人贡献的认可往往不足。”当采取组织行动时。”
Shockley felt blocked at Bell Labs. And, indeed, he was blocked. He had struck a kind of glass ceiling there as head of transistor physics research. While men of lesser accomplishments rose steadily in the hierarchy, he was mired at that middle-management level. In a big 1951 reorganization, in fact, Bown was named vice president while Fisk had leaped above Shockley as the new director of research. In early 1954 Fisk replaced Bown as vice president, but Shockley stayed put. “I have seen the same sort of thing happen many times in Washington and at Bell Labs,” he wrote his mother, consoling her about a rebuff she had endured. “Recognition of outstanding individual contribution is frequently lacking when organizational actions are taken.”
贝尔的高层管理人员有理由让肖克利继续担任中层职位。他们认为他最能发挥作用的地方。巴丁写给凯利的信解释了他从实验室辞职的原因，这封信引起了大家的注意。而且，这并非个例。其他一些世界级的物理学家也曾强烈抱怨肖克利咄咄逼人的竞争态度。他管理人事的方式也十分笨拙。他或许能胜任精锐突击队队长一职，负责在外国领土建立滩头阵地。但他远不及艾森豪威尔。他缺乏陆军将领应有的统帅能力，无法指挥大规模正面进攻。
Bell’s top managers had reason to keep Shockley in a mid-level position, where they felt he would be most effective. Bardeen’s letter to Kelly explaining his resignation from the labs had not gone unnoticed. And this was not just an isolated incident, either. Other world-class physicists there had also complained bitterly of Shockley’s overbearing competitiveness and his ham-handed approach to managing people. He might make an excellent captain of a crack commando unit, whose task was to establish a beachhead in foreign territory. But he was no Eisenhower. He lacked the broader organizational abilities expected of a general of the army, responsible for directing a wide frontal assault.
肖克利对自己停滞不前的职业生涯的认知，更加激怒了他。1952年之后，情况变得更加复杂。那时，他的研究以及他领导的固态电路团队的工作对AT&T的命运将产生多么巨大的影响已显而易见。然而，该公司却拒绝让他分享其专利带来的版税收入。与此同时，荣誉和奖项纷至沓来，关于他可能获得诺贝尔奖的传言也开始流传。因此，尽管他本人推动了许多最初的、1953年末，他开始对扩散基极晶体管进行探索性研究，但他并没有停留享受随后的突破性进展。相反，他开始涉足其他新的领域，在不同的追求中寻求属于自己的财富。
The recognition of his stagnating career rankled Shockley more and more after 1952. By then it was becoming obvious what a huge impact his research and the work of his solid-state group was going to have on AT&T’s fortunes. Yet the company would not grant him a share in the royalties accruing from his patents. And the honors and awards continued to pile up, as rumors began circulating about a likely Nobel prize. So although he personally stimulated much of the initial, exploratory research on diffused-base transistors in late 1953, he did not hang around to enjoy the subsequent breakthroughs. Instead he began to strike out in other, new directions, seeking his own fortune in different pursuits.
1954年3月，肖克利在加州理工学院时 得知，他将在国家科学院年会上获得令人梦寐以求的康斯托克奖。四月。“这是他们最好的奖项之一，大约每四年才颁发一次，”他写信给母亲说。为了准备获奖感言，他决定调查一下因他的小发明而蓬勃发展的新兴产业。他给凯利和其他行业领袖写信，询问晶体管的生产和销售数据——如果可能的话，最好还能提供真空管的对比数据。
WHILE AT CAL TECH in March 1954, Shockley learned that he was to receive the coveted Comstock prize of the National Academy of Sciences at its annual meeting in late April. “This is one of their best prizes and is awarded only every four years or so,” he wrote his mother. For his acceptance speech, he decided to survey the vigorous new industry erupting due to his tiny invention. He sent letters to Kelly and other industry leaders, asking them for figures on transistor production and sales—and, if possible, comparative figures on vacuum tubes.
凯利转发他向鲍恩提出请求，但鲍恩婉拒了向肖克利提供信息，并道歉说晶体管的销售数据仍然难以确定，而且属于“公司机密”。他曾就近炸引信问题咨询过的雷神公司高管则坦诚得多。这家位于马萨诸塞州的大型电子公司自1949年起，成为AT&T之外第一家生产晶体管的公司。点接触式版本。1953年助听器市场爆发时，雷神公司迅速占据了市场主导地位，为当年售出的20万台晶体管助听器提供了大部分放大器。
Kelly forwarded his request to Bown, who begged off giving Shockley the information, apologizing that transistor sales figures were still problematical and “company confidential.” Executives at Raytheon, with whom he had consulted on the proximity fuze, were much more forthcoming. The big Massachusetts electronics firm had become the first company outside AT&T to manufacture transistors, beginning in 1949 with point-contact versions. When the hearing-aid market erupted in 1953, Raytheon quickly cornered it, supplying most of the amplifiers for the 200,000 transistorized hearing aids sold that year.
尽管遭到自己公司的拒绝，肖克利仍然设法拼凑出了一幅新兴行业的引人注目的画像。销售额已经接近……每年生产100万个晶体管，其中绝大部分是用于助听器和军事应用。近二十家公司参与其中，其中包括通用电气、美国无线电公司和雷神公司等电子巨头，以及锗产品公司和Transitron Electronics等小型初创公司。随着制造成本骤降至接近真空管的水平，晶体管行业即将迎来爆发式增长。
Despite being rebuffed by his own company, Shockley managed to piece together a striking portrait of the emerging industry. Sales were already nearing 1 million transistors per year, the great bulk of them for hearing aids and military applications. Nearly twenty companies were involved; they included giant electronics firms like GE, RCA, and Raytheon as well as small start-ups such as Germanium Products and Transitron Electronics. With manufacturing costs plummeting toward those of vacuum tubes, the transistor industry was about to explode.
但当他在国家科学院发表演讲时，却并非如此。4月26日，在科学院会议上，贝尔的成果被当天激动人心的消息所掩盖。当天早上，《纽约时报》和《华尔街日报》的头版头条都刊登了贝尔的太阳能电池的报道，贝尔当天晚些时候还在科学院进行了演示。晶体管此前从未获得过如此盛大的关注。富勒和皮尔逊的名字在《华尔街日报》的文章中被提及，但是……文中完全没有提及肖克利的贡献。
But when he presented his talk at the National Academy of Sciences on April 26, it was overshadowed by the exciting news of the day. On the front pages of the New York Times and Wall Street Journal that very morning was the story of Bell’s fabulous Solar Battery, which Bell also demonstrated at the Academy later in the day. The transistor had never gotten anywhere near this kind of fanfare. Fuller and Pearson were cited in the Journal article, but there was no mention of Shockley’s contributions.
五月份，他回到加州理工学院，继续他的教学工作，并因获奖而获得了4000美元的奖金。但他开始意识到，他一直渴望的个人满足感和成就感，在学术生活中也无法找到。因此，当五角大楼打来电话时，肖克利已经准备好重返华盛顿。
He returned to Cal Tech in May and resumed his teaching activities, $4,000 richer because of the prize. But he was beginning to recognize that the personal satisfaction and sense of fulfillment he so eagerly sought was not to be found in the academic life, either. So when the call came from the Pentagon, Shockley was ready for a return to Washington.
1948年，他曾积极参与组建武器系统评估小组。他与布什密切合作，组建了一支由才华横溢的文职和军事分析专家组成的团队，运用运筹学方法评估氢弹等战略武器。然而，在最初几年里，他一直拒绝在该小组中担任领导角色，坚持认为自己的晶体管收音机才是最重要的。研究更为重要。但到了1954年，五角大楼的召唤最终战胜了他的抵抗，他开始重新回到美国首都周围的狭小空间。
In 1948 he had been instrumental in organizing the Weapons Systems Evaluation Group. He worked closely with Bush to set up a group of brainy civilian and military analysts to apply operations-research techniques to the evaluation of strategic weapons such as the hydrogen bomb. For a few years he resisted the invitation to play a leading role in this group, however, insisting that his transistor research was more important. But in 1954 the pull of the Pentagon overcame his resistance at last, and he began falling back into a tight orbit around the nation’s capital.
那年三月，肖克利前往华盛顿洽谈担任WSEG研究总监一职，期间他参加了一位女性攀岩爱好者朋友举办的晚宴。出席晚宴的还有艾米·兰宁，一位举止端庄、四十岁左右的女性。他曾在附近的罗克维尔一家精神病院教护理。两人起初互不相识，直到晚饭后，他拿出正在撰写的一篇关于运筹学的论文草稿，蹲在地板上，开始向在场的几位客人朗读，征求他们的意见。
On a visit to Washington that March to discuss a proposed position as WSEG’s research director, Shockley attended a dinner party hosted by a female rock-climbing friend. Also present was Emmy Lanning, a prim, fortyish woman who taught nursing at a psychiatric facility in nearby Rockville. They took little interest in each other until after dinner, when he pulled out a draft of a paper he was preparing on operations research, squatted on the floor, and began reading it to the small party, asking for feedback.
肖克利认为，这些技术也可以用来提高科学家的生产力，工程师们在研究实验室工作。艾米礼貌地听着，直到她再也忍受不了了。“嗯，如果我是你们的听众，”她打断他，“我肯定不喜欢这样。”
Shockley argued that these techniques could also be applied to improve the productivity of scientists and engineers working in research laboratories. Emmy listened politely until she couldn’t stand it any longer. “Well, if I were sitting in your audience,” she interrupted him, “I wouldn’t like this.”
肖克利原本只期待赞扬，却突然抬起头，注意到对面沙发上坐着一位身材娇小、略带书卷气的女士，她戴着黑框眼镜，神态轻快。他问她是否明白。关于“我的工作就是研究人，”她坚持说。“你谈论的是人，他们的投资，他们的收入——为什么他们在公司里混不下去等等。我当然对这类事情感兴趣。”
Expecting only praise, Shockley suddenly looked up and began to notice the compact, bookish woman with the dark-rimmed glasses sitting pertly on the davenport across from him. He asked her what she understood about the topic. “People are my business,” she insisted. “You’re talking about people, what their investment is, and what they earn—why they don’t make it in companies and so on. Of course I’m interested in that kind of thing.”
肖克利走过来坐在艾米旁边，一边读着剩下的报纸，一边和她讨论报纸上的内容，一直聊到深夜，过了午夜很久。最后，她起身离开了。她问他是否需要搭车。当他们走向她的车时，她直截了当地问他：“你结婚了吗？”
Shockley came over and sat next to Emmy, reading the rest of the paper and talking with her about it on into the evening, well past midnight. Finally, she got up to leave and asked him if he needed a ride. As they strode to her car, she asked him, rather forthrightly, “Are you married?”
“嗯，是的，但我没在努力，”他坦率地回答。“你为什么这么问？”艾米回答说，她遇到的男人要么是乱伦的，要么是已婚的，他们只是想玩玩而已，并不想认真谈恋爱。他们一直聊到她把他送回他住的地方。大学俱乐部。在那里，他坦白说想再次见到她，而她也表示自己有此意。
“Well yes, but I’m not working at it,” he answered, quite candidly. “Why do you ask?” The men she met were either mixed up or married, Emmy replied, and merely interested in playing around, not a serious relationship. They talked until she dropped him off where he was staying at the University Club. There he admitted he wanted to see her again, and she agreed that she was interested, too.
从加州理工学院来的肖克利给她寄来了贺卡和一大盒白色康乃馨，以示对他的好感。四月下旬，他抵达华盛顿参加学院会议时，两人再次见面。在与布什和其他两位男士一起接受康斯托克奖后，他立即向她介绍了自己。艾美奖颁给了从波士顿赶来参加颁奖典礼的艾莉森。
From Cal Tech Shockley sent her cards and a big box of white carnations to underscore his interest. They got together again in late April, when he arrived in Washington for the academy meeting. And right after accepting the Comstock Prize together with Bush and two other men, he introduced Emmy to Alison, who had come down from Boston for the award ceremony.
六月从加州理工学院毕业后，肖克利和女儿开着他的“捷豹”进行了一次横跨美国的旅行，途中在优胜美地和落基山脉进行了攀岩之旅。七月的第一周，他抵达华盛顿，开始在五角大楼的工作，先是住在马萨诸塞大道上的宇宙俱乐部，之后搬进了……州议会大厦公寓就在街对面。
After finishing up at Cal Tech that June, Shockley enjoyed a cross-country jaunt in “the Jag” with his daughter, taking rock-climbing trips in Yosemite and the Rocky Mountains. He arrived in Washington the first week of July to begin his Pentagon stint, staying at the Cosmos Club on Massachusetts Avenue before moving into the State House Apartments across the street.
在许多方面，他的新生活与战时生活颇为相似，依然埋头于堆积如山的工作之中。他每月一两次回新泽西老家，表面上维持着摇摇欲坠的婚姻。闲暇时，他会打打壁球，并加入了华盛顿攀岩俱乐部和波托马克河游艇俱乐部。
In many regards his new life resembled his wartime existence, immersed in piles of work. Once or twice a month, he returned home to New Jersey to pay lip service to his disintegrating marriage. For recreation he played a little squash and joined the Washington Rock Climbers Club and the Potomac Boat Club.
肖克利也开始花费大量时间……秋天追求艾米——这是他来华盛顿的主要原因之一。她陪同他参加了11月举行的美国运筹学学会年会，他在会上发表了她曾批评过的论文《论科研实验室生产力个体差异的统计学》。这个新成立的学会的会议出席人数众多，他的论文也获得了好评，甚至获得了……《新闻周刊》曾刊登过一篇关于他想法的简短文章。但他们的恋情在同年12月戛然而止，艾米接受了俄亥俄州立大学在哥伦布市的护理学教职。她于当月下旬启程，1月1日正式上任，并承诺会通过电话和信件与比尔保持联系。
Shockley also began to spend a lot of time that autumn courting Emmy—one of his principal reasons for coming to Washington. She accompanied him to the November meeting of the Operations Research Society of America, where he delivered the paper she had criticized, “On the Statistics of Individual Variations of Productivity in Research Laboratories.” The meeting of the infant society was well attended and his paper favorably received, even meriting a brief article on his ideas in Newsweek. But their flowering romance was abruptly interrupted that December when Emmy accepted a choice position teaching nursing at Ohio State University in Columbus. She departed late that month to begin on January 1, promising to keep in touch with Bill by phone and letter.
武器系统评估小组副主任 肖克利 曾有机会接触到一些他们与国家最高军事将领保持密切联系，并对国家最先进的高科技武器有着深入的了解。国防部长詹姆斯·福雷斯特尔于1948年组建了这个小组，旨在让民间科学家和工程师参与到利用微波雷达和核物理技术研发的超精密武器系统的规划过程中。他们就这些议题向参谋长联席会议提供建议。例如美国轰炸机舰队、耐克导弹系统以及横跨阿拉斯加和加拿大的远程预警线。
AS DEPUTY DIRECTOR of the Weapons Systems Evaluation Group, Shockley had access to some of the country’s top military brass and intimate knowledge of the nation’s most advanced, high-tech weaponry. Secretary of Defense James Forrestal had organized the group in 1948 to bring civilian scientists and engineers into the process of planning the ultrasophisticated weapons systems made possible by microwave radar and nuclear physics. They advised the Joint Chiefs of Staff on such topics as the U.S. bomber fleet, Nike missile systems, and the DEW Line stretching across Alaska and Canada.
几个月来，这项工作既有趣又富有挑战性，但到了1954年末，肖克利开始感到焦躁不安。与战后其他几个委员会一样，WSEG只是一个缺乏实权的咨询小组；高层经常不顾劝阻，一意孤行。“今天我告诉“夸尔斯先生，我正在认真考虑在1月初递交辞呈，除非我很快看到进展的迹象，否则辞职将在两个月后生效，”他在12月20日写给梅的信中说。“这足以说明这份工作并不怎么有趣。”更糟糕的是，他来华盛顿的主要原因之一就是为了离开去俄亥俄州。
For a few months it was interesting, challenging work, but Shockley began to get restless in late 1954. As with several other postwar committees, WSEG was just an advisory group lacking any real authority; often the brass proceeded with its plans despite being advised against them. “Today I told Mr. Quarles that I was seriously thinking of a letter of resignation in early Jan to be effective 2 months unless I see signs of progress soon,” he wrote to May on December 20. “This gives you an idea that the job is not too much fun.” And it didn’t help matters that one of the major reasons he had come to Washington was leaving for Ohio.
肖克利的回应是试图把自己埋头于工作中。1955年初，一项雄心勃勃的提案提出，升级陆军的“耐克-大力神”导弹，使其成为大陆防空系统的先锋，该系统最终可能涵盖日益增长的苏联远程导弹。“耐克-大力神”导弹携带核弹头，可在目标附近引爆，如果敌方轰炸机中队近距离飞行，核弹头足以将其全部摧毁。密集队形固然重要，但要将其应用于防御洲际弹道导弹则完全是另一回事。至少，这需要更精确的雷达和更快的计算机。1955年2月，贝尔实验室惠帕尼分部的一个小组开始研究这些问题，WSEG也启动了自己的初步评估。
Shockley responded by trying to bury himself in work. In early 1955 this included an ambitious proposal to upgrade the Army’s Nike-Hercules missile to serve as the spearhead of a continental air-defense system that could eventually include the growing possibility of long-range Soviet missiles. The Nike-Hercules carried a nuclear warhead that would detonate near a target and could wipe out an entire squadron of enemy bombers if they flew in a closely packed formation. But adapting it to defend against intercontinental ballistic missiles was another matter entirely. At the very least, this required far more accurate radar and much faster computers. In February 1955 a Bell Labs group at Whippany started looking into these questions, and WSEG initiated its own preliminary evaluation.
就在那个月，肖克利开始记录他的私人思考。他还随身携带一本绿色袖珍小册子，里面记录着他的回忆。受艾美的影响，他对心理学，尤其是自己的心理学，非常着迷。在关于WSEG优先事项和五角大楼会议的评论中——例如，“安德森要把大陆防御系统交给谁？基利安报告的最后期限是4月25日”——还夹杂着一些关于他的情绪、梦境和童年创伤的简短记录。大部分都集中在后面的几页。“帐篷、票、女孩，没来，不退款，”其中一条令人心酸的记录写道。“绑在树上，然后解开[极度紧张和释放的感觉，1955年3月15日]。”
That very month Shockley began jotting down his private ruminations and reminiscences in a green, pocket-sized booklet that he carried with him almost everywhere. Influenced in part by Emmy, he was fascinated with psychology, particularly his own. Jotted among comments about WSEG priorities and Pentagon meetings—for example, “Anderson to put Continental Defense on whom? 25 April deadline for Killian report”—are brief notes on his moods, dreams, and boyhood traumas, most of those concentrated in the back pages. “The tent, the tickets, the girl, no show, no refund,” reads one poignant entry. “Tie to tree & untie [Feeling of extreme tension and release 15 Mar 1955].”
肖克利还开始与一位名叫玛丽昂的二十多岁的女物理学家约会，玛丽昂在五角大楼空军情报部门工作。他们通过攀岩俱乐部相识，并有过几次轻松愉快的约会。周末，他们会在华盛顿郊外的花岗岩峭壁上互相保护攀登。他们甚至还会碰面。那年四月，他在巴黎参加军事演习时，也在那里。但玛丽昂很清楚，“这个在俄亥俄州的女人……掌握了内幕消息。” 比尔向她坦白，艾米在“正视自己的感情”方面给了他多大的帮助。
Shockley also began dating a woman physicist in her twenties named Marion, who worked at the Pentagon in Air Force Intelligence. They had met through the rock-climbing club and enjoyed a few casual weekends belaying each other on granite escarpments outside Washington. They even rendezvoused in Paris that April when he was there for military exercises. But it was obvious to Marion that “this woman in Ohio . . . had the inside track.” Bill admitted to her how much Emmy had helped him in “getting in touch with his feelings.”
那年三月也是取得重要突破的月份。贝尔实验室几乎每周都会发生这样的事——杰克·莫顿在前往大马士革的路上从马上摔下来，从欧洲回来后，他成了硅的忠实信徒。肖克利当月初从时任化学研究主管艾迪生·怀特那里得知了这一进展，怀特打电话给他，请求他向贝尔实验室的高层管理人员发送一份备忘录，敦促他们支持一种新的硅提炼方法。摩根·斯帕克斯这份备忘录由他起草，肖克利修改后寄回，以他自己的名义发布。备忘录开头是：
That March was also the month when important breakthroughs were occurring almost weekly at Bell Labs—when Jack Morton got thrown from his horse on the road to Damascus and returned from Europe a true believer in silicon. Shockley got wind of the developments early that month from Addison White, then head of chemical research, who called to enlist him in sending the top management at Bell Labs a memo urging support for a new silicon-refining method. Morgan Sparks drafted the memo, which Shockley revised and sent back to be issued under his own name. It began:
最近有证据表明，目前已发现一种简便的方法，可以制备出纯度足以满足所有预期应用和研究需求的硅。这是一个新情况；在过去一个月左右的时间里，没有任何理由相信……任何已设想的方法都可能实现这一目标。由于目前尚无其他可靠的方法来生产具有如此迫切需要的特性的硅，因此，将目前已知的唯一方法发展成为小批量实用供应方法至关重要。
Evidence has recently been developed that a straightforward method is now known which will result in the preparation of silicon of adequate purity for all presently envisaged application and research needs. This is a new situation; prior to the last month or so there was no basis for believing that any method yet conceived of could accomplish this desired purpose. In the absence of any other certain method for producing silicon of such greatly needed properties, it is of utmost importance to develop the one known method into a practical supply of limited quantities.
肖克利赞扬的方法被称为“浮区精炼”。这是亨利·普凡技术的一种变体。在Theuerer装置中，锗或硅棒垂直而非水平穿过加热环。由于液体部分依靠表面张力保持静止，因此无需容器，从而避免了半导体受到污染。唯一残留的杂质硼可以通过在水蒸气气氛中处理硅轻松去除。最终，能够制造超高纯度硅的方法——纯度堪比最纯的锗。
The method that Shockley praised is called “float zone-refining.” In this variation of Pfann’s technique developed by Henry Theuerer, a germanium or silicon rod passes vertically instead of horizontally through the heating rings. No containment vessel is needed because the liquid portion is maintained in place by surface tension, thus avoiding contamination of the semiconductor. The only remaining impurities, of boron, were easily removed by processing the silicon in an atmosphere of water vapor. At last there was a method capable of making ultrahigh-purity silicon—as pure as the purest germanium.
但这只是贝尔公司三月份爆发的硅革命的一个方面。当月晚些时候，怀特致电五角大楼的肖克利，告知他最近在利用硅制造出第一个成功的扩散基极晶体管方面取得了突破性进展。“ AHW说莫里·坦恩已经将AlSb和Al键合在一起了，”一封神秘的邮件中写道。肖克利绿色小册子上的日期为 3 月 23 日的笔记。
But that was only one facet of the silicon revolution erupting at Bell that March. Later that month White called Shockley at the Pentagon to inform him of the recent breakthrough in making the first successful diffused-base transistor using silicon. “AHW says Morrie Tann has AlSb plus Al bonded,” reads a cryptic note dated March 23 in Shockley’s green booklet.
这指的是富勒成功地将铝（Al）和锑（Sb）原子同时扩散到硅晶体中，制成NPN夹层结构，坦南鲍姆随后利用这种结构制造了扩散基极晶体管。肖克利几乎立刻意识到这意味着什么。结合新的硅提纯方法，这将使……工业制造能够在高温和数百兆赫兹频率下工作的晶体管和开关——这正是当时正在设计中的下一代高科技武器所需要的。这也有助于实现凯利近二十年前向他提出的技术梦想：一种采用全电子交换的电话系统。
This was a reference to Fuller’s success in diffusing aluminum (Al) and antimony (Sb) atoms simultaneously into a silicon crystal to make an N-P-N sandwich, with which Tanenbaum then fabricated a diffused-base transistor. Shockley recognized almost immediately what this meant. Combined with the new silicon-refining methods, it would allow the the industry to manufacture transistors and switches that could operate at high temperatures and hundreds of megacycles—exactly what would be needed for the next generation of high-tech weaponry then on the drawing boards. And it would also help to realize the technological dream that Kelly had suggested to him almost two decades earlier: a phone system with fully electronic switching.
但肖克利他无法将自己的直觉付诸行动。五角大楼的文职工作让他感到窒息，每天处理文件、安排预约，费尽心思说服官僚和高层一些显而易见的事情。他渴望重返工业界，他更了解那里的运作方式，在那里他可以运用所学的一切，大展拳脚。然而这一次，他不想再为任何人打工。否则。“老板缺乏 赏识意味着什么？ ”他3月30日的日记里写道。紧接着上面还有一条更耐人寻味的评论：
But Shockley could not act on his hunches. And he felt stifled by his Penatagon desk job, shuffling papers and appointments, struggling to convince the bureaucrats and brass about things that seemed obvious. He yearned to get back into industry, whose ways he understood a lot better, where he could make his mark applying all the things he had learned. This time, however, he did not want to work for anybody else. “Imp. of lack of appreciation by bosses, means what?” reads a March 30 entry in his booklet. Just above it is another, even more telling, comment:
父亲以点燃世界的想法为荣。
Idea of setting world on fire, father proud.
近一年来， 肖克利一直在考虑各公司和大学提供的职位。但他一直在等待时机，继续在WSEG的工作，等待一个真正令人心动的职位。 他没有做出任何承诺。从某种程度上说，他就像晶体中的一个炽热电子——它获得了足够的能量挣脱了母原子的束缚，现在正沿着导带漂移，等待着落脚的理想位置。
FOR ALMOST A year, Shockley had been considering positions offered him by various companies and universities. But he was biding his time, going about his WSEG work, awaiting a truly outstanding offer, not making any commitments. In a way he was acting a lot like a hot electron in a crystal—one that had found sufficient energy to break free of its parent atom and was now drifting along in the conduction band, awaiting the ideal place to alight.
1954 年 6 月，在前往华盛顿之前，肖克利拒绝了洛杉矶休斯飞机公司和国际遥测公司的邀请。尽管加州是个很有吸引力的工作地点，梅就住在附近，而且开车不远就能看到数不胜数的陡峭花岗岩，但他并不真正想要这些工作。“我越了解比尔·S，就越觉得他永远不会满足于现状，”离开帕萨迪纳前，他写信给艾米说，“我再警告你一次，要提防他。”
Just before heading off to Washington in June 1954, Shockley had turned down offers from Hughes Aircraft and International Telemeter in Los Angeles. Although California was an attractive place to work, with May living nearby and more sheer granite than he could ever hope to climb within an easy drive, these positions were not exactly what he wanted. “The more I see of Bill S. the less I think he will ever be satisfied with anything he gets,” he wrote Emmy prior to leaving Pasadena. “Let me warn you against him once more.”
1955年初，他他对当大学教授的兴趣曾短暂复苏——但前提是必须按照他自己的方式。他想创办一个半导体研究的跨学科项目，涉及物理、化学和电气工程。他还希望保留自己所有发明专利使用费的相当一部分，并可以自由地从事外部咨询工作。此外，他还希望获得一份远超预期的薪水。对于校园里几乎所有其他教授来说，这对于伯克利和耶鲁来说都是一个难以完成的任务。
In early 1955 his interest revived briefly in being a university professor—but only on his own terms. He thought of starting an interdisciplinary program in semiconductor research that would involve physics, chemistry, and electrical engineering. He also wanted to keep a good fraction of the patent royalties on any of his inventions and be free to do outside consulting. Together with a salary that exceeded that of almost every other professor on campus, this proved too tall an order for Berkeley and Yale.
三月份发生了一件令人不安的事情，这件事对肖克利的思考产生了影响。他的妻子琼接受了手术，切除了一个唾液腺，那里长了一个新的肿瘤，很可能是由于她原有癌症的转移引起的。子宫癌。在获得大陆防空能力的巨大压力下研究进行期间，他当月回家照顾儿子们四天，因为她当时正在住院。两周后，她再次接受了1953年就曾忍受过的可怕X光治疗。完全康复的预后并不乐观。
And a disturbing event occurred in March that would have an impact on Shockley’s thinking. His wife, Jean, underwent surgery to remove a salivary gland in which a new tumor had appeared, probably due to a metastasis of her uterine cancer. In the midst of heavy pressure to get the continental air defense study under way, he returned home for four days that month to care for the boys while she was in the hospital. Two weeks later she resumed the dreaded X-ray treatments she had endured in 1953. The prognosis for complete remission was not good.
因此，当肖克利4月19日离开艾德怀尔德机场开始一段漫长的旅程时，所有这些因素都像沸腾的肉汤一样在他躁动不安的大脑中翻腾涌动。前往欧洲。出发前一天，他致电麻省理工学院、美国无线电公司和雷神公司的联系人，询问他们是否有兴趣给他提供一份优厚的合同，并告知他们需要在五月份之前得到答复。之后，他前往伦敦发表开尔文演讲，随后前往巴黎参加军事演习（并在周日上午与玛丽昂在巴黎圣母院会面），最后前往布鲁塞尔进行更多活动。会议和另一场讲座。
So all these elements were bubbling up like a boiling broth in Shockley’s febrile brain as he departed Idlewild Airport on April 19 for a lengthy trip to Europe. The day before leaving, he called his contacts at MIT, RCA, and Raytheon to ask whether they might be interested in making him a good offer, telling them he needed their answers by May. Then he headed for London to deliver the Kelvin Lecture, on to Paris for military exercises (and for a Sunday-morning rendezvous with Marion at Notre Dame Cathedral), and finally to Brussels for more meetings and another lecture.
五月回到华盛顿后不久，肖克利便决定放弃在大学任教的想法，全身心投入到创办自己的公司中。他将运用自己在生产力研究中倡导的方法——也就是他与艾米初次见面当晚向她朗读的那份研究报告，以及他在运筹学学会上发表的那份报告——来实现这一目标。他将招募拥有以下技能的人才：他以自己衡量个人创造力的最高“精神温度”为标准，开始利用硅和扩散等尖端新技术制造先进的半导体器件。“我想我应该尝试筹集一些资金，自己创业，”他在6月1日写信给艾美说。“毕竟，很明显，我比大多数人更聪明、更有活力，也更了解人情世故。”
Soon after returning to Washington in May, Shockley decided to abandon any idea of a university position and devote all his efforts to starting his own company using the approach he had advocated in his productivity study, the one that he had read to Emmy the evening they met and had delivered before the Operations Research Society. He would recruit people with the highest “mental temperature,” his own measure of individual creativity, to begin manufacturing advanced semiconductor devices based on the new, cutting-edge technologies of silicon and diffusion. “Think I shall try to raise some capital and start on my own,” he wrote Emmy on June 1. “After all, it is obvious I am smarter, more energetic and understand people better than most of these other folks.”
这一决定引发了肖克利与业内领军人物的一系列电话和会面，他试图筹集大约100万美元来启动他的业务。雷神公司一度表现出浓厚的兴趣，但双方未能就条款达成一致。6月初，他飞往洛杉矶与他以前在贝尔实验室的同事伍尔德里奇会面，伍尔德里奇当时已离开休斯飞机公司。他与另外两人合伙成立了一家公司（后来更名为TRW），但这项交易最终失败了。之后，他给帕特·哈格蒂打了个电话，哈格蒂向他吹嘘说，德州仪器已经超越雷神公司，成为领先的半导体制造商，每天生产一千个硅晶体管，而且锗器件的数量也足以让Regency公司满足每月一万台TR1的需求。然而，这个方案最终也行不通。也行。
That decision kicked off a great flurry of phone calls to and meetings with industry captains, as Shockley sought to raise the $1 million or so he felt he would need to finance his business. Raytheon showed strong interest for a while, but they couldn’t agree on terms. In early June he flew to Los Angeles to confer with his former Bell Labs colleague Wooldridge, who had left Hughes Aircraft and formed a company (later known as TRW) with two others; but that deal didn’t pan out. Then he phoned Pat Haggerty, who bragged to him that Texas Instruments had surpassed Raytheon and was now the leading semiconductor manufacturer, producing a thousand silicon transistors a day and enough germanium devices to permit Regency to meet the demands for 10,000 TR1’s a month. That possibility didn’t work out, either.
他转而向盟友凯利寻求帮助，坚持说他想赚一百万美元，并且希望自己的名字能登上《华尔街日报》，而不仅仅是《物理评论》。如果他继续留在贝尔实验室，这一切都不可能实现。当时与凯利在几个委员会共事的弗雷德·塞茨回忆说，凯利承认：“嗯，我告诉肖克利，我们很想留住他，但如果他认为自己可以……”赚一百万美元需要资金才能继续推进。”凯利补充道，“我还告诉他，事情并没有那么容易。”
He turned next to his ally Kelly for help, insisting he wanted to make a million dollars and see his name in the Wall Street Journal, not just the Physical Review. This was never going to happen if he stayed at Bell Labs. Fred Seitz, who at the time served on a few committees with Kelly, recalls him admitting, “Well, I told Shockley we’d love to keep him, but if he thinks he can earn a million dollars to go ahead.” And, Kelly added, “I also told him it isn’t all that easy.”
6月17日星期五，凯利致电劳伦斯·洛克菲勒，询问他是否有兴趣参与一些新项目。洛克菲勒曾为几家新公司提供资金。第二天，肖克利也打了个电话跟进。到下周IRE半导体器件会议召开时，关于他即将离职的传言已经甚嚣尘上。他想收购贝尔实验室，并在洛克菲勒的支持下创办自己的公司。故事大概是从他在费城机场偶遇布拉坦，并提到凯利正在促成这桩“联姻”开始的。这些传闻在当时引起了不小的轰动，几乎与贝尔实验室宣布其在扩散和硅技术方面取得的惊人突破一样引人注目。
On Friday, June 17, Kelly phoned Laurence Rockefeller, who had financed several new ventures, to see if he might be interested. Shockley followed up with his own call the next day. By the time the IRE Semiconductor Device Conference began the next week, rumors were abuzz that he was about to leave Bell Labs and start his own company with Rockefeller backing. The stories probably began when he bumped into Brattain at the Philadelphia airport and mentioned that Kelly was brokering the marriage. These rumors caused almost as much commotion there as Bell’s announcement of its stunning breakthroughs with diffusion and silicon.
“我现在过得挺好，五角大楼来了……”“最后，很多人愿意支持我开展一项新的事业，投资额超过50万美元，”他在六月下旬返回华盛顿后，给梅写道。“我现在倾向于劳伦斯·洛克菲勒的风险投资公司，我通过MJ·凯利的介绍认识了他们。”
“I am having a fine time now, what with the Pentagon coming to an end and lots of people willing to back me up in a new venture to the tune of $500,000 plus,” he wrote May after returning to Washington in late June. “I now lean to Laurence Rockefeller’s venture enterprises to which I got M. J. Kelly to introduce me.”
他的妻子正在与癌症作斗争，生活远没有他那么快乐。送走比利后，简开始收拾行李，准备和迪基一起去内华达州进行一次长途旅行。去缅因州参加夏令营。“我原本另有计划，”她在八月份从里诺写信给梅说，当时她正在等待离婚，“但比尔换了工作，他觉得最好同时也改变一下家庭状况。”
Fighting cancer, his wife was not having nearly as much fun. Jean started packing for a long trip to Nevada with Dicky, after sending Billy off to summer camp in Maine. “I had planned the summer quite otherwise,” she wrote to May in August from Reno while awaiting a divorce, “but Bill changed his job and felt it desirable to change his family status at the same time.”
他于7月中旬从WSEG辞职，并立即开始担任洛克菲勒集团的顾问，试图找到一个双方都满意的安排。那笔交易也开始变质。到了月底，他又开始四处寻找其他出路，再次梦想着去加州。7月29日，星期五，在他即将完成一长串待办事项时，他在他的绿色小笔记本上写了一张便条提醒自己：
He resigned from WSEG in mid-July and immediately began working as a consultant for the Rockefeller outfit, trying to figure out a mutually satisfactory arrangement. But that deal began to turn sour, too. By month’s end he was once more casting around for alternatives and dreaming again of California. On Friday, July 29, near the end of a long list of tasks he needed to finish, he penned a brief note in his little green booklet to remind himself,
贝克曼在20世纪30年代曾是加州理工学院的化学教授，他的其他毕业生也曾 就读 于该校。他们相识已有数年。1955年2月初，在洛杉矶商会的就职晚宴上，他们成为了好友。贝克曼就任副总裁，而肖克利和李·德·福雷斯特则因其对“电子时代”的卓越贡献而受到表彰，这场盛大的晚宴正是对他们的致敬。事实上，正是贝克曼亲自邀请了肖克利和李·德·福雷斯特出席晚宴。肖克利安排梅也出席。
FELLOW GRADUATES OF Cal Tech, where Beckman was a chemistry professor in the 1930s, they had known about each other for several years. They became good friends in early February 1955 during the installation banquet of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce. Beckman stepped in as vice president, while Shockley and Lee de Forest received citations for their pivotal contributions to “the age of electronics” being celebrated at the black-tie affair. It was Beckman, in fact, who personally invited Shockley and arranged for May to attend, too.
贝克曼既是一位优秀的科学家，也是一位成功的商人。1935年，他发明了pH计，这是一种测定溶液酸碱度的仪器。他研究了溶液的碱度，并成立了一家小型公司来生产这种设备。到 20 世纪 50 年代中期，贝克曼仪器公司发展壮大，在加利福尼亚州北部和南部、康涅狄格州、新泽西州都设有分部。该公司总部位于新泽西州、加拿大和西德，拥有两千多名员工，年营业额超过两千万美元，专门生产用于控制工业过程的分析仪器。当时，自动化生产设备是许多工厂经理关注的焦点，因此贝克曼自然而然地对将业务拓展到半导体领域产生了浓厚的兴趣。
Beckman was both a good scientist and a successful businessman. In 1935 he had fashioned a pH meter, an instrument that determines the acidity or alkalinity of a solution, and formed a small firm to manufacture the device. Beckman Instruments had grown by the mid-1950s to include divisions in both northern and southern California, Connecticut, New Jersey, Canada, and West Germany. Employing over two thousand people and grossing more than $20 million per year, the company specialized in making analytical instruments for controlling industrial processes. With automated manufacturing equipment then on many a plant manager’s mind, Beckman was naturally interested in expanding his operations into the field of semiconductors.
因此，当肖克利八月，肖克利打来电话，贝克曼很高兴接到他的电话，并邀请他去加州进行一次长期访问。肖克利当月下旬飞往洛杉矶，入住位于气候宜人的新港滩巴尔博亚湾俱乐部的一间客房。接下来的近一周时间里，两人在这奢华的环境中悠闲地交谈，俯瞰着平静海湾上的游艇，或者前往附近的贝克曼总部。富勒顿。肖克利向这位风度翩翩、年约五十的商人讲述了他如何构想建立一家成功的公司，利用硅和扩散技术制造先进的半导体器件——一家能够充分奖励其顶尖科学家和工程师创造力的公司。贝克曼向他保证，公司总收入的10%将用于研发。
Thus, when Shockley phoned that August, Beckman was delighted to hear from him and invited him out to California for an extended visit. Shockley flew to Los Angeles late that month and settled in a room at the Balboa Bay Club in balmy Newport Beach. For almost a week the two men enjoyed leisurely discussions in these luxurious surroundings, overlooking yachts on the placid bay, or at Beckman headquarters in nearby Fullerton. Shockley told the elegant, fiftyish businessman how he wanted to build a successful company to make advanced semiconductor devices using silicon and diffusion—a company that rewarded the creativity of its leading scientists and engineers appropriately. Beckman assured him that 10 percent of the company’s gross revenues would go to research and development.
到周末，他们已经到达双方就基本事项达成一致。于是，贝克曼在他的律师的帮助下起草了一份四页的意向书，并将副本交给肖克利征求意见。“我们计划迅速而积极地开展与半导体相关的活动，”协议中写道。“初步设想的项目是开发用于生产扩散基区晶体管的自动化设备。”协议继续写道：
By week’s end they had reached agreement on the basics. So Beckman drafted a four-page letter of intent with the help of his attorney and gave a copy to Shockley for comments. “We propose to engage promptly and vigorously in activities related to semi-conductors,” the agreement stated. “The initial project contemplated is the development of automatic means for production of diffused-base transistors.” It continued:
你的目标这项工作的目的是让您以最能带来个人满足感的方式运用您的技能和经验。重要的因素包括：合适的办公场所、能力出众且相处融洽的同事、享有声望和权威的职位（在政策制定中拥有足够的发言权），以及与绩效相称的经济回报（除工资外，还包括其他福利）。用于获取资本利得优惠。
Your objective in this undertaking is to employ your skills and experience in a manner which will give you maximum personal satisfaction. Important factors are suitable physical facilities, capable and congenial associates, a position of prestige and authority, with adequate voice in policy determination, and financial reward commensurate with performance which embodies, in addition to salary, some means for obtaining capital gains benefits.
9月6日，肖克利致电自己的律师，提出了一些修改意见，贝克曼基本接受了这些意见。三天后，双方签署协议并握手确认后，肖克利致电梅，建议她购买100股贝克曼公司的股票。随后，他飞回华盛顿，收拾好行李，驾驶捷豹汽车疾驰前往哥伦布市。艾米陪他完成了剩下的横跨美国之旅。
After calling his own attorney on September 6, Shockley suggested a few changes, most of which Beckman accepted. Three days later, after they inked the agreement and shook hands on it, Shockley called May and advised her to buy 100 shares of Beckman stock. Then he flew back to Washington, gathered up his belongings, and sped off in the Jag to Columbus, where Emmy joined him for the rest of the cross-country jaunt.
公司选址仍是个悬而未决的问题。贝克曼希望公司位于南加州，靠近他的总部。然而，肖克利更倾向于旧金山湾区，并开始四处打探消息。斯坦福大学教务长兼工程学院院长弗雷德里克·特曼得知此事后，给同为美国国家科学院院士的肖克利写了一封信。成员：“您计划在晶体管领域建立独立的研发机构……这确实很有意思。我们非常欢迎这项活动落户斯坦福地区，我相信选址于此对我们双方都有利。”
Where to locate the company was still an open question. Beckman wanted a southern California site, close to his headquarters. Shockley preferred the San Francisco Bay Area, however, and began to put out feelers. When the Stanford provost and dean of engineering, Frederick Terman, heard the news, he wrote Shockley, a fellow National Academy member: “Your plans for setting up an independent research and development activity in transistors . . . are indeed interesting. We would heartily welcome this activity in the Stanford area, and I believe that its location here would be mutually advantageous.”
20 世纪 50 年代中期的阿诺德·贝克曼。
Arnold Beckman in the mid-1950s.
特曼在肖克利创办公司的过程中成为了他的亲密盟友。他们拥有相同的招聘理念，特曼称之为“建造卓越的尖塔”——与其以较低的薪水聘用大量平庸的教授，不如支付高薪吸引少数一流人才。他观察到，在田径运动中，“与其队里有很多六英尺高的跳高运动员，不如队里有一个七英尺高的跳高运动员。”在肖克利看来，这就好比队里有几个头脑敏捷的人，能够跨越阻碍技术创造力的心理障碍。
Terman became a close ally in Shockley’s efforts to found his company. They shared the same philosophy of recruiting, what Terman called “building steeples of excellence”—that it was better to pay top salaries and attract a few first-rate people, rather than hiring a larger number of mediocre professors at lower salaries. In track and field, he observed, “it’s better to have one seven-foot high jumper on your team than any number of six-foot jumpers.” To Shockley this was the same as having a few hot minds who could leap over the mental barriers getting in the way of technical creativity.
尽管贝克曼当时还不相信斯坦福附近的选址，但特曼还是参与到帮助肖克利招募优秀科学家和工程师的工作中。战后，他在斯坦福大学建立了全国顶尖的电气工程系之一，其研究重点是速调管——一种与英国磁控管类似的微波管。随着电气工程的研究重心开始从真空管转向固态元件，特曼也希望在半导体器件领域建立一个强大的项目。他积极进取，致力于推动半导体器件的发展。附近一家晶体管制造商，由世界顶尖的固态物理学家之一领导，与他的计划完美契合。
Although Beckman was not yet convinced about a site near Stanford, Terman nevertheless became involved in helping Shockley recruit good scientists and engineers. After the war he had built up one of the best electrical engineering departments in the country at Stanford, concentrating its research around a microwave tube called the klystron, a sister of the British magnetron. As the focus of electrical engineering began shifting from vacuum tubes to solid-state components, Terman wanted to create a strong program in semiconductor devices, too. Having an aggressive transistor manufacturer located nearby, led by one of the world’s top solid-state physicists, dovetailed perfectly with his plans.
为了打造公司的核心团队，肖克利首先招募了他最了解其技能的人才：贝尔实验室研究部门的同事们。斯帕克斯和华莱士在九月中旬来到斯坦福，与特曼会面，并考虑将旧金山湾区作为公司落户的地点。为了活下去。10月初，肖克利开始通过电话和亲自拜访的方式游说皮尔斯、塔嫩鲍姆等人，特曼则在一旁帮忙施压。但他们一个接一个地拒绝了这位前同事，声称他们的家人不想离开新泽西，或者实验室里的情谊太深，难以割舍。“你认为斯帕克斯和华莱士的事情已经彻底解决了吗？”贝克曼在10月31日的一封信中失望地问道：“他们近期是否有可能和我们一起来？还是这件事已经彻底结束了？”
To build the core of his company, Shockley at first went after the people whose skills he knew best: the men from his research department at Bell Labs. Sparks and Wallace came out to Stanford in mid-September to talk with Terman and consider the Bay Area as a place to live. In early October Shockley began to pursue Pierce, Tanenbaum, and others by phone and in person, while Terman helped out with the arm-twisting. But one by one they turned their former colleague down, claiming that their families didn’t want to leave New Jersey or that the bonds at the labs were simply too strong to break. “Do you believe the Sparks & Wallace matter is entirely settled?” asked a disappointed Beckman in an October 31 letter. “Is it possible that they will come with us in the near future, or is the matter definitely closed?”
肖克利未能从贝尔实验室挖走人才，这让他感到失望，但他加倍努力。1955 年末，他多次往返于美国各地，在摩托罗拉、菲尔科等公司招募年轻的物理学家和工程师。雷神公司、西尔瓦尼亚公司以及其他即将从伯克利、加州理工和麻省理工等顶尖学府获得博士学位的人才。他寻找的是像他自己一样拥有高论文发表率和高专利率的人，因为他的生产力研究表明，这才是迄今为止最好的投资。最终，他说服了贝克曼，公司毗邻斯坦福大学的地理位置将是帮助公司取得成功的关键因素。招募未来的明星。
Disappointed himself by his failure to raid Bell Labs for talent, Shockley redoubled his efforts. He flew back and forth across the country several times in late 1955, recruiting young physicists and engineers at firms such as Motorola, Philco, Raytheon, and Sylvania as well as others about to obtain their Ph.D.’s at top schools like Berkeley, Cal Tech, and MIT. He sought men who, like himself, had high rates of publication and patenting, for his productivity studies indicated that these were by far the best possible investment. And the company’s proximity to Stanford, he finally convinced Beckman, would be a crucial factor in helping to recruit such future stars.
“根据我的研究结果，如果能说服一位顶尖科研人员将一半的时间投入到设备研发中，即使支付全职高薪，他仍然是一项有利可图的投资，”肖克利11月4日在洛杉矶举行的秋季国家科学院会议上宣布。“我们希望找到一种方法来试验这个想法。”我和贝克曼博士计划在斯坦福大学附近的斯坦福庄园建立一个新的半导体部门。
“If a top research scientist can be persuaded to apply himself to produce devices even half his time, he will still be a profitable investment at a full-time top industrial salary, according to the findings of my studies,” declared Shockley on November 4 at the fall National Academy meeting in Los Angeles. “We hope to find a way of experimenting with this idea in the new semi-conductor division that Dr. Beckman and I plan to establish on the Stanford Estate near Stanford University.”
肖克利又一次成功招募到了一位女性。这位与他相识一年多、一直是他最亲密知己的女子，在两次拒绝他之后，最终同意嫁给他并搬到加利福尼亚州。1955年11月23日，艾米和比尔他们在哥伦布市的一位法官面前举行了简单的婚礼仪式，交换了誓言。没有其他证人在场。
And Shockley managed to succeed in another one of his recruiting efforts. After turning him down twice, the woman who for more than a year had been his closest confidante finally agreed to marry him and move to California. On the twenty-third of November 1955, Emmy and Bill exchanged vows in a simple ceremony before a judge in Columbus. There were no other witnesses present.
1956年2月中旬，贝克曼在旧金山豪华的圣弗朗西斯酒店举办的盛大午宴上宣布成立肖克利半导体实验室时，实验室里只有四位博士科学家和工程师。他招募到的最优秀的人才是斯穆特·霍斯利，后者拥有丰富的半导体行业经验。 在雷神公司和摩托罗拉公司，肖克利都曾担任过高管。但他把大部分时间都花在了招募优秀人才上，而且心中已经有了十几位顶尖候选人。“在贝克曼博士的指导下，我计划组建世界上最具创造力的团队，用于开发和生产晶体管及其他半导体器件，”他宣称。“我们公司靠近斯坦福大学的地理位置将使我们能够吸引杰出人才。”我们团队需要技术人员，并且允许与大学保持密切联系。”
WHEN BECKMAN ANNOUNCED the formation of Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory in mid-February 1956 in a lavish luncheon at San Francisco’s posh Saint Francis Hotel, there were only four Ph.D. scientists and engineers on board. His best recruit was Smoot Horsley, who had extensive semiconductor experience at Raytheon and Motorola. But Shockley was spending much of his time recruiting good people and already had another dozen or so top-notch candidates in mind. “With the guidance of Dr. Beckman, I plan to build the most creative team in the world for developing and producing transistors and other semiconductor devices,” he declared. “Our location near Stanford will enable us to attract outstanding technical personnel for our group and permit close association with the University.”
然而，实验室的第一个办公地点却丝毫没有配得上人们对这家初创公司赞誉有加的那些溢美之词。它位于南圣安东尼奥路391号，是一座由奎恩塞特式工棚改造而成的建筑，坐落在一个正在被改造成购物中心的单调工业区内，看起来更像是一个汽车零件仓库，而不是一个理想的实验室。这里将成为一家新兴高科技企业的总部。今年一月，肖克利安排以每月325美元的价格租用了这处办公场所，以便在附近环境优美的斯坦福工业园建造另一栋大楼期间提供临时办公空间。该大楼于八月竣工，届时实验室将与贝克曼公司的离心机制造部门Spinco共用。
The first home of the laboratory, however, merited none of the glowing superlatives being heaped on the start-up. A converted Quonset hut at 391 South San Antonio Road, in the midst of a drab industrial district being converted into a shopping center, it looked more like an auto-parts warehouse than the possible headquarters of a new high-technology industry. In January Shockley arranged to lease these quarters for $325 a month to provide temporary space while another building was under construction in the more sylvan settings of nearby Stanford Industrial Park. When completed in August, the laboratory was to share that building with Beckman’s centrifuge-manufacturing division, Spinco.
而他的副手们肖克利清理了圣安东尼奥大楼里的灰尘和蛛网，开始组装晶体生长设备，同时继续在全国各地寻找更多才华横溢的人才。在他与人交谈时，一个名字反复出现：罗伯特·诺伊斯，这位来自麻省理工学院的29岁物理学家在菲尔科公司位于费城的工厂工作，负责制造当时频率最高的晶体管。1月19日，他给诺伊斯打了电话，并安排在月底美国物理学会会议结束后与他见面。“感觉就像拿起电话跟上帝说话一样，”诺伊斯回忆道，“他绝对是半导体电子领域最重要的人物。”
While his lieutenants cleared out the dust and cobwebs, and began to assemble crystal-growing equipment in the San Antonio building, Shockley continued combing the country for more hot minds. One name that cropped up repeatedly in his conversations was that of Robert Noyce, a twenty-nine-year-old physicist from MIT who worked in Philco’s Philadelphia plant, fabricating the highest-frequency transistors then available. He called Noyce on January 19 and arranged to meet him just after the American Physical Society meeting at the end of the month. “It was like picking up the phone and talking to God,” Noyce recalled. “He was absolutely the most important person in semiconductor electronics.”
肖克利立刻就喜欢上了这个英俊潇洒、留着平头的美国中西部小伙子。他身上有一种趾高气扬的自信，以及一种极具感染力的气质。他性格开朗，谈起工作时常常笑容满面，神采奕奕。诺伊斯透露，菲尔科公司的管理层并不重视研究，他宁愿住在北加州，离哥哥近一些，然后去伯克利教书。令他印象深刻的是，当时已是“晶体管之父”的肖克利就坐在他对面，打量着他。但事情并没有就此结束。除此之外，他还回忆说，西海岸对像他这样的人有一种奇怪的迷恋：“如果所有离子都实现了它们的梦想，它们最终都会到达加利福尼亚。”
Shockley liked the handsome, crew-cut Midwesterner immediately. He had a certain swaggering self-confidence and an infectious good humor, often flashing a broad, gleaming smile as he gabbed about his work. The management at Philco was not research-minded, Noyce confided, and he would prefer to live in northern California near his brother, then teaching at Berkeley. He was also impressed that the famous Shockley, well known by then as “the father of the transistor,” was sitting across from him, sizing him up. But it went further than that, he recalled, admitting that the West Coast had a certain weird fascination for people like him: “All ions wind up in California, if they meet their dream.”
1960 年左右的肖克利半导体实验室的两张照片。
Two views of Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory, about 1960.
肖克利告诉诺伊斯，他非常希望诺伊斯能加入他的公司。但他有一个特殊的要求：在正式发出聘用通知之前，任何人都必须先接受几项心理测试，以评估其是否能融入团队。于是，二月中旬，诺伊斯前往了麦克默里-哈姆斯特拉公司位于纽约的办公室。他被公司派往旧金山，并接受了一整天的测试：智商测试、墨迹测验和词语联想测试。在肖克利满意地完成这些测试后，他于2月23日登上了飞往旧金山的飞机。
Shockley told Noyce he was definitely interested in him as a potential member of his company. But he had one peculiar requirement. Before anybody received a job offer, he had to take several psychological tests to see whether he would fit in well with the group. So in mid-February Noyce traveled to the New York offices of the McMurry-Hamstra Company and endured a day-long battery of testing: IQ tests, ink blots, word associations. After completing these tests to Shockley’s satisfaction, he boarded a plane for San Francisco on February 23.
肖克利名单上的另一个人是戈登·摩尔，一位来自加州理工学院的27岁物理化学家，当时在约翰·霍普金斯大学应用物理实验室工作（近炸引信的研发地）。（二战期间研发的）。他为人坦诚、温和、谦逊，出生并成长于佩斯卡德罗这个位于帕洛阿尔托西南部的沿海小村庄，那是一个农业小镇。由于厌倦了政府资助的、毫无意义的国防研究，比如火焰结构之类的课题，他开始在湾区寻找工作。“我想回到加州，”他说，并补充道，“我我真的很想从事一些更实际的工作。”
Another man on Shockley’s list was Gordon Moore, a twenty-seven-year-old physical chemist from Cal Tech who was working for Johns Hopkins in its Applied Physics Laboratory (where the proximity fuze was developed during World War II). An open, mild-mannered, self-effacing man, he had been born and raised in the tiny coastal hamlet of Pescadero, a farming village southwest of Palo Alto. Bored by his pointless, government-funded defense research on subjects like the structure of flames, he was looking for a job back in the Bay Area. “I wanted to get back to California,” he said, adding, “I really wanted to get a little more closely related to something that was practical.”
为了寻找像吉布尼和斯帕克斯那样的物理化学家加入他的公司，肖克利从劳伦斯·利弗莫尔国家实验室得到了摩尔的名字。当时，摩尔拒绝了实验室一份测量氢弹爆炸产生的红外辐射的工作。摩尔一眼就认出了肖克利，也知道晶体管是什么。2月5日，他打了个电话。事实上，他甚至在宇宙俱乐部听过肖克利关于这个主题的演讲，还记得肖克利是如何兴高采烈地向赞赏的人群抛出一把晶体管的。
Seeking a physical chemist like Gibney and Sparks to join his company, Shockley obtained Moore’s name from the Lawrence Livermore Lab, where Moore had turned down a position measuring infrared radiation emitted by explosions of hydrogen bombs. Moore recognized who Shockley was—and what a transistor was—the minute he phoned on February 5. In fact, he had even heard Shockley lecture on the subject at the Cosmos Club and remembered how Shockley had flamboyantly tossed a handful of transistors out to the appreciative crowd.
二月中旬，摩尔飞往旧金山湾区，他原本就打算去那里——参加洛克希德公司的面试。肖克利带他参观了那间昏暗的实验室，然后把他领进了自己的办公室。为了测试摩尔，肖克利迅速向他抛出一连串问题，并用秒表计时。经过一番“拷问”后，肖克利请摩尔在附近的埃尔卡米诺皇家大道（半岛上繁忙的主干道）上的里基工作室旅馆吃晚餐。为了给摩尔留下深刻印象，肖克利还表演了他最喜欢的魔术之一。他拿起一把勺子，然后……他把纸条递给他，但等他把纸条放到桌子上时，纸条已经弯成了L形。始终不从视野中消失！
In mid-February Moore flew out to the Bay Area, where he was already headed—for a job interview at Lockheed. Shockley showed him around the dingy laboratory and then led him into his office for his own battery of tests. He fired a quick series of questions at Moore, one after another in rapid succession, timing his answers with a stopwatch. After this grilling Shockley treated him to dinner at Rickey’s Studio Inn on nearby El Camino Real, the busy main thoroughfare on the Peninsula. To impress Moore, he pulled one of his favorite magic tricks on him. He picked up a spoon and showed it to him, but by the time he had put it down on the table, it was bent into an L shape without ever disappearing from view!
诺伊斯和摩尔显然通过了考核，因为他们都获得了工作机会，尽管心理测试表明他们两人都不适合担任管理职位。1956年4月，他们与其他四位科学家和工程师一起抵达了奎恩塞特小屋。肖克利从全国各地招募人才。到六月中旬，肖克利半导体实验室已有二十多名员工。起初，诺伊斯领导的团队包括摩尔、雷神公司的威廉·哈普、伯克利大学的维克多·琼斯、麻省理工学院的杰伊·拉斯特、陶氏化学公司的谢尔顿·罗伯茨以及太平洋半导体和贝尔实验室的利奥·瓦尔德斯。罗伯茨是唯一一位……三十岁以上。
Noyce and Moore evidently passed muster for they both received a job offer, even though the psychological tests indicated that neither man would ever make much of a manager. They arrived at the Quonset hut in April 1956, together with four other scientists and engineers Shockley had recruited from around the country. By mid-June there were more than twenty people working for the Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory. In the beginning Noyce led a group including Moore, William Happ from Raytheon, Victor Jones from Berkeley, Jay Last from MIT, Sheldon Roberts from Dow Chemical Company, and Leo Valdes from Pacific Semiconductor and Bell Labs. Roberts was the only one over thirty.
作为公司第 一位 化学家，摩尔很快就全身心投入到纯硅晶体的生长和微量杂质的浸渍工作中。“我刚到的时候，一切都非常简陋——搭建非常简陋的设备，然后就开始工作，”他回忆道。“我参与了炉子的搭建，并进行研究以了解扩散过程。”
THE FIRST CHEMIST in the company, Moore quickly became immersed in the efforts to grow pure silicon crystals and impregnate them with trace impurities. “It was really rudimentary when I got there—setting up very simple facilities and getting going,” he remembered. “I got involved in setting up furnaces and doing studies to understand the diffusion processes.”
1955年末，贝克曼他曾斥资2.5万美元从西电公司获得晶体管专利许可。1956年1月，贝尔实验室举办了晶体管系列研讨会的第三次也是最后一次，肖克利派出了他最初的四名员工中的两位——哈普和瓦尔德斯——参加研讨会，并尽可能带回相关信息。诺伊斯也出席了研讨会，代表菲尔科公司。
In late 1955 Beckman had shelled out $25,000 to license patent rights in the transistor from Western Electric. When Bell Labs held a symposium on diffusion in January 1956, the third and last in the transistor series, Shockley sent Happ and Valdes—two of his first four employees—to attend and bring back what information they could. Noyce was also there, representing Philco.
同月，司法斧头也……自1949年以来一直悬在AT&T头上的反垄断诉讼终于解除。与打压企业的上一届政府相比，艾森豪威尔政府对反垄断诉讼的兴趣要小得多，因此一直在寻找一种体面的方式来结束此案。在凯利的帮助下——凯利曾告诉国防部高级官员，拆分AT&T会危及国家安全——公司律师精心策划了一份同意令。AT&T避免了剥离西电公司，但要求其放弃点接触晶体管和结型晶体管的原始专利。然而，AT&T巧妙地保留了多项关键工艺专利，例如区域提纯、扩散以及在硅表面形成保护性氧化层的专利。
That same month, too, the judicial axe hovering over AT&T’s neck since 1949 was finally lifted. Having far less of an appetite for antitrust suits than its business-bashing predecessor, the Eisenhower administration was looking for a graceful way to close out the case. With the help of Kelly, who told top Defense Department officials that breaking up AT&T would endanger national security, company attorneys engineered a consent decree that avoided divesting Western Electric but required it to relinquish the original patents in the point-contact and junction transistors. AT&T shrewdly hung on to a number of its key process patents, however, such as those involved in zone refining, diffusion, and forming protective oxide layers on the silicon surface.
贝克曼获得了这些专有工艺的全面使用权，而肖克利的他在贝尔实验室内部的影响力依然至关重要。他经常打电话给莫顿、斯帕克斯和塔嫩鲍姆，从他们那里套取更多细节。偶尔，他们中的一两个人会飞到帕洛阿尔托亲自咨询。但很长一段时间以来，他的团队即使使用精密的扩散技术，也很难形成良好的PN结。“我们勉强才能做出二极管。”“第一年，”摩尔回忆道。
Beckman had obtained blanket rights to these proprietary processes, and Shockley’s influence within Bell Labs continued to be crucial. He was often on the phone to Morton, Sparks, and Tanenbaum, wheedling further details from them. Occasionally, one or two of them flew out to Palo Alto to consult in person. But for a long time, it proved difficult for his group merely to form good P-N junctions using the exacting diffusion techniques. “We could just barely make diodes” that first year, Moore recalled.
在贝尔实验室这样的高科技环境中，运用这些方法是一回事。贝尔实验室拥有几乎无限量的顶尖科学家、工程师和技术人员，以及昂贵且高质量的设备，可以用来解决问题。而在相对原始的环境中取得同样的成果，则是另一回事。无论肖克利的团队多么才华横溢，圣安东尼奥路的路都走不通。到了1956年秋季，他又聘请了几位科学家和工程师，并不时地重组组织架构，重新分配职责，试图找到合适的组合。而搬迁到现代化的斯平科大楼的计划也一再推迟。
It was one thing to get such methods working in the ultrahigh-technology environment of Bell Labs, which had an almost unlimited supply of first-rate scientists, engineers, and technicians—as well as costly, high-quality equipment—that could be brought to bear on a problem. It was quite another to achieve the same results in the relatively primitive surroundings of San Antonio Road, no matter how talented Shockley’s team was. On into the fall of 1956, he hired a few additional scientists and engineers, occasionally reshuffling the organization and reassigning responsibilities in desperate attempts to find the right combinations. And the planned move into the modern Spinco building kept getting put off.
“和肖克利一起工作真的很有意思。”摩尔说，他觉得他们相处得相当不错。“但他激励人的方式却非常独特。”当一些物理学博士告诉他想发表论文时，他当晚回家就勾勒出一个想法，第二天早上又回来，建议他们完善细节。还有一次，他命令几位物理学家和工程师执行……在生产线上进行日常操作，连续几天制造二极管，以便获得一些实际的制造经验。
“Working with Shockley turned out to be really interesting,” said Moore, who felt they got along pretty well. “But he had some very peculiar ideas about motivating people.” When some of his Ph.D. physicists told him they wanted to publish some papers, he went home that night and sketched out one of his ideas, then returned the following morning and suggested they flesh out the details. Another time he ordered a few physicists and engineers to perform routine operations on a production line, making diodes for several days, so that they could get some hands-on manufacturing experience.
肖克利偶尔会冒出一些让他着迷数周甚至数月的奇思妙想。在此期间，他会抽调一些人手，让他们暂时放下手头的工作，投入到他的新计划中。其中一次尝试便是徒劳地试图消除熔炉。这种方法是通过熔化一大块多晶硅中的一小滩硅来生长硅晶体的。“这并非制造硅晶体管的关键步骤，”摩尔声称。“当时已经有了区熔法，而且能得到相当不错的硅晶体。”
And Shockley occasionally cooked up a pet idea that would fascinate him for weeks or months. During that time he’d pull some of his people off of their assigned projects to work on his new scheme. One of these forays was a futile attempt to eliminate the crucible used to grow silicon crystals by melting a small puddle of silicon in a much larger polycrystalline mass. “It wasn’t a key step on the way to making a silicon transistor,” claimed Moore. “A float-zone silicon [method] was available then, and gave reasonably good stuff.”
11月1日星期四早上7点15分，肖克利接到一个电话，电话里的消息将彻底改变他的人生，使他一举成名。这使他名扬全国乃至世界。起初他以为这只是个迟来的万圣节恶作剧。但打电话来的是一位记者，他向他保证并非如此。他与约翰·巴丁和沃尔特·布拉顿一起，因发明晶体管而荣获诺贝尔物理学奖。
On Thursday, November 1, Shockley received a 7:15 A.M. phone call bringing news that would change his life dramatically, catapulting him to national and world fame. At first he thought it was just a belated Halloween prank. But his caller, a reporter, assured him that it was not. Together with John Bardeen and Walter Brattain, he had just won the Nobel prize in physics for the invention of the transistor.
电话和电报纷至沓来。记者们蜂拥而至，将麦克风和摄像机怼到他脸上。贝克曼他特地飞来亲自向他表示祝贺。到了周五，事情稍微平静了一些，足以让他与员工在附近的瑞奇工作室酒店 (Rickey's Studio Inn) 举办一场盛大的午宴来庆祝。一张照片显示，肖克利坐在长桌的主位上，手里拿着一杯香槟，诺伊斯、摩尔、琼斯、拉斯特、罗伯茨和其他一些人围在他身边，兴高采烈地举杯祝贺他们的老板。仿佛看到了卡米洛特的景象，圆桌骑士们举起蜜酒杯，庆祝国王的胜利。
Phone calls and telegrams flooded in. The press swarmed around him, thrusting microphones and cameras in his face. Beckman flew up to congratulate him in person. By Friday things had calmed down a bit, enough to celebrate with his staff in a fancy luncheon at nearby Rickey’s Studio Inn. A photograph of the event reveals Shockley at the head of a long table, a glass of champagne in hand, while Noyce, Moore, Jones, Last, Roberts, and other men gather about, joyously toasting their boss. Visions of Camelot, with the knights of the Round Table hoisting a cup of mead to celebrate their king.
“诺贝尔奖颁给三位美国人”，头版小标题如此写道。《纽约时报》上的这篇报道几乎被淹没在俄罗斯装甲部队包围布达佩斯、英法以三国军队集结苏伊士运河的令人不安的新闻之中。这篇简短而客观的文章强调了晶体管突破过程中团队合作的重要性。贝尔实验室方面称肖克利为“团队队长”。但《华尔街日报》的报道中却丝毫没有提及这项奖项。
“Nobel Prize Goes to 3 Americans,” read the small, front-page headline in the New York Times, nearly lost amid the ominous news of Russian armor ringing Budapest while British, French, and Israeli forces converged on the Suez Canal. The brief, factual article stressed the teamwork involved in the transistor breakthrough at Bell Labs, citing Shockley as the “team captain.” But no mention of the award could be found anwhere in the pages of the Wall Street Journal.
当晚，肖克利和艾米、梅以及几位家人朋友在半岛上最好的中餐馆——明记餐厅共进晚餐。饭后，他母亲掰开一块饼干，看到上面的签语，不禁笑了起来，并大声念给其他人听：
That evening Shockley joined Emmy, May, and a few family friends for dinner at Ming’s, the best Chinese restaurant on the Peninsula. Upon cracking open a cookie at the meal’s end, his mother chuckled at her fortune and read it aloud for the others:
为了更好的运气你得等到冬天。
For better luck you have to wait till winter.
星期四早上，巴丁 正在煎 鸡蛋做早餐，这时广播里传来哥伦比亚广播公司世界新闻综述的消息。煎锅砰的一声掉在地上，鸡蛋洒了一地。他惊魂未定，赶紧冲进卧室告诉简，当时简正在从一场大病中恢复。
BARDEEN WAS SCRAMBLING eggs for breakfast that Thursday morning when word came in over the radio on CBS World News Roundup. The frying pan hit the floor with a loud thud, spilling eggs all over. Stunned, he rushed into the bedroom to tell Jane, then recuperating from a long illness.
起初他很难相信晶体管的发明值得被世人铭记。诺贝尔奖。他承认，这项技术的确极其重要，但它真的是物理学的一项重大突破吗？他觉得当时自己正在进行的超导理论研究更为重要。但他在伊利诺伊大学的同事们却没有这样的顾虑。那天晚上，他们举行了一场烛光游行，带着成箱的香槟，一路唱着“为了诺贝尔奖”，来到他家。他是个非常和善的人。
At first he had trouble believing that the transistor invention was worthy of a Nobel prize. Sure, it was extremely important technologically, he recognized, but was it really a major advance in physics? He felt the theoretical work he was then doing on superconductivity was more important. But his fellow colleagues at the University of Illinois had no such reservations. That evening they staged a candlelight procession to his home, bringing cases of champagne as they sang “For He’s a Jolly Good Fellow.”
由于实验室里整周都在流传着可能获奖的传闻，布拉坦做好了更充分的准备。早上7点，第一个电话打进来时，他告诉记者等他收拾好吃完早饭后再打到办公室来。“一位很有进取心的当地记者来到我家采访，还跟着我进了实验室。”他沉思道。
Brattain was better prepared since the rumors of a possible award had been percolating about the labs all week. When the first call came in at 7:00 A.M., he told the reporter to ring him back at the office after he’d had a chance to clean up and have breakfast. “One enterprising local reporter showed up at my home for an interview and followed me into the Laboratory,” he mused.
布拉坦到达后发现，确实有一份合众国际社的报道证实了这一获奖消息。“我当时只来得及跟同楼层的几位同事说说，再给妻子打个电话，”他回忆道，“然后就好像世界末日来临了。”很快，他就被卷入了通常伴随此类消息而来的电话、电报、记者、摄影师和摄像师的狂潮之中。那天他忙得不可开交，但还是设法给巴丁打了个电话，并向肖克利发了祝贺电报。
Once there Brattain discovered there indeed was a United Press dispatch confirming the award. “I just had time to tell a few of my colleagues on my own floor about it and call my wife,” he reminisced, “when in a sense all hell broke loose.” He was soon swept up in the tornado of phone calls, telegrams, reporters, photographers, and cameramen that usually accompany such announcements. Somehow he managed to phone Bardeen, caught up in his own whirlwind that day, and wired congratulations to Shockley.
上午十一点，布拉坦离开去默里山礼堂参加集会。他一进门就受到了全场起立鼓掌的欢迎，这让他热泪盈眶。“那里发生的一切都有记录在案，”他回忆道。“除了收到礼物时可能感受到的那种极端情绪之外。”多年的同事和朋友们的赞扬，让他深知没有他们的帮助，他不可能完成这项工作，而最终完成这项工作的是他而不是他们中的任何一个，这纯粹是运气使然。
At eleven o’clock Brattain broke away for a convocation in the Murray Hill auditorium. The standing ovation he received upon entering brought tears to his eyes. “What happened there is a matter of record,” he remembered, “except possibly the extreme emotion that one feels on receiving the acclamation of one’s colleagues and friends of years, knowing full well that one could not have accomplished the work he had done without them and that it was really only a stroke of luck that it was he and not one of them.”
他观察到，接下来一个月为斯德哥尔摩峰会所做的准备工作，“最贴切的形容就是一个气球在风中颠簸，偶尔触地。”他们开了无数次电话会议，讨论在瑞典学院的演讲中，谁将讲授什么内容，以及演讲顺序。经过一番劝说和周旋，巴丁和布拉坦最终说服肖克利在“我们认为他应该在的中间位置”发言。 《时代》周刊和《新闻周刊》都报道了这一奖项，后者还刊登了三人的合影，并欣喜地写道：“今年的奖项……”这次，我选择了一项非常实用的小型美国发明。
The following month of preparations for Stockholm, he observed, “can best be described as a balloon bouncing along in the wind occasionally touching the earth.” There were long conference calls to discuss who would lecture about what in their presentations before the Swedish Academy, and in what order. After much cajoling and maneuvering, Bardeen and Brattain finally persuaded Shockley to speak “in the middle where we thought he belonged.” Both Time and Newsweek carried stories of the award, the latter featuring a photograph of the three and exulting, “This year the prize went, for a change, to an eminently practical little American invention.”
在肖克利半导体实验室高级职员于诺贝尔奖公布后的第二天午宴上举杯庆祝这位杰出领导人。面向镜头就座的（从左至右）是戈登·摩尔、谢尔顿·罗伯茨、维克·琼斯和肖克利本人。斯穆特·霍斯利站在摩尔身后最左侧；罗伯特·诺伊斯站在左数第四位，紧随琼斯之后；杰伊·拉斯特站在最右侧。
Senior staff of the Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory toasting their illustrious leader at a luncheon the day after the announcement of his Nobel prize. Seated facing the camera (left to right) are Gordon Moore, Sheldon Roberts, Vic Jones, and Shockley. Smoot Horsley stands at far left behind Moore; Robert Noyce is fourth from left, immediately behind Jones; Jay Last is at far right.
巴丁布拉坦同意和约翰一起经哥本哈根飞往斯德哥尔摩，并带上他们的妻子和沃尔特的儿子比尔。约翰起初不太愿意离开伊利诺伊州，他和两位同事在那里正接近破解超导理论。但他最终还是答应了，认为这是一生难得的机会，可以和沃尔特共度一段难忘的时光。当晚在飞越大西洋的途中，两人喝了两瓶廉价香槟后都感到头晕目眩，在座位上睡着了。
Bardeen and Brattain agreed to fly to Stockholm together via Copenhagen, taking their wives and Walter’s son Bill with them. John was at first reluctant to spend any extra time away from Illinois, where he and two colleagues were close to figuring out a theory of superconductivity. But he finally relented, agreeing it was a once-in-a-lifetime chance to spend some memorable times with Walter. On the night flight over the Atlantic, they fell asleep in their seats, both woozy after downing two bottles of cheap champagne.
在哥本哈根，他们拜访了尼尔斯·玻尔的研究所，并在那里做了简短的演讲，他们的妻子则去购物。两天后，他们经哥德堡前往斯德哥尔摩，于12月6日星期四晚上乘火车抵达瑞典首都。一个庞大的使馆代表团……官员、瑞典学院学者和媒体记者都翘首以盼他们的到来。“我们不得不排队合影，”布拉坦回忆道，“当我们走出车站等车的时候，闪光灯不停地乱闪。”
In Copenhagen they paid a visit to Niels Bohr at his institute, giving brief lectures there while their wives went shopping. Two days later they headed off to Stockholm via Göteborg, arriving at the Swedish capital by train on Thursday evening, December 6. A huge delegation of embassy officials, Swedish Academy scholars, and the press was expectantly awaiting their arrival. “We had to line up for pictures together,” remembered Brattain, “and flash bulbs were popping at random as we moved out of the station and waited for our cars.”
他们入住瑞典最豪华的格兰德酒店五楼套房，从套房外眺望皇家宫殿和议会大厦，那里灯火辉煌，璀璨夺目。瑞典内陆海一小片水域波光粼粼。小船在酒店前广场对面的小码头上往来穿梭，接送乘客。在这个纬度，下午三点天就黑了，只剩下几个小时阴雨绵绵、雾气弥漫的日光可以观光购物。他们的晚间行程早已安排得满满当当，包括公务访问、招待会和一场歌剧演出。
From their fifth-floor suites in the Grand Hotel, Sweden’s plushest, they peered out upon the Royal Palace and Parliament, whose myriad lights twinkled across a tiny arm of Sweden’s inland sea. Small boats chuffed in and out from a little quay across the plaza in front of the hotel, picking up passengers. At this latitude, darkness fell at 3:00 P.M., leaving only a few hours of drippy, misty daylight for sightseeing and shopping. Their evening schedules were already crammed full of official visits, receptions, and an opera performance.
肖克利周六抵达，比原计划晚了一天，陪同她的是艾米，当然还有梅。由于航班延误，她们选择搭乘法国航空经巴黎转机，而不是搭乘北欧航空经哥本哈根转机。但巴黎机场被大雾笼罩，她们最终在波尔多一家没有热水的廉价酒店里度过了难熬的一夜。抵达斯德哥尔摩时，她们已经筋疲力尽、衣衫不整，几乎没有时间休息。在投入诺贝尔奖相关活动之前，只有几分钟时间洗漱。
Shockley arrived on Saturday, a day late, accompanied by Emmy and, of course, May. Because of a delay, they had chosen to fly via Paris on Air France rather than via Copenhagen on Scandinavian. But the Paris airport got fogged in, and they ended up spending an uncomfortable night in Bordeaux in a cheap hotel with no hot water. Arriving in Stockholm exhausted and disheveled, they had barely a few minutes to wash up before being swept up in the Nobel activities.
颁奖典礼于12月10日星期一晚上举行，那天也是阿尔弗雷德·诺贝尔逝世六十周年纪念日。当天下午早些时候，巴丁和布拉坦为了缓解因期待而产生的胃部不适，共喝了一瓶奎宁水。他们已经借了沃尔特的备用背心，因为他自己的那件背心穿不下了。约翰为这次场合特意买的白色领带在洗衣店洗坏了，只好借用他多余的领带。等他们坐进豪华轿车时，夜幕已经降临。他们缓慢地穿过斯德哥尔摩拥堵的车流，驶向庄严的音乐厅。
The actual prize ceremony occurred on Monday evening, December 10, the sixtieth anniversary of Alfred Nobel’s death. Early that afternoon, Bardeen and Brattain shared a bottle of quinine water in an effort to settle their stomachs, growing queasy with anticipation. Having already borrowed Walter’s spare vest because the one he had purchased for the occasion turned green at the laundry, John now asked to borrow his extra white tie. By the time they climbed into the limousines, darkness had fallen. They inched their way through Stockholm traffic to the stately Concert Hall.
在两名身着黄蓝相间绶带的学生仪仗队的带领下，诺贝尔奖得主们于下午4点30分准时伴着嘹亮的号角声走上舞台。号角齐鸣。舞台后方是两排历届获奖者；前方坐着王室成员。埃里克·鲁德伯格教授宣读了获奖词，无论是用瑞典语还是英语，这番话对肖克利来说都是悦耳动听的音乐：
Led by a pair of student marshals in sashes of yellow and blue, the Nobel laureates marched onto the stage promptly at 4:30 P.M. to loud trumpet fanfares. Behind them on the stage were two phalanxes of previous laureates; before them sat the royal family. As Professor Erik Rudberg read the charge, in both Swedish and English, it was sweet music to Shockley’s ears:
肖克利从古斯塔夫六世·阿道夫国王手中接过诺贝尔奖。站在他身后的（从左至右）是艾米·肖克利、梅·肖克利、简·巴丁、凯伦·布拉顿和比尔·布拉顿夫妇。约翰·巴丁在右侧观看。
Shockley receiving his Nobel prize from King Gustav VI Adolph. Behind them stand (left to right) Emmy and May Shockley, Jane Bardeen, and Keren and Bill Brattain. John Bardeen watches at right.
珠穆朗玛峰顶峰是由一小队充满热情的登山者登顶的。他们以一个前进基地为依托，最终成功登顶。为了建立这个基地，一代又一代的登山者付出了艰辛的努力。你的进攻半导体问题的研究同样也是在高海拔营地中启动的，众多科学家为此做出了贡献。您的研究同样是一项卓越的成就——它凝聚了远见卓识、独创性和坚韧不拔的精神——既体现了个人的努力，也展现了团队的协作。可以肯定的是，站在山顶，饱览壮丽景色的人，必将获得至高无上的喜悦。
The summit of Everest was reached by a small party of ardent climbers. Working from an advance base, they succeeded. More than a generation of mountaineers had toiled to establish that base. Your assault on the semiconductor problem was likewise launched from a high altitude camp, contributed by many scientists. Yours, too, was a supreme effort—of foresight, ingenuity and perseverance—exercised individually and as a team. Surely, supreme joy befalls the man to whom those breathtaking vistas from the summit unfold.
随后，三位美国人起身从古斯塔夫六世国王手中接过奖章。阿道夫·肖克利首先鞠躬，随后是巴丁和布拉坦，他们依次鞠躬。国王将金牌颁给他们时，沃尔特和国王握手致意。沃尔特当时激动得麻木了，完全没有注意到妻子和儿子就站在几英尺外。后来，他想不起来自己当时是否向国王道过谢。
After that the three Americans rose to accept their awards from King Gustav VI Adolph. Shockley went first, followed by Bardeen and Brattain, each bowing to the king and shaking his hand as he gave them the gold medals. Walter was so numb he did not notice his wife and son standing there just a few feet away. Later he could not remember whether he had ever thanked the king.
由于世界局势岌岌可危，那一年没有颁发和平奖。宴会……颁奖典礼后的庆祝活动气氛沉闷，出席者不足两百人，远不及往常的千人。近期的苏伊士运河危机以及苏联对匈牙利革命的残酷镇压，给所有颁奖典礼都蒙上了一层阴影。晚宴提前结束，新晋获奖者们在晚上11点前便陆续返回大酒店。
There was no Peace prize that year due to the parlous condition of world affairs. And the banquet that followed the award ceremony was subdued, with fewer than two hundred celebrants instead of the usual thousand. The recent Suez Crisis and Soviet Russia’s brutal, iron-fisted crackdown on the Hungarian Revolution had cast a heavy pall over all the ceremonies. With the banquet over early, the new laureates began returning to the Grand Hotel before 11:00 P.M.
由于现在时间还太早，布拉坦一家和他们的瑞典主人在餐厅里找了张桌子，点了香槟。不久，巴丁一家和他们的主人也加入了进来，聚会开始变得热闹起来。午夜前不久，比尔和艾米独自走了进来，沃尔特大声招呼他们过来加入大家。在香槟的温暖光芒中，往日的伤痛和伤痕暂时被抛诸脑后。还有那份荣耀。他们达到了职业生涯的巅峰，如今齐聚科学的殿堂。两点钟，大家终于醉醺醺地踉跄回房了。“那真是一段美好的时光，”布拉坦回忆道，“我们当时心情无比愉悦。”
Since this was much too early for the Brattains and their Swedish hosts, they got a table in the dining room and ordered champagne. Soon the Bardeens and their hosts joined them, and the party began to grow boisterous. When Bill and Emmy wandered in alone just prior to midnight, Walter hollered for them to come on over and join the group. The bruises and wounds of years past were temporarily forgotten amid the warm glow of champagne and the glory of the moment. They had reached the pinnacle of their profession and now sat together in the Valhalla of science. At two o’clock everybody finally stumbled drunkenly off to their rooms. “It was a grand time,” Brattain recalled. “We were certainly in a hilarious frame of mind.”
S ·肖克利 从斯德哥尔摩如梦似幻的氛围中回到 了平凡得多的经营世界。生意。1957年初，他的公司经营状况不佳。尽管已经运营了近一年，并努力完善技术，但距离真正生产出可供销售的产品还有数月之久。两年前的九月，贝克曼和肖克利签署协议时，他们曾预计到那时公司每周将生产数千个晶体管。所有的荣耀和名声都……最终无法盈利。
SHOCKLEY RETURNED FROM the fairytale atmosphere of Stockholm to the far more mundane world of running a business. As 1957 began, his company was not doing well. Although it had been in operation for almost a year, struggling to perfect its technologies, it was still months away from producing anything for sale. When Beckman and Shockley had signed their agreement two Septembers earlier, they projected that the firm would be making thousands of transistors a week by then. All the glory and fame did not add up to a profit.
肖克利的得力助手们开始抱怨，甚至有人叛逃。一月中旬的一次会议上，诺伊斯告诉他，大家对他的专横管理“普遍感到不满”。摩尔抱怨说，公司内部出现了“思维停滞”的现象。第二天，就在公司成立一周年庆典的前一天，最早一批员工之一的维克·琼斯……成为第一个辞职的人。
Shockley’s top lieutenants were beginning to grumble and even defect. During a meeting in mid-January, Noyce told him there was a “general feeling of resentment” toward his heavy-handed management. Moore complained about “mental stagnation” setting in. The next day, just before a party celebrating the company’s first anniversary, Vic Jones, one of the earliest recruits, became the first to resign.
大约在这个时候，或许是情况恶化的征兆，肖克利开始更频繁地在一本螺旋装订的“金西”主题记事本上记录，显然这本记事本只供他自己阅读。这有点像他两年前那本绿色的“备忘录”小册子，读起来像是一份紧张的心理记录——但这次是从老板的视角来审视公司的心理状态。看法。
About this time, perhaps as an indication of the deteriorating conditions, Shockley began making more frequent entries in a spiral-bound “Golden West” theme pad that was obviously meant for his eyes only. A bit like his green “Memorandums” booklet two years earlier, it reads like a tense psychological record—but this time of a company psyche as seen from its boss’s perspective.
二月和三月期间，情况恶化，抱怨声也越来越多。肖克利的反应更加强硬，更多的是怀疑而非理解。他开始深入调查迪恩·克纳皮克的背景，这个人是他从西部电气公司挖来的，担任他的助理导演兼制片经理。然后，他狠狠地训斥了杰伊·拉斯特一顿，许多人都听到了。于是，他开始与冶金师谢尔顿·罗伯茨进行一系列讨论，罗伯茨对此深感不满，甚至准备辞职。“周三上午谈话，霍斯利、诺伊斯·摩尔——随后建议他们向RNN汇报工作， ”二月下旬的一篇主题笔记写道。“感觉如果CSR和JH离开，后果将不堪设想。 ”
During February and March, things worsened. As the grumbling grew louder, Shockley reacted more with suspicion than understanding. He started to investigate further the background of Dean Knapic, the man he had lured away from Western Electric to serve as his assistant director and production manager. Then he gave Jay Last such a vicious tongue-lashing that many others overhead. And he began a series of discussions with his metallurgist Sheldon Roberts, who was deeply dissatisfied and ready to quit. “Wed AM talk, Horsley, Noyce Moore—Followed by suggestion have them report to RNN,” reads a late February entry in the theme pad. “Felt it would be catastrophic if CSR & JH left.”
后续事件继续困扰着员工。摩尔回忆起肖克利参与的一个秘密项目。他和几个最信任的员工在大楼的一端搭建了一个简易装置。只有参与制作的人才知道它的用途。“但我认为最精彩的部分，”摩尔评论道，“是门上的销钉。”
Further incidents continued to disturb the staff. Moore recalled a secret project that Shockley set up with a few of his most trusted employees in one end of the building. Only those working on it got to know what it was all about. “But I suppose the crowning one,” observed Moore, “was the pin in the door.”
三月下旬，公司一名秘书的手被办公室旋转门上伸出的尖锐金属部件划伤。四月份，肖克利得知此事后，立即采取了行动。他确信这是一起恶意行为，有人故意想伤害她。“他展开了调查，”摩尔回忆说，“要找出罪魁祸首。”
In late March one of the company secretaries had gashed her hand on a sharp metal point protruding from the swinging door of her office. After hearing about this incident in April, Shockley became convinced that it was a malicious act. Somebody had deliberately tried to hurt her. “He mounted an investigation,” recalled Moore, “to find out who the guilty party was.”
他首先怀疑的是两名技术人员。他打电话给旧金山一家专门从事测谎的公司，命令这两人利用周六上午接受测谎。结果呈阴性后，他打电话给当地警方，查询这两人是否有犯罪记录。结果也一无所获。
His first suspects were two technicians. He called up a San Francisco firm that specialized in polygraph testing and ordered the pair to spend a Saturday morning submitting to its tests. When these came back negative, he phoned the local police to see if either man had a record. Nothing there, either.
大约在同一时间，肖克利也开始接到神秘的午夜电话。由于他原本就有失眠的倾向，这些电话意味着他接下来的几周几乎没怎么睡过觉。3月31日的一条日记写道：“午夜电话又响了，就让它响吧。 ”“ 12点30分又响了——大约4号接的。 ”铃声几乎同时响起——拨号音也随之出现。
About this time Shockley also began to receive mysterious midnight telephone calls. Given a preexisting tendency toward insomnia, the calls meant that he got precious little sleep for weeks. “Midnight telephone ringing again, let it ring,” reads an entry dated March 31. “Again at 1230—picked it up on about 4th ring—dial tone almost at once.”
在排除了技术人员的嫌疑后，他开始怀疑罗伯茨可能是罪魁祸首。当肖克利最终当面指控他时，“谢尔顿查看了那个金属装置，把它放在显微镜下观察，并指出那是其中一个玻璃头针的尖端，玻璃头已经断裂了，”摩尔回忆道。“有人……”我用一根劣质别针把什么东西别上去了，结果别针头都掉了！
After clearing the technicians of guilt, he began to focus his suspicion on Roberts as the probable culprit. When Shockley finally confronted him with the accusation, “Sheldon looked at the metal gadget, put it under the microscope, and showed it was the point of one of these glass-headed pins where the glass head had broken off,” recounted Moore. “Someone had pinned something up there with a bad pin, and the head had fallen off!”
更糟糕的是，母公司那年春天的情况也不太好。5月1日，贝克曼在视察实验室时抱怨说，诸如打字机之类的琐事开支不断攀升，报告也印得太多。接下来的一周，肖克利立即对公司进行了重组，制定了新的方案。其中，Noyce、Moore、Horsley 和他本人分别指导四个不同的开发项目。
To make matters worse, things were not going very well that spring for the parent company, either. In a visit to the laboratory on May 1, Beckman complained about the mounting expenses for trivial things like typewriters and putting out too many reports. The next week Shockley reacted by reorganizing his company along new lines, with Noyce, Moore, Horsley, and himself directing four separate development projects.
5月16日，他在Spinco公司召集旗下八个部门的高管开会，贝克曼透露，研发支出已经失控，从1954年占总收入的8.0%飙升至1957年预计的13.6%。“贝克曼仪器公司的销售额创历史新高。 ”旧金山纪事报周四刊登的一篇短文开头写道：“截至3月31日的九个月内，公司业绩达到高位，但研发成本增加以及政府合同损失的冲销，导致盈利低于去年同期水平，总裁阿诺德·O·贝克曼昨日报告称。” 同一天，贝克曼仪器公司的股价暴跌2点，跌幅超过5%。
In a May 16 meeting at Spinco of the top executives of his eight divisions, Beckman revealed that expenditures for research and engineering were getting out of hand, ballooning from 8.0 percent of gross revenues in 1954 to a projected 13.6 percent in 1957. “Sales of Beckman Instruments, Inc. were at all-time highs during the nine months ended March 31,” began a short article in that Thurday’s San Francisco Chronicle, “but increased research and development costs plus write-offs of Government contract losses kept earnings below the year-ago level, President Arnold O. Beckman reported yesterday.” That same day, stock in Beckman Instruments plunged 2 points, or over 5 percent of its total value.
这接下来的一周，贝克曼再次前来拜访，与肖克利讨论这些问题以及其他一些问题，并制定未来的计划。在与肖克利和高管的会议上，贝克曼提出了一套新的基本规则和程序，以遏制亏损的持续增长。他希望这些措施能够帮助公司将重心从研发转向生产。但肖克利对此反应强烈。他对贝克曼的提议感到不满。“如果你不喜欢我们在这里做的事情，”他直截了当地回击道，“我可以带着这个团队去其他任何地方获得支持！”说完，他便怒气冲冲地离开了房间。
The following week Beckman came up for another visit, to discuss these and other problems with Shockley and to make some plans for the future. In a meeting with him and the senior staff, Beckman proposed a new set of ground rules and procedures to stanch the flow of red ink. These, he hoped, would help get the company focused more on production than research and development. But Shockley took great umbrage at Beckman’s proposals. “If you don’t like what we’re doing here,” he fired back at point-blank range, “I can take this group and get support any place else!” And abruptly stormed out of the room.
那天以及第二天，肖克利的几位得力助手私下里低声商议，一致认为事情变得越来越荒谬。公司运转不畅。而且他们并没有 …… 摩尔和肖克利之间似乎有着很深的感情，就像肖克利当初愤然离去时所暗示的那样。于是，摩尔主动提出给贝克曼打电话，和他坦诚地谈谈他们之间的问题。
TALKING QUIETLY AMONG themselves all that day and the next, Shockley’s top lieutenants agreed that things were getting pretty ridiculous. The company was not running smoothly. And they didn’t have the strong bonds to Shockley that he seemed to imply when he left in such a huff. So Moore offered to phone Beckman and talk with him about their problems, man to man.
“上面情况不太顺利，是吗？”贝克曼在寒暄几句后问道。“是的，确实不太顺利。”摩尔回答道。于是，贝克曼安排返回湾区与工作人员会面。
“Things aren’t going all that well up there, are they?” asked Beckman after they exchanged opening pleasantries. “No, not really,” replied Moore. Beckman therefore arranged to come back to the Bay Area and meet with the staff.
“我们和他一起吃过饭，”摩尔回忆道，“大概有八个人。”他们说，肖克利才是问题所在。不仅像门上的别针事件这样令人恼火的小事会引发令人不安的冲突，而且他对公司专断任性的管理也使得产品研发举步维艰。不知何故，制造硅扩散基晶体管的目标竟然是……曾经吸引他们来到加州的那些东西，如今似乎不再让他感兴趣了。相反，他全身心投入到半导体技术前沿的诸多高难度项目中。其中最重要的是四层PNPN二极管——也被称为“肖克利二极管”——这是他在贝尔公司构思的，并交由霍斯利在实验室负责。他的公司现在正在进行更多的研究。比其他任何事情都重要。
“We had dinners with him,” recalled Moore. “A group of about eight of us.” Shockley was the problem, they said. Not only were there disturbing clashes over exasperating matters like the pin-in-the-door incident. But his arbitrary, capricious management of the company also made it difficult to get products into development. For some reason manufacturing silicon diffused-base transistors, the goal that had lured them all to California, no longer seemed to interest him. Instead, he was preoccupied by very difficult projects that were at the cutting edge of semiconductor technology. Uppermost among them was the four-layer P-N-P-N diode—also known as the “Shockley Diode”—which he had conceived at Bell and put Horsley charge of at the laboratory. His company was now doing a lot more research than anything else.
尽管肖克利是世界上最杰出的物理学家之一，但贝克曼渐渐意识到，他却是一个糟糕的商业管理者。他的名气曾是吸引一批才华横溢的科学家和工程师的重要因素，但是……他们之间的关系再也无法维系太久。除非尽快采取行动，否则他们将开始集体辞职。在他们的第一次晚宴上，他们他们开始讨论其他方案——例如，引入一位拥有丰富管理经验的人，或许是贝克曼其他部门的高管。“我们当时试图想出一个方案，让肖克利基本上成为一名顾问，”摩尔回忆说，“然后再找其他人来管理这个项目。”
Although one of the world’s most brilliant physicists, Shockley was, Beckman began to realize, a lousy business manager. His fame had been a big factor in attracting a group of highly talented scientists and engineers, but it would not be able to hold them together much longer. Unless something were done—and soon—they would begin to resign en masse. At their first dinner they began to discuss alternatives—for instance, bringing in somebody with extensive management experience, perhaps one of the executives from another of Beckman’s divisions. “We were trying to come up with a scheme by which Shockley would essentially become a consultant,” recalled Moore, “and someone else would be brought in to manage the thing.”
但贝克曼是个有原则的人，他认识到……这意味着什么？实际上，这就像轻轻地将一把锋利的匕首刺入他商业伙伴的后背。于是，在另一个晚上，贝克曼在城里的时候，邀请比尔和艾米到旧金山的杰克·塔尔酒店共进晚餐。这家酒店位于范内斯大道，是一栋俗艳的现代主义建筑，贝克曼就住在那里。他们原本期待着一次愉快的社交聚会，却没想到……麻烦。
But Beckman was a principled man who recognized what that meant. In effect, this was like softly slipping a sharp stiletto into the back of the man who was his business partner. So on another evening when he was in town, Beckman asked Bill and Emmy to join him for dinner at the Jack Tarr Hotel in San Francisco, a garish, modernistic building on Van Ness Avenue, where he was staying. They came looking forward to a pleasant social occasion, not expecting trouble.
然而，在喝酒聊天时，他们发现这注定不会是一个愉快的夜晚。贝克曼冷静而又语气平淡地告诉肖克利夫妇，实验室里出现了一个非常严重的问题。如果不对实验室主任采取措施，大多数核心员工都准备辞职。“我们当时真的非常震惊，”艾米回忆道，之后大部分时间都是她扮演比尔的角色。他陷入沉默，心不在焉地开始吃晚饭，仿佛神游物外。他简直无法相信自己的船上竟然会发生这样的叛变。
Over drinks, however, they discovered that this was not to be an enjoyable evening after all. Calmly and matter-of-factly, Beckman told the Shockleys that there was a critical problem at the laboratory. Most of the key employees were about to resign, if something were not done about its director. “We were really shocked,” recalled Emmy, who thereafter did most of the talking as Bill lapsed into silence and absentmindedly began eating his dinner, seemingly in a fog. He found it impossible to believe that such a mutiny was happening on his ship.
第二天，他去了实验室，悄悄地打听贝克曼说的话是否属实。令他大为沮丧的是，他得知是真的。那天晚上他回到家时，艾米只从他的表情就看出来了。的确如此。“他躺在沙发上，”她回忆道：
The next day he went to the laboratory and discreetly inquired whether what he’d heard from Beckman was true. To his great dismay, he learned it was. When he returned home that evening, Emmy could tell just from the look in his face that it was true. “He laid down on the davenport,” she remembered:
在我多年的医院生涯中，我从未见过像比尔那样脸色苍白的人——真的，从未见过。我永远也忘不了那一幕。我们医院有一张双人沙发床，大小有点像折叠床……他躺在上面，双脚搭在一侧扶手上，头枕在另一侧扶手上，就那样躺着。脸色惨白。
I have never seen anybody in all of my hospital experience look as white as Bill looked—ever. I have never forgotten it. We had a two-seater, sort of a hide-a-bed kind of a size. . . . He laid down on that with his feet on the top of one arm and his head up over the other, and just lay there. Just white.
他的大部分他难以置信，因为他自认为是他们的恩人。他给他们提供优厚的薪水，把这些人从相对乏味的工作中挖走，让他们从事半导体领域几个最激动人心的研究课题。他不断鼓励他们发表论文，并为他们的发明申请专利。在他看来，他如此善待他们，实在无法理解他们为何会做出这样的事。这些人怎么会想要叛变呢？
A large measure of his incredulity arose because he thought of himself as their benefactor. Offering them very good salaries, he had hired these men away from relatively uninteresting jobs to work on several of the most exciting topics in the field of semiconductors. He continually prodded them to publish their work and seek patents in their inventions. After treating them so well, at least in his mind, he could not understand how these men would ever want to mutiny.
为了竭力寻求某种折衷方案，贝克曼于6月10日星期一会见了肖克利和持不同政见者。他们最终勉强敲定了一个双方都能接受的计划。根据该计划，肖克利继续担任……的主任。公司里虽然有人担任经理，但在他之下新设立了一个“经理”职位，其他所有人都要向他汇报。与此同时，一项搜寻工作正在进行中。如果找不到合适的人选，这个职位将由高级职员组成的“临时委员会”承担。
Trying desperately to find some firm middle ground, Beckman met with Shockley and the dissidents on Monday, June 10. They chiseled out a plan that they could agree to, if grudgingly. In it, Shockley remained as director of the company, but a new position of “Manager” was created immediately beneath him, to whom everybody else would report. While a search went on to find a person to fill it, this role would be assumed by an “Interim Committee” of senior staff.
为了领导这个委员会，所有人都想到了诺伊斯。他来自爱荷华州的一个小镇，父亲是一位牧师，他性格随和，待人谦逊，天生具有领导才能。而且，除了肖克利之外，诺伊斯对晶体管的了解无人能及——在晶体管制造方面，他甚至可能比肖克利更胜一筹。
To head this committee, everyone turned to Noyce. A small-town Iowan and son of a preacher, he had an easygoing, deferential knack for leadership. And, except for Shockley, Noyce knew more than any of them about transistors—probably more than even Shockley when it came to manufacturing them.
肖克利继续掌控着四层二极管的制造，并将全部精力投入到这项工作中。他带领着四五个忠实的追随者，在斯平科大楼里搭建了一条试生产线，那里空间和公用设施都很充足。他把生产线建在那里，远离奎恩塞特小屋，另一个重要原因是避免诺伊斯、摩尔等人的进一步批评。其余持不同意见者则认为这项艰巨的任务是在浪费时间。
Remaining in control of the four-layer diode operation, Shockley began to devote all his energy to this effort. With a small core of four or five loyalists, he started setting up a pilot production line in the Spinco building, where space and utilities were available. Another important reason he put it there, away from the Quonset hut, was to avoid any further criticism from Noyce, Moore, and the rest of the dissidents, who thought the difficult project a waste of time.
这是一种脆弱的休战，对弥合已经造成的创伤几乎没有任何帮助。肖克利半导体实验室实际上分裂成了两个派系，各自发展。一个派系在Spinco公司致力于四层二极管的研发，而另一个派系则在圣安东尼奥努力重回晶体管研发轨道。路演总部。随着贝克曼四处寻找一位能干、意志坚定的人来担任经理一职，这两个派系之间的分歧也越来越大。
It was an uneasy truce that did little, if anything, to heal the wounds that had been opened. Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory effectively split into two factions, each going its own way. While one worked on the four-layer diode at Spinco, the other struggled to get back on the transistor track at the San Antonio Road headquarters. And as Beckman hunted for a competent, strong-willed man to fill the role of manager, the two factions drifted further and further apart.
这种尴尬的停战协议只持续到七月中旬，贝克曼突然改变了主意。摩尔认为，贝克曼可能从贝尔实验室的某人（也许是凯利？）那里得到了消息，得知了加州正在发生的事情。有人打电话劝他不要继续下去，因为这会毁了肖克利的职业生涯。但贝克曼实在不忍心这么做。“肖克利才是老大，”当月晚些时候，他在一次会议上对那些持不同意见的人说，“要么接受，要么放弃。”
This awkward armistice lasted only until mid-July, when Beckman had a sudden change of heart. Moore thought that Beckman had heard from someone at Bell Labs (perhaps Kelly?) who had been tipped off about what has going on in California and called to urge him against proceeding, since it would ruin Shockley’s career. Beckman could not bring himself to do that. “Shockley’s the boss,” he essentially told the group of dissidents in a meeting later that month. “Take it or leave it.”
他们震惊而沮丧，发现自己已身处岌岌可危的境地，除了坠落别无选择。尽管贝克曼引进了莫里斯·哈纳芬——他肖克利曾与人共同创立并成功管理Spinco公司——担任实验室经理，但最终决策权仍然掌握在肖克利手中。“我们当时觉得我们已经把路都堵死了，根本没法继续待下去了，”摩尔说道，“所以我们决定离开，另谋出路。”
Stunned and discouraged, they now found themselves far out on a very fragile limb with nowhere to go but down. Even though Beckman brought in Maurice Hanafin—who had co-founded and successfully managed Spinco—to serve as the manager of the laboratory, the final decision-making power remained with Shockley. “We felt we had burned our bridges so badly by then that there was no way we could continue to stay,” claimed Moore. “So we decided that we would have to leave and go looking for jobs.”
同年八月，哈纳芬接管了控制权，而肖克利则担任领导职务。他和艾米在马萨诸塞州科德角待了一个月。这既是度假，也是工作。在那里，他领导了美国国家科学院在伍兹霍尔开展的关于计算机未来的暑期研究项目。回到Spinco公司后，霍斯利和他的技术员……他们逐步将四层二极管投入生产，第一周生产了72个合格品，第二周生产了200多个。他们希望到9月份每周能生产1000个。
That August Hanafin took over the controls while Shockley headed off with Emmy for a month on Cape Cod, Massachusetts. It was part vacation, part work. There he led a National Academy of Sciences summer study in Woods Hole on the future of computers. Back at Spinco, Horsley and his technician got the four-layer diode slowly into production, turning out 72 good ones the first week and over 200 the next. They were hoping for 1,000 a week by September.
肖克利九月，哈纳芬返回，在机场接机并向他简要介绍了实验室的情况。接下来的一周，他大部分时间都在Spinco公司或家中校对诺贝尔奖演讲稿。一周后，他收到了关于异议人士的噩耗。这是半导体行业历史上最关键的时刻之一，并被详细记录下来。他的“黄金西部”公寓布置得简洁而简朴：
When Shockley returned in September, Hanafin met him at the airport and briefed him on the situation at the laboratory. The remainder of the week, he spent most of his time at Spinco or at home working on the page proofs of his Nobel lecture. The following week he received the bad news about the dissidents. One of the most crucial moments in the history of the semiconductor industry, it is recorded very simply and sparsely in his “Golden West” pad:
9月18日星期三——团体辞职。
Wed 18 Sep—Group resigns.
肖克利的《黄金西部》主题册中的条目，1957 年 9 月 16 日至 20 日。八名持不同政见者于 9 月 18 日一起辞职。
Entries in Shockley’s “Golden West” theme book, September 16–20, 1957. The eight dissidents resigned together on September 18.
这个小组包括肖克利最杰出的八位成员。除了诺伊斯、摩尔、拉斯特和罗伯茨之外，还有朱利叶斯·布兰克、维克多· 格里尼奇、让·霍尔尼和吉恩·克莱纳。除了布兰克和克莱纳分别在工程和生产部门工作之外，其他成员都拥有博士学位。 来自肖克利半导体实验室的研发部门。又一个叛徒，迪恩克纳皮克离开去创办了自己的独立公司，生产硅晶体。他们的集体离职使实验室失去了生产力核心，只留下霍斯利手下从事四层二极管项目的几名员工，以及一群在奎恩塞特工房里漫无目的的技术人员和秘书。小屋。
THE GROUP INCLUDED eight of Shockley’s brightest. Besides Noyce, Moore, Last, and Roberts, there were Julius Blank, Victor Grinich, Jean Hoerni, and Gene Kleiner. Except for Blank and Kleiner, who were in Engineering and Production, all of them had Ph.D.’s and came from the Research and Development arm of Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory. Another turncoat, Dean Knapic, left to start his own independent firm manufacturing silicon crystals. Their mass departure cut the productive heart out of the laboratory, leaving behind a carcass of men working under Horsley on the four-layer diode project plus a bunch of aimless technicians and secretaries in the Quonset hut.
最初，在盛夏时节，这八个人决定离开，开始四处寻找新的雇主。他们很享受一起工作的时光，也希望继续下去。但通过克莱纳的父亲，他们联系到了东海岸的投资银行海登·斯通公司，该公司提出了另一种选择。“你真的不想找一家公司来工作，”该公司代表说道。他对小组成员说：“你们想创办自己的公司，我们会为你们寻找支持。”
When at first they decided to leave, in midsummer, the group of eight began casting about for another employer to hire them all. They had enjoyed working together and wanted to continue. But through Kleiner’s father they got in touch with the East Coast investment banking firm of Hayden Stone, which suggested an alternative. “You really don’t want to find a company to work for,” its representatives told the group. “You want to set up your own company, and we will find you support.”
资金来自当时正涉足导弹和卫星系统的纽约公司费尔柴尔德相机与仪器公司，该公司同意在未来几年内出资130万美元。这八名持不同政见者——或者如肖克利所称的“叛徒八人组”——签署了一份协议。9月19日，也就是他们辞职的第二天，他们与费尔柴尔德公司达成协议。到10月中旬，他们在圣安东尼奥路沿线，奎恩塞特小屋以北约一英里处租下了一栋楼。在诺伊斯的带领下，他们开始搬入新址，并成立了一家名为费尔柴尔德半导体的新公司，旨在利用他们一直在开发的扩散技术生产高频晶体管。突然间，湾区出现了三个人。区域半导体公司，而不是只有一家。
The financing came through from Fairchild Camera and Instruments, a New York firm then getting involved in missiles and satellite systems, which agreed to put up $1.3 million over the next couple of years. The eight dissidents—or the “traitorous eight,” as Shockley is reputed to have called them—signed an agreement with Fairchild on September 19, the day after their resignation. By mid-October they had leased a building about a mile north of the Quonset hut along San Antonio Road. Led by Noyce, they began moving in and setting up a new outfit called Fairchild Semiconductor, aiming to produce high-frequency transistors using the diffusion techniques they had been developing. Suddenly there were three Bay Area semiconductor firms instead of only one.
这个组织选择的时机可谓恰到好处。10月4日，苏联成功发射了第一颗人造卫星“斯普特尼克” ，震惊了世界。一个月后，“斯普特尼克二号”进入轨道，这颗卫星重达半吨多，还携带了一条活狗。每晚，焦虑的美国人都仰望星空，希望能一睹这可怕的景象：美国在技术上不再对冷战对手保持明显优势，12月卡纳维拉尔角发射台上“先锋1”型导弹的惨烈爆炸更加凸显了这一点。显然，苏联现在拥有了向美国目标投掷令人闻风丧胆的氢弹所需的火箭。
The group could not have picked a more auspicious moment to begin. On October 4 the world was stunned by the Soviet Union’s successful launch of its first Sputnik satellite. A month later it orbited Sputnik II, weighing over half a ton and carrying a live dog. Every night anxious American eyes peered skyward to glimpse the horrible evidence that the United States no longer held a clear technological lead over its Cold War adversary, a fact underscored in December by the abject explosion of the Vanguard I missile on its launching pad at Cape Canaveral. The Soviets obviously now had the rockets they needed to lob their dreaded H-bombs onto U.S. targets.
公众对这些“同行旅客”的反应近乎歇斯底里。报纸头版头条都刊登了相关报道。几个月来，这些事件频频登上新闻头条。参议员林登·约翰逊召集了一系列备受瞩目的听证会，传唤武装部队官员和艾森豪威尔政府官员到他的委员会作证，要求他们解释为何美国会在导弹和太空领域落后于苏联。他在1958年初宣称：“控制太空意味着控制……”世界。”
The public reaction to these “fellow travelers” verged on hysteria. Front pages of newspapers sported headlines about them for months. Senator Lyndon B. Johnson called a series of highly publicized hearings, dragging before his panel officials of the Armed Forces and the Eisenhower administration to explain how they could ever have permitted the United States to fall behind the Soviet Union in missiles and space. “Control of space,” he proclaimed in early 1958, “means control of the world.”
随着“太空时代”的开启和美国为缩小“导弹差距”而加紧努力，能够制造高频晶体管、开关和其他电子元件的半导体公司发现，市场正蓬勃发展。在成本不是问题的情况下，固态元件的重量和功耗比真空管元件小数百倍甚至数千倍。对于推力远小于苏联强大火箭的美国导弹来说，这是唯一真正的选择。加州新兴的半导体公司不必担心找不到买家来销售他们那些奇特的硅产品。
As the “space age” began and the United States rushed to close the “missile gap,” semiconductor companies able to manufacture high-frequency transistors, switches, and other electronic components found an exploding market where cost was not a factor. With weight and power consumption hundreds and thousands of times smaller than their vacuum-tube counterparts, solid-state components were the only real option for U.S. missiles, which had much less thrust than the powerful Soviet rockets. The new California semiconductor companies did not have to worry about finding customers for their exotic silicon wares.
“今天，我们正站在成熟的门槛上，”杰克·莫顿在1958年6月贝尔实验室召开的新闻发布会上说道，此次发布会旨在庆祝晶体管诞生十周年。在凯利的带领下，发言者们接连赞扬了这项发明对工业、商业和军事的影响。1957年，美国的晶体管年产量已飙升至3000万个，几乎仅西电公司就生产了500万件。随着所有半导体器件的平均成本降至每件一两美元，年销售额突破了1亿美元大关。
Today we stand on the threshold of maturity,” remarked Jack Morton at a press gathering called by Bell Labs in June 1958 to celebrate the tenth birthday of the transistor. Led by Kelly, one speaker after another lauded the impact of this invention on industry, commerce, and the military. In 1957 U.S. production had swollen to 30 million transistors per year, with almost 5 million manufactured by Western Electric alone. And as the average cost of all semiconductor devices fell to a dollar or two apiece, annual sales topped the $100 million mark.
凯利断言： “经过十年的努力，我们在半导体电子技术领域取得的进展，比德福雷斯特发明电子管25年后我们在电子管技术领域取得的进展还要大。”除了便携式收音机晶体管在助听器领域占据主导地位，此外，它们还被应用于留声机、录音机、袖珍寻呼机、汽车收音机和燃油喷射系统、钟表、玩具，甚至鸡饲料车的控制装置中。最近为美国在太空竞赛中赢得些许优势的“探索者”和“先锋”卫星也使用了德州仪器（TI）的晶体管。并使用贝尔太阳能电池为他们的无线电发射机供电。
“We are now further along in semiconductor electronics technology after one decade of work than we were in electron tube technology 25 years after de Forest’s invention of the audion,” Kelly asserted. Besides portable radios and hearing aids, where they dominated the market, transistors could be found in phonographs, dictating machines, pocket pagers, automobile radios and fuel-injection systems, clocks, watches, toys, and even in the controls of a chicken-feeding cart. The Explorer and Vanguard satellites, which had recently given the United States a small measure of parity in the space race, used TI transistors and Bell Solar Batteries to power their radio transmitters.
另一位发言者表示： “以前无法实现的大型系统现在正在开发中，两年内所有商用计算机都将实现晶体管化。”半导体器件日益增长的可靠性和一致性，再加上其体积小、功耗低等优点，意味着它们显然比真空管更胜一筹。最复杂的电路。当时正在发展中的数字计算机和电话交换系统在其电路中使用了数千个晶体管和硅二极管。电路。再过十年，人们预见到将会出现拥有数百万个固态元件的庞大电子系统。事实上，晶体管及其半导体同系物使如此复杂的电路成为可能。 “很可能……”“这些固态电子技术对人类思维的延伸，对社会的影响将远超核武器对人类肌肉的延伸，”莫顿激动地说。“或许最稳妥的预测是，晶体管电子技术拥有光明的前景——它将朝着我们今天完全无法预见的新方向发展。”
“Large systems never before possible are now being developed, and within two years all commercial computers will be transistorized,” said another speaker. The growing reliability and uniformity of semiconductor devices, when added to their small size and low power consumption, meant they were the obvious choice over vacuum tubes in the most complex circuits. Digital computers and telephone switching systems then under development employed thousands of transistors and silicon diodes in their circuitry. By the end of another decade, huge electronic systems with millions of solid-state components were foreseen. In fact, the transistor and its semiconductor siblings made such intricate circuits conceivable. “It may well be that these solid state electronics extensions to man’s mind will yet have a greater impact upon society than the nuclear extension of man’s muscle,” exuded Morton. “Perhaps the safest prediction one can make is that transistor electronics has a great future—that it will go in new directions we cannot foresee today at all.”
但所有这些乐观情绪都笼罩在一片令人担忧的阴云之下。作为组成部分在这些日益复杂的系统中，随着元件数量增加到数千个，互连的数量呈爆炸式增长。每一个晶体管都有两到三个引脚，需要小心翼翼地连接到其他元件上。此外，还有二极管、电阻器、电容器和其他元件也需要连接。这项繁琐的工作仍然主要依靠手工完成——通常是通过流水线作业。女性比男性拥有更强的灵巧性——但也伴随着各种各样的变异性和不确定性。电路中有成千上万个焊点，其中几个很可能出现故障，从而影响电路的性能。因此，尽管晶体管通过取代笨重且不可靠的真空管解决了“数字暴政”的一个方面，但它的成功也带来了另一个方面的问题。随着电子电路变得越来越复杂精细，这个问题也随之出现。
But a worrisome cloud loomed on the horizon of all this optimism. As components in these ever more complex systems increased into the thousands, the number of interconnections was exploding. Every last transistor had two or three leads that needed to be painstakingly attached to something else. Add to that all the diodes, resistors, capacitors, and other elements that had to be connected, too. This tedious task was still done largely by hand—usually by assembly lines of women, who possessed greater dexterity than men—with all the attendant variability and uncertainty. With thousands of solder joints in a circuit, chances were high that a few of them would prove faulty, ruining its performance. So even though the transistor had solved one facet of this “tyranny of numbers” by replacing the bulky, unreliable vacuum tube, its success allowed another aspect of the problem to emerge as electronic circuits grew more complex and intricate.
整个 20 世纪 50 年代，工程师和电路设计师都对这个问题忧心忡忡，这通常是他们对小型化这一更大问题的关注的一部分。军队尤其痴迷于此，因为他们经常需要将电子系统塞进尽可能小、最轻的封装里。每个军种都制定了自己的小型化标准。解决方案。海军资助了“Tinkertoy”项目，随后陆军通信兵也推出了微型模块计划。这两个项目都力求以统一、可靠且可大规模生产的方式进行连接，类似于20世纪50年代普及的印刷电路板。贝尔实验室更倾向于使用这些电路板，并在其上安装晶体管和其他元件。一旦发现有缺陷的电路板，就会将其隔离、更换。如果无法轻易修复，最终会被丢弃。
Engineers and circuit designers worried about this problem throughout the 1950s, usually as part of a larger concern with miniaturization. The armed forces, which often needed to cram their electronic systems into the smallest, lightest packages possible, were particularly obsessed. Each service promulgated its own pet solution. The Navy funded Project Tinkertoy, followed by the Army Signal Corps with its Micro-Module program. Both sought to make connections in a uniform, reliable, mass-producible fashion akin to the printed-circuit boards that became commonplace during the 1950s. Bell Labs preferred to use these boards, loading them up with transistors and other components. A defective board was isolated, replaced, and eventually discarded if it could not be easily repaired.
20世纪50年代，一些富有远见的工程师开始寻找彻底消除单个元件和导线的方法，希望能够用一块材料制造电子电路。这种理念逐渐被称为“单片集成电路”，源自希腊语monolithos，意为“单块石头”。空军也加入了这一潮流，推出了分子电子学计划，提倡使用源自固态材料单晶的电路。
During the 1950s a few visionary engineers began looking for ways to eliminate individual components and wire leads altogether, hoping they might fashion electronic circuits from a single block of material. This idea gradually became known at the “monolithic integrated circuit,” from the Greek word monolithos, or “single stone.” The Air Force climbed aboard this bandwagon with its Molecular Electronics program, advocating circuits derived from single crystals of solid-state materials.
或许最早提出“铁板一块”这种观念的是杰弗里。杜默是英国皇家雷达研究所的研究员。他在1952年5月提交给电子学会议的一篇论文中提出：
Perhaps the earliest statement of the monolithic idea came from Geoffrey Dummer of Britain’s Royal Radar Establishment. In a paper presented to a May 1952 electronics conference, he argued:
随着晶体管的出现和相关工作通常情况下，半导体器件的优势在于，现在似乎可以设想将电子设备封装在一个没有连接导线的实心块体中。该块体可以由绝缘、导电、整流和放大材料层构成，通过切割各层材料的特定区域来直接连接各个电气功能。
With the advent of the transistor and the work in semiconductors generally, it seems now possible to envisage electronic equipment in a solid block with no connecting wires. The block may consist of layers of insulating, conducting, rectifying, and amplifying materials, the electrical functions being connected directly by cutting out areas of the various layers.
五年后，杜默说服他的老板将一份合同授予一家英国公司。为了实现这个目标，他们做了许多尝试。但最终的成果仅限于制作了一个金属模型，用来演示如何用硅晶体制造一种被称为“触发器”的晶体管开关电路。
Five years later Dummer convinced his bosses to award a contract to a British company to pursue this goal. But it never got much further than fabricating a metal model to demonstrate how a transistorized switching circuit known as a “flip-flop” might be fashioned from silicon crystals.
美国无线电公司（RCA）、西屋电气和其他一些美国公司也曾尝试过类似的方法，通常是作为微模块或分子电子学项目的一部分。但到那时为止，这些尝试都没有取得多大成功。晶体管诞生十周年。集成电路的一大担忧在于其会带来巨大的妥协。由于所有元件都由单晶半导体材料制成，因此单个元件的性能必然不如传统电路中连接在一起的相应分立元件。就像单片共产主义一样，单片集成电路也存在着类似的问题。随着十年时光流逝，电路与其说是一种现实，不如说是一种理念——而且是一种更令人向往的理念。
Attempts along these lines were begun at RCA, Westinghouse, and other U.S. companies, usually as part of the Micro-Module or Molecular Electronics programs. But none had met with much success by the transistor’s tenth birthday. One of the major worries about integrated circuits was that they would involve big compromises. Fabricating everything from a single crystal of semiconductor material meant that the individual elements would inevitably turn out inferior to their corresponding discrete components wired together in conventional circuits. Like monolithic Communism, the monolithic integrated circuit remained more an idea—and a far more tantalizing one, too—than a reality as the decade continued to wane.
在晶体管诞生十周年庆典一个月 后，杰克·基尔比发现自己几乎独自一人待在德州仪器大楼里。此前一年五月，他从环球联合公司（Globe-Union, Inc.）的中央实验室（Centralab Division）来到这家位于达拉斯的公司，从事小型化方面的工作。“在那些日子里…… ”“德州仪器实行集体休假政策；也就是说，7月的前几周公司会全面停工，所有有假期的人都会在那时休假，”他说道。“由于我刚入职，又没有假期，所以基本上被留在了一座空荡荡的工厂里。”
A MONTH AFTER the transistor’s tenth-anniversary celebration, Jack Kilby found himself essentially alone in the Texas Instruments building. The previous May he had arrived from Centralab Division of Globe-Union, Inc. to work on miniaturization at the Dallas company. “In those days, TI had a mass vacation policy; that is, they just shut down tight during the first few weeks of July, and anybody who had any vacation time coming took it then,” he noted. “Since I had just started and had no vacation time, I was left pretty much in a deserted plant.”
基尔比是个身材魁梧、骨骼粗壮的堪萨斯人，光着脚就有六英尺六英寸高，他从小就生活在尘土飞扬、电力四溅的环境中。他的血液里流淌着这份热情。他1923年出生于密苏里州，童年时期的大部分时间都在堪萨斯州的大本德度过，那里正处于大萧条时期沙尘暴的中心地带。他的父亲是一名电气工程师，后来成为堪萨斯电力公司总裁，该公司为堪萨斯州西部地区供电。他们经常一起乘坐家里的别克车，兴致勃勃地去参观公司位于各处的发电厂。 他曾爬进大型发电机和变压器油腻腻的内部，诊断故障。短波无线电出现后，罗斯福新成立的联邦通信委员会开始颁发业余无线电执照，杰克努力学习，通过了考试，并获得了W9GTY的呼号，用于建立自己的电台。
A hulking, raw-boned Kansan who stood six-foot-six in his stocking feet, Kilby had grown up with dust in his hair and electricity in his blood. Born in Missouri in 1923, he spent most of his boyhood in Great Bend, Kansas, square in the midst of the dust bowl during the Great Depression. His father was an electrical engineer who eventually became president of Kansas Power Company, which served the western part of the state. They often rode together in the family Buick on visits to the utility’s far-flung power plants, enthusiastically crawling into the greasy innards of big generators and transformers to diagnose problems. When shortwave radio emerged and Roosevelt’s new Federal Communications Commission began issuing ham licenses, Jack studied hard, took the required test, and received call letters W9GTY for his own radio station.
1941年，他以几分之差未能通过麻省理工学院的入学考试，但他仍然设法进入了这所大学。他从父母的母校伊利诺伊大学毕业，第二年，也就是珍珠港事件后不久，就被任命为下士基尔比。他被派往缅甸和印度，负责为日军后方作战的游击队提供无线电通信服务。战后，他回到伊利诺伊大学继续学业，但成绩平平。1947年秋季，他在中央实验室开始了第一份工作。
Failing the MIT entrance exam by a few points in 1941, he scrambled to enter the University of Illinois, his parents’ alma mater, only to become Corporal Kilby the following year, just after Pearl Harbor. Stationed in Burma and India, he worked on radio communications for guerrilla units operating behind the Japanese lines. After the war he completed his education at Illinois, earning only average grades and, in the fall of 1947, began his first job at Centralab.
战争期间密尔沃基一家公司曾利用丝网印刷技术在陶瓷晶片上印刷部分电子电路。这种混合方法结合了真空管等“有源”元件，为制造近炸引信所需的坚固耐用的微型电路提供了途径。基尔比开始将这些技术应用于收音机和电视机的元件制造，而中央实验室希望能够生产这些产品。适用于战后商业市场。
During the war this Milwaukee company had used silkscreen methods to print portions of electronic circuits on ceramic wafers. When combined with “active” elements such as vacuum tubes, this hybrid approach offered a way to fabricate the rugged, miniature circuits required for proximity fuzes. Kilby began to apply these techniques to make components of radios and television sets, which Centralab hoped to manufacture for the postwar commercial marketplace.
次年晶体管问世时，他自然很感兴趣。在马凯特大学听巴丁谈论晶体管后，他的兴趣更加浓厚。1952年，环球联合公司购买了晶体管专利许可，并派基尔比参加贝尔公司举办的第二届晶体管技术研讨会，尽可能多地汲取相关信息。回到中央实验室后，他领导了……一个小型团队正在研发助听器，他们将丝网印刷电路与四个锗晶体管结合起来。这款小巧的放大器被一只手捧在手中，登上了1956年10月《电子学》杂志的封面。
When the transistor was announced the following year, he was naturally intrigued. Hearing Bardeen talk about it at Marquette University stimulated his interest still further. In 1952 Globe-Union purchased a patent license and sent Kilby to absorb all the information he could at Bell’s second transistor technology symposium. Back at Centralab, he headed a small group developing hearing aids that combined a silkscreened circuit with four germanium transistors. Cupped in a human hand, the diminutive amplifier adorned the cover of the October 1956 issue of Electronics.
杰克·基尔比（后排中间）参加了贝尔实验室于 1952 年举办的晶体管技术研讨会。杰克·莫顿站在前排左侧。
Jack Kilby (back row, center) attended the transistor technology symposium held by Bell Labs in 1952. Jack Morton stands at front, left.
与许多其他从事电子工程前沿研究的人一样，基尔比认识到半导体的未来在于硅。1956年1月，他参加了在默里山举行的第三届晶体管研讨会；在那里，他了解到了新的扩散技术。以及如何将这些技术应用于锗和硅。然而，改造Centralab的装配线以采用这些工艺成本高昂，尤其是对于硅而言。这需要50万美元——这家小公司根本拿不出这么多钱。因此，在1958年初，基尔比开始向大约十几家电子公司寄送信件和简历，寻找其他对此感兴趣的雇主。他提出了关于小型化的想法。经过四五次面试，他最终决定与那家率先研发出硅晶体管的公司合作。
Like many others working at the frontiers of electronic engineering, Kilby recognized that the future of semiconductors was in silicon. In January 1956 he attended the third transistor symposium at Murray Hill; there he learned about the new diffusion technologies and how to apply them to germanium as well as silicon. Retooling Centralab’s assembly lines to use these processes, however, was an expensive proposition, especially for silicon. Half a million dollars would be needed—something the small company did not have. So in early 1958 Kilby began mailing out letters and resumés to about a dozen electronics firms, seeking another employer interested in his ideas on miniaturization. After four or five interviews, he decided on the company that had pioneered the silicon transistor.
当时，德州仪器公司正在寻找参与陆军微型模块计划的方法。在这种方法中，各个组件和印刷电路被制造在尺寸和形状完全相同的微小晶圆上。然后，这些晶圆像……一样被捆绑在一起。一叠扑克筹码——只是方形的，不是圆形——为了形成紧凑的电路。但基尔比一点也不喜欢微型模块方案。在他看来，这不过是另一种试图回避真正问题的“权宜之计”。因此，在他独自待在废弃的德州仪器工厂的两周里，他开始思考如何用其他方法来克服数字的束缚。
At the time Texas Instruments was looking for ways to become involved in the Army’s Micro-Module program. In this approach individual components and printed circuits were fabricated on tiny wafers, all the same size and shape. These were then lashed together like a stack of poker chips—only square, not round—to form compact circuitry. But Kilby did not like the Micro-Module appoach at all. To him it was just another “kludge” that attempted to sidestep the real problem. Therefore, during his two weeks alone in the deserted TI plant, he began ruminating about alternate ways to overcome the tyranny of numbers.
7月24日，贝尔实验室庆祝一个月后在晶体管问世十周年之际，基尔比突然灵感迸发。他在实验记录本中写道：“通过在单片硅片上制造电阻器、电容器、晶体管和二极管，可以实现许多电路的极度小型化。” 随后，他用五页篇幅详细阐述了如何在实践中实现这些元件，以及如何组装整个电路。它们被封装在单个硅晶片上。
On July 24, a month after Bell Labs celebrated the transistor’s decennial, Kilby had a sudden surge of inspiration. “Extreme miniaturization of many electrical circuits,” he wrote in his lab notebook, “could be achieved by making resistors, capacitors and transistors & diodes on a single slice of silicon.” Then, continuing on for five pages, he showed how to realize these components in practice and how an entire circuit might be assembled from them on a single silicon wafer.
基尔比的创新之处在于，他也用硅来制造所有常见的电路元件。“当时没人会用半导体材料制造这些元件，”他回忆道，“它做电阻器和电容器的效果都不太好，而且半导体材料价格极其昂贵。”
A novel aspect of Kilby’s brainstorm was to fabricate all the ordinary circuit elements from silicon, too. “Nobody would have made these components out of semiconductor material then,” he reminisced. “It didn’t make very good resistors or capacitors, and semiconductor materials were considered incredibly expensive.”
但这样做却实现了整体整合。有可能实现。他希望通过利用半导体行业熟知的批量处理技术（例如金属扩散和气相沉积），在硅晶圆的一侧制作整个电路，从而大幅降低成本。而当时涌现的新型光刻技术有望在硅晶圆上制作出更精细、更复杂的几何图案。与 Centralab 开发的较为笨拙的丝网印刷工艺相比，硅表面工艺更加先进。
But doing so made monolithic integration possible. By fashioning an entire circuit on one side of a silicon wafer, using batch-processing techniques—for instance, diffusion and vapor deposition of metals—that were familiar to the semiconductor industry, he hoped to achieve big cost reductions. And the new photolithographic techniques becoming available at the time promised to allow much finer and more intricate geometric patterns on the silicon surface than the clumsier silkscreen process developed by Centralab.
当大家度假回来时，基尔比已经理清了他的想法。他把想法告诉了新老板威利斯·阿德科克，阿德科克建议他先用分立硅元件制作一个电路来测试他的方法，电路的连接方式要遵循传统——用导线和焊料。基尔比完成了这项初步设计。1958年8月底前进行测试。
By the time everybody returned from vacation, Kilby had ironed out his ideas. He presented them to his new boss, Willis Adcock, who suggested he first test his approach by making a circuit that employed discrete silicon components connected in the customary manner—using wires and solder. Kilby completed this preliminary test by the end of August 1958.
下一个任务是在单片硅片上制作振荡器电路。然而，基尔比在这里遇到了一个小障碍。尽管德州仪器公司率先研发了硅生长结型晶体管，但在转向扩散工艺方面却进展缓慢。因此，当时并没有现成的合适硅样品。于是，他转而使用锗，并获得了几个锗样品。晶圆上已经预先铺设了扩散晶体管层并安装了触点。技术人员为他切割了一根约半英寸长的细条，上面装有一个晶体管。晶体锗的体电阻用作电阻器，而其表面形成的PN结则用作电容器。几根细金线将这些元件连接在一起。
The next task was to make an oscillator circuit on a single piece of silicon. Here, however, Kilby ran into a minor stumbling block. Although it had pioneered the silicon grown-junction transistor, Texas Instruments was slow in switching to diffusion. So there were no appropriate silicon samples readily available. Thus he turned back to germanium, obtaining several wafers with diffused transistor layers and contacts already in place. Technicians cut him a narrow bar nearly half an inch long with a single transistor on it. The bulk resistance of the crystalline germanium served as a resistor, while a P-N junction formed on its surface was used as a capacitor. A few flimsy gold wires linked these components together.
“它看起来很粗糙，而且确实很粗糙，”基尔比说。承认了。但它奏效了！9月12日，在阿德科克、马克·谢泼德和其他几人的注视下，他将10伏电压施加到输入引脚上。示波器屏幕上立刻出现一条波浪状的绿色线条，表明电路的振荡频率超过每秒100万次。这个宏伟的构想终于变成了现实。
“It looked crude, and it was crude,” Kilby admitted. But it worked! On September 12, with Adcock, Mark Shepherd, and a few others looking on, he applied 10 volts to the input leads. A wavy green line immediately undulated across the screen of his oscilloscope, indicating that the circuit was oscillating at more than 1 million times per second. The monolithic idea was finally a reality.
第一块集成电路由杰克·基尔比发明，它由锗制成，并使用金线连接各个元件。
The first integrated circuit, invented by Jack Kilby, was made of germanium and used gold wires to connect its components.
一周后，基尔比展示了一个集成触发器电路，同样采用锗材料制成，并集成了两个晶体管。它的性能也符合他的预期。这两个原型都只是他构思的更为复杂想法的极其粗糙的实现。两个月前，他把这个想法记在了笔记本上。但一项重要技术构想的第一个原型往往很粗糙——第一个晶体管就是个例子。尽管基尔比的两个小装置看起来笨拙，但它们无可辩驳地证明了集成电路确实可以用一片半导体材料制造出来。
A week later Kilby demonstrated an integrated flip-flop circuit, made again of germanium, that incorporated two transistors. It, too, performed as he expected. Both of these prototypes were extremely awkward realizations of the much more sophisticated ideas he had penned into his notebook two months earlier. But the first prototype of an important technological idea is often crude—witness the first transistor. No matter how clumsy, Kilby’s two gizmos proved beyond doubt that integrated circuits could indeed be built from a single slice of semiconductor material.
这是杰克·基尔比的实验室笔记本中的一页，他在其中描述了第一个集成电路的制造和测试过程。
The page from Jack Kilby's lab notebook in which he described the fabrication and testing of the first integrated circuit.
那年秋天，基尔比专注于改进和完善集成电路制造所需的技术。其中尤为重要的工作是改进光刻技术，使其能够在半导体表面定义用作独立电路元件的区域。这项工艺源于印刷技术，使得德州仪器公司的工程师能够在蚀刻掉剩余区域或在其上添加材料（例如气相沉积的金或铝）的同时，遮蔽掉表面的一部分。基尔比回归硅材料，探索在硅中构建电容器和电阻器的新方法。与此同时，其他人开始从零开始设计和构建锗触发器电路。无需依赖手边碰巧有的水晶。
That fall Kilby concentrated on improving and refining the techniques needed to make integrated circuits. Particularly significant were efforts to adapt photolithography to define areas on the semiconductor surface that were to serve as individual circuit elements. Adapted from printing technology, this process permitted Texas Instruments engineers to mask out portions of the surface while etching away the remaining areas or adding material (such as vapor-deposited gold or aluminum) to them. Kilby returned to silicon, finding new ways to build capacitors and resistors into it. Meanwhile, others began to design and build a germanium flip-flop circuit from scratch, without relying on crystals that happened to be on hand.
1959年1月下旬，这些工作即将完成之际，达拉斯传来一个谣言：RCA公司即将为其集成电路申请专利。这个谣言令德州仪器（TI）的律师们惊恐万分。他们匆忙拼凑了一份以基尔比名义提交的专利申请，甚至不惜动辄数过一向行动迟缓、说话轻声细语的律师们。堪萨斯州被卷入了这场风暴之中。
These efforts were nearing completion in late January 1959 when a rumor reached Dallas that RCA was about to file a patent on an integrated circuit of its own. The rumor struck terror into the hearts of TI’s lawyers. They scrambled to patch together a hasty patent application in Kilby’s name, sweeping the usually slow-moving, soft-spoken Kansan up in the resulting whirlwind.
2 月 6 日，仅仅过了九天，德州仪器 (TI) 就向华盛顿专利局提交了一份名为“微型电子电路”的广泛专利申请。“与以往的微型化方法不同，本发明源于一种全新的、完全不同的理念，”声明中写道。“根据这些原则本发明仅使用一种材料制造所有电路元件，并采用有限数量的兼容工艺步骤进行生产，从而实现了电路的极致小型化。
On February 6, a speedy nine days later, TI filed a broad-based application for “Miniaturized Electronic Circuits” at the Patent Office in Washington. “In contrast to the approaches to miniaturization that have been made in the past, the present invention has resulted from a new and totally different concept,” it stated. “In accordance with the principles of the invention, the ultimate in circuit miniaturization is attained using only one material for all circuit elements and a limited number of compatible process steps for the production thereof.”
一个月后，在一年一度的无线电工程师协会展会的新闻发布会上，德州仪器公司正式发布了其革命性的新型“固态电路”。虽然它比铅笔尖大不了多少，但它的触发器却非常强大。该器件的性能与体积大几十倍甚至几百倍的电路一样出色。“我认为这是德州仪器自硅晶体管商业化以来最重要的发展，”谢泼德在发布会上宣称。
A month later, in a press conference at the annual Institute of Radio Engineers show, TI went public with its revolutionary new “Solid Circuit.” Although hardly bigger than a pencil point, its flip-flop unit performed as well as circuits that were tens and even hundreds of times larger. “I consider this to be the most significant development by Texas Instruments,” proclaimed Shepherd at the affair, “since we divulged the commercial availability of the silicon transistor.”
TI的律师们不必担心庞大的 RCA，但他们应该担心的是规模很小的新兴公司 Fairchild。关于另一家公司也曾出现过这种整体式设计理念的传言并非空穴来风。1959年1月下旬，罗伯特·诺伊斯脑海中浮现出另一种构想。当时他正在思考公司正在研发的一项新型硅加工技术的深远影响，突然灵光一闪。
THE TI LAWYERS need not have worried about gargantuan RCA, but they should have been concerned about the tiny upstart Fairchild. For there was a bit of truth to the rumor that the monolithic idea had surfaced at another company. In late January 1959, another vision of the idea appeared to Robert Noyce. The lightbulb flashed on while he was considering the further ramifications of a new silicon-processing technology then under development at his firm.
在东查尔斯顿路844号（距圣路易斯大约一英里）安营扎寨后从肖克利的实验室出发，沿着安东尼奥·路，仙童半导体公司的创始人迅速着手推出产品。诺伊斯担任研发主管，而摩尔则领导生产工程。不到一年后，1958年秋季，仙童半导体公司开始生产扩散基区台面晶体管，并以每只150美元的价格将首批100只卖给了IBM。摩尔负责公司的“发货部门”，杰伊·拉斯特把它们装进了一个空的布里洛纸箱里。到12月，这家初创公司的收入超过了50万美元，并且开始盈利。
After setting up shop at 844 East Charleston Road, about a mile up San Antonio Road from Shockley’s lab, the founders of Fairchild Semiconductor had moved quickly to put out a product. Noyce gravitated into a position as head of research, while Moore led production engineering. Less than a year later, in the fall of 1958, Fairchild began manufacturing diffused-base mesa transistors and sold the first hundred to IBM for $150 apiece. Heading up the firm’s “shipping department,” Jay Last packaged them in an empty Brillo carton. By December the start-up had over $500,000 in revenues and was earning a profit.
贝尔实验室发明的台面晶体管制造技术，是在锗或硅晶片的表面蚀刻出一个微小的平台——称为“台面”。在台面下方扩散一到两层掺杂剂后，技术人员会贴上一层惰性薄膜。他们在表面覆盖一层材料（例如蜡），并用强酸处理，使半导体溶解殆尽，只留下覆盖层正下方的部分。然后，他们将两根细而紧密的导线连接到由此形成的扁平凸起顶部，该凸起微缩地类似于美国西南部干旱地区的多层台地；第三根导线则与底层接触。这就是主要原理。仙童半导体、摩托罗拉、德州仪器和其他当时生产扩散基极晶体管的公司都采用了这种方法。
Invented at Bell Labs, the mesa technique of making transistors involved etching a tiny plateau—called a “mesa”—upon the surface of a germanium or silicon wafer. After diffusing a layer or two of dopants just beneath this surface, technicians applied a patch of inert material (such as wax) upon it and treated the surface with a strong acid, which dissolved the semiconductor away everywhere except right under the patch. They then attached two fine, closely spaced wires to the top of the resulting flat-topped protrusion, which resembled in miniature the multilayered mesas of the arid American Southwest; a third lead contacted the bottom layer. This was the principal approach used by Fairchild, Motorola, Texas Instruments, and other companies then manufacturing diffused-base transistors.
但台面工艺存在一个重大缺陷。灰尘颗粒和其他杂质很容易污染裸露层之间的PN结——就像空气会让刚切好的千层蛋糕变质一样——从而损害所得晶体管的性能或使其失效。性能难以预测。这是一个严重的缺陷，困扰着那些试图提高生产线产量的工程师们。
But the mesa process had a major shortcoming. Dust particles and other impurities could easily contaminate the P-N junction between the exposed strata—just as air turns a freshly cut slice of layer cake stale—damaging the behavior of the resulting transistors or making their performance unpredictable. A serious flaw, this problem plagued the efforts of engineers trying to improve the yields from their production lines.
1958年，当仙童半导体公司开始出货其首批晶体管时，瑞士出生的物理学家让·霍尔尼（也是最初的八位创始人之一）提出了一种“平面”制造工艺，提供了一种巧妙的解决方案。这种工艺无需蚀刻硅片即可制造晶体管。他建议，既然PN结暴露在外，为什么不将它们包裹在二氧化硅（SiO₂）保护层之下呢？这正是卡尔·弗罗施在1955年初于贝尔实验室偶然发现的氧化层，当时他无意中将水蒸气引入了扩散室。仙童半导体公司的八位创始人早在1957年初就了解了这种氧化膜，当时肖克利发表了相关研究成果。 其中一份贝尔实验室的备忘录也与此有关。
As Fairchild began shipping its first transistors in 1958, the Swiss-born physicist Jean Hoerni—another of the original eight—came up with a “planar” manufacturing process that offered an ingenious solution. Instead of etching silicon away to create precariously exposed P-N junctions, he suggested, why not embed them beneath a protective icing of silicon dioxide (SiO2)? This was the same oxide layer that Carl Frosch had stumbled across at Bell Labs in early 1955, when he inadvertently introduced water vapor into his diffusion chamber. The eight men who formed Fairchild had all known about this oxide film since early 1957, when Shockley circulated a Bell Labs memo about it among them.
早期仙童平面晶体管的剖面模型。
Cutaway model of an early Fairchild planar transistor.
“当这一切完成后，我们就得到了覆盖着人类已知最佳绝缘体之一的硅表面，”诺伊斯说道，“这样你就可以在硅表面蚀刻出孔洞，与下方的硅接触。”某些杂质，例如镓，可以直接扩散穿过这一层，而磷和其他掺杂剂则不能。只有硅才能做到这一点。然而，这种方法中使用的是二氧化硅，而不是锗，因为锗无法维持这种氧化层（正如巴丁、布拉坦和吉布尼发现的那样，它很容易被冲走）。诺伊斯说，霍尔尼的方法使仙童公司能够在“二氧化硅茧”内制造晶体管。
“When this was accomplished, we had a silicon surface covered with one of the best insulators known to man,” observed Noyce, “so you could etch holes through to make contact with the underlying silicon.” And certain impurities such as gallium can diffuse right through the layer, while phosphorus and other dopants do not. Only silicon could be used in this approach, however, and not germanium, which cannot maintain such an oxide layer (as Bardeen, Brattain, and Gibney had discovered, it easily washed away). Hoerni’s method allowed Fairchild to make transistors “inside a cocoon of silicon dioxide,” said Noyce.
结合光刻技术，这种技术能够制造出极其精细、微小的图案。这种平面工艺能够制造尺寸远小于千分之一英寸的微细部件，为仙童公司提供了丰富的全新制造可能性。在公司律师的敦促下，诺伊斯开始思考如何利用这项工艺实现更多应用。作为仙童公司的研究主管，这自然成了他关注的重点。他时不时会去摩尔的办公室，和他探讨一些新的想法。他。
Combined with photolithographic techniques, which provided a means to create extremely fine, delicate patterns having tiny features much smaller than one-thousandth of an inch across, the planar process offered Fairchild a wealth of new manufacturing possibilities. At the urging of the company attorney, Noyce began thinking about what else could be done using the process. As Fairchild’s research director, this naturally became his concern. Every so often he came into Moore’s office and bounced a few new ideas off him.
1959年的前几周，诺伊斯开始思考这个问题。杜默和基尔比之前也遇到过这个问题——如何制造单片集成电路。1月23日，“所有的一切都水到渠成了，”他后来回忆道。“在许多应用中，最好是在一块硅片上制造多个器件，”他在笔记本上潦草地写道，“这样才能……”在制造过程中将它们相互连接起来，从而减小尺寸、重量等，并降低每个有源元件的成本。”
During the first weeks of 1959, Noyce began thinking about the problem that had occurred earlier to Dummer and Kilby—how to make a monolithic integrated circuit. On January 23, “All the bits and pieces came together,” he later recalled. “In many applications it would be desirable to make multiple devices on a single piece of silicon,” he scrawled in his notebook, “in order to be able to make interconnections between them as part of the manufacturing process, and thus reduce size, weight, etc. as well as cost per active element.”
基尔比专注于如何用同一块材料制作不同的组件，而诺伊斯则专注于电气连接。他没有使用笨重的电线（这些电线通常比被连接的部件还要粗，而且必须……），而是……手工连接后，他们可以利用光刻技术在批量处理过程中沉积细金属线（例如铝）。在需要与硅接触的位置，可以在二氧化硅层上蚀刻一个微孔，然后在后续步骤中沉积精细的金属触点。在其他位置，细金属线则位于这种玻璃状氧化物薄膜之上，与电活动完全绝缘。就在其下方发生。由此出发，只需稍加想象，就能在同一片晶体切片内制造多个装置，并将它们全部连接成一个微型电路。
Where Kilby had concentrated on how to fashion different components from the same piece of material, Noyce focused on the electrical connections. Instead of using clumsy wires, which were often thicker than the features being connected and had to be attached by hand, they could employ photolithography to deposit fine lines of metal—such as aluminum—during batch processing. At the point where you wanted to contact the silicon, you could etch a tiny hole in the SiO2 layer, then deposit a delicate metal contact during a subsequent step. Elsewhere, the narrow metal lines ran atop this glassy oxide film, completely insulated from electrical activity taking place just beneath it. From there it was a relatively minor leap of the imagination to create multiple devices inside the very same crystalline slice and link them all together in a single miniature circuit.
诺伊斯回忆说，随着扩散和光刻技术的出现，在单个硅晶圆上制造数百个晶体管成为可能。“但后来人们把这些晶圆切割得非常漂亮。 ”“我们把零件拆成小块，让女孩们用镊子把它们找出来，然后接上导线，再把它们重新组装起来，”他回忆道。“之后我们会把它们卖给客户，客户再把这些独立的组件插到印刷电路板上。”而且，所有组件在生产线的两端都必须经过严格的测试。他的新方法将消除这些问题。耗费大量人力和物力。
With the advent of diffusion and photolithography, Noyce recalled, it had become possible to make hundreds of transistors on a single silicon wafer. “But then people cut these beautifully arranged things into little pieces and had girls hunt for them with tweezers in order to put leads on them and wire them all back together again,” he recalled. “Then we would sell them to our customers, who would plug all these separate packages into a printed circuit board.” And all the components had to be painstakingly tested at both ends of the line, too. His new approach would eliminate a tremendous amount of labor and cost.
诺伊斯对他的宏伟构想保持了近一个月的沉默，这令人费解。或许是因为当时仙童半导体公司正忙于推进其平面晶体管的商业化生产，无暇顾及其他。但有传言称，德州仪器即将发布一项重大公告，而人们也不难猜测德州仪器可能会发布什么。即将揭晓。摩尔回忆说，诺伊斯最终召集了一次会议，向同事们阐述了他的构想。
Noyce remained curiously silent about his monolithic idea for nearly a month. Perhaps it was the crush of activity then transpiring at Fairchild, as the firm rushed to get its planar transistor into commercial production. But rumors reached Palo Alto that Texas Instruments was going to make a big announcement, and it wasn’t too hard to guess what TI might be about to reveal. Noyce finally called a meeting, Moore recalls, and disclosed his vision to his colleagues.
那年春天，仙童公司启动了一个项目，旨在制造一些原型“单元电路”，与此同时，诺伊斯与律师一起起草了一份专利申请。他们知道德州仪器公司此前已经提交过一份申请，但并不了解其具体内容，因此撰写了一份非常详细的描述。该公司专注于利用其平面技术制造单片电路。他们向专利局提交了“半导体器件和引线结构”的专利申请。7月30日。本发明要求保护的主要目的是：
That spring Fairchild initiated a project to build a few prototype “unitary circuits,” while Noyce drew up a patent application with the attorney. Knowing that Texas Instruments had already filed a prior application but unaware of its exact contents, they wrote a highly specific description that concentrated on use of the company’s planar techniques in making monolithic circuits. They filed “Semiconductor Device-and-Lead Structure” with the Patent Office on July 30. The principal objects claimed for the invention were
提供改进的器件和引线结构，以便与各个半导体区域进行电气连接；使单元电路结构更加紧凑。并且比以往更容易制造成小尺寸；并且便于将众多半导体器件集成到单个材料体中。
to provide improved device-and-lead structures for making electrical connections to the various semiconductor regions; to make unitary circuit structures more compact and more easily fabricated in small sizes than has heretofore been feasible; and to facilitate the inclusion of numerous semiconductor devices within a single body of material.
这些图纸出自罗伯特·诺伊斯关于集成电路的专利。他采用了让·霍尔尼的平面加工技术，在二氧化硅保护层下方制造了必要的PN结。
Drawings from Robert Noyce's patent on the integrated circuit. He used Jean Hoerni's planar processing technique to make the necessary P-N junctions underneath a protective layer of silicon dioxide.
整体式集成电路的概念几乎同时出现在两个截然不同的地方，这绝非偶然。正如诺伊斯以他特有的谦逊态度所指出的那样，他对集成电路的独特研究方法……这主要在于将当时半导体行业普遍采用的多种技术结合起来，其中许多技术都是贝尔实验室率先开发的。“我毫不怀疑，即使这项发明不是在仙童半导体公司诞生的，它也会在不久的将来出现在其他地方，”他强调说。“这是一个时机成熟的想法，当时的技术已经发展到了……”这是可行的。
The fact that the monolithic idea occurred almost simultaneously in two distinct places was no accident. As Noyce observed with characteristic deference, his particular approach to integrated circuits was mainly a matter of combining techniques that had recently become available to the semiconductor industry in general, many of them pioneered by Bell Labs. “There is no doubt in my mind that if the invention hadn’t arisen at Fairchild, it would have arisen elsewhere in the very near future,” he emphasized. “It was an idea whose time had come, where the technology had developed to the point where it was viable.”
与此同时，在圣安东尼奥路往下走一英里 ，情况却不太乐观。尽管肖克利的公司（在1958年的重组后更名为肖克利晶体管公司）每天可以生产数百个四层二极管，但这些二极管的性能差异很大。虽然一些谨慎的客户开始尝试使用这些二极管，但还没有公司进行过任何大规模采购。 到 1958 年夏天，贝克曼已向他的半导体部门投入了超过 100 万美元，但该部门仍然亏损严重。
A MILE DOWN San Antonio Road, meanwhile, things were not going well. Although Shockley’s company, renamed the Shockley Transistor Corporation in a 1958 reorganization, could manufacture hundreds of four-layer diodes a day, they suffered from wide variations in behavior. While several wary customers were beginning to experiment with them, no company had yet made any major purchases. Beckman had poured over $1 million into his semiconductor division by the summer of 1958, but it still swam in red ink.
尽管肖克利二极管的设计非常巧妙，但要制造出均匀可靠且性能稳定的产品却十分困难。从某种意义上说，它是第一个集成电路，因为它实现了由两个晶体管、两个电阻和一个二极管组成的电路的开关功能。以及错综复杂的连接线——所有这些都集成在一块只有两个电极的硅片上。但贝尔实验室的一位工程师指出，要制造出实际应用的这种器件，需要“精确控制半导体已知的几乎所有体相和表面特性”：
Although this Shockley Diode was a brilliant conception, it was difficult to manufacture with uniformity and reliability. In one way it was the first integrated circuit, for it accomplished the switching function of a circuit made up of two transistors, two resistors, a diode, and a web of connecting wires—and all this in a single silicon shard with only two electrical leads. But to manufacture it for actual use required “precise control of almost every bulk and surface property known to semiconductors,” noted a Bell Labs engineer:
也就是说，必须精确控制整个块状材料中杂质的密度、各层的宽度，材料内部缺陷的密度会影响少数载流子的寿命。因此，不仅需要控制这些缺陷的密度，还需要控制缺陷的类型……在表面，必须控制并添加杂质，使表面态的密度和类型保持在合理的范围内。表面处理必须非常谨慎。经过清洁和氧化处理，使设备在长时间内保持电气稳定性。
That is, it is necessary to control accurately the density of impurities throughout the bulk material, the width of the various layers, and the density of imperfections in the bulk material, which in turn controls the lifetime of minority carriers. It is necessary to control not only the density of these imperfections but also the type of imperfections. . . . On the surface, one must control and add impurities in such a manner that the density and type of surface states are within reasonably narrow limits. The surface must be carefully cleaned and oxidized so that the device will be electrically stable over long periods of time.
特别是，肖克利二极管量产时存在“击穿电压”（即这些器件从“关闭”状态瞬间变为“开启”状态的电压）波动较大的问题。肖克利公司在夏季将样品送至贝尔实验室时，这被列为该器件的主要缺陷之一。1958年，贝尔公司希望AT&T能够大量采购这些二极管，用于当时正在开发的电子交换系统。然而，贝尔公司在电话系统的设计上极其保守，无法容忍其核心部件出现如此怪异的情况。
In particular, the Shockley Diodes rolling out of production suffered from large variations in what was called the “breakdown voltage”—the point at which these gadgets lurched from “off” to “on.” This was cited as one of their principal shortcomings when Shockley sent samples to Bell Labs in the summer of 1958, hoping AT&T would choose to purchase huge lots of these diodes for use in the electronic switching systems then under development. Extremely conservative in its engineering of the telephone system, however, Bell could not tolerate such quirkiness in its core components.
制造肖克利二极管的一大难点在于必须将杂质扩散到二极管内部。你需要对一张薄如纸片的硅片的两面都进行加工。这意味着你不能将这种易碎的半导体材料支撑在更坚固、更厚的衬底上，然后只加工其顶面。你必须对硅片的两面都进行精细的抛光，使两个表面完全平行，并将任何残留的瑕疵都降到最低。就像一张高品质、高光泽的纸张一样，它必须……极其光滑且厚度均匀。否则，掺杂杂质会渗入不规则、不可预测的区域。深度不同，导致行为差异很大。
One of the great difficulties in manufacturing the Shockley Diode was the fact that impurities had to be diffused into both sides of a paper-thin silicon slice. That meant you could not support the brittle semiconductor on a firmer, thicker substrate and work only from the top surface. And you had to polish the silicon exactingly on both sides so that the two surfaces were precisely parallel to each other and any remaining irregularities were minimal. Like a sheet of high-quality, high-gloss paper, it had to be extremely smooth and uniformly thin. Otherwise the dopant impurities would penetrate to irregular, unpredictable depths, leading to wide variations in behavior.
意识到这些困难，诺伊斯、摩尔和其他持不同意见者拒绝了这个项目，坚持先制造晶体管，以便在尝试四层结构之前积累实际产品生产经验。二极管。由于只涉及三层结构，所需的双扩散可以在较厚晶圆的单面上完成。肖克利拒绝合作后，八位持不同意见者很快就用实际行动证明了他们的观点。不到一年，仙童公司就利用他们在奎塞特小屋里学习或开发的技术，制造出了硅台面晶体管。
Recognizing these difficulties, Noyce, Moore, and the other dissidents had rejected this project and insisted upon manufacturing transistors at first, to gain experience actually putting out a product before attempting the four-layer diode. Because there were only three layers involved, the necessary double diffusion could be done on a single side of a thicker wafer. After Shockley refused to go along, the eight dissidents quickly proved their point on their own. Within a year Fairchild was manufacturing silicon mesa transistors using techniques they had learned or developed mainly at the Quonset hut.
但肖克利做不到他被深深吸引。他对四层二极管的痴迷近乎非理性。这源于二十多年前，凯利在他贝尔实验室的第一年就向他灌输的一个想法。“这种二极管可以用来放大数字信号，”他在1958年布鲁塞尔世界博览会上对全神贯注的听众说道，“而且由于它们是两端二极管而不是三端二极管……”对于这类设备而言，它们的制造成本可能很低，而且也可能是实现超高频的合理途径。”
But Shockley could not be swayed. His fascination with the four-layer diode bordered on the irrational. It was the realization of an idea that had been implanted in his brain by Kelly more than two decades earlier—during his first year at Bell Labs. “Such diodes can be made to amplify digital signals,” he told rapt listeners at the 1958 Brussels World’s Fair, “and since they are two-terminal rather than three-terminal devices, they may prove economical to manufacture and may also be the logical approach to very high frequencies.”
在肖克利为他陷入困境的公司招募的几名新员工的帮助下，核心忠诚的追随者们又坚持了一年，努力克服这些困难。获得诺贝尔奖后，他名扬世界，很容易就吸引了众多才华横溢的科学家和工程师。他们取得了一些进展，但是……根本问题依然存在。生产线上生产的肖克利二极管性能太不稳定。
With the aid of several new employees that Shockley recruited for his struggling firm, the core of loyalists attacked these difficulties for another year. World-famous after the Nobel prize, he easily attracted talented scientists and engineers. They made a little progress, but the fundamental problem remained. The Shockley Diodes that came off the production line were too unpredictable.
在肖克利晶体管公司，一个规模较小的团队致力于研究他另一个心头好：场效应晶体管，这个构想始于1945年。多年来，这主要只是富有远见的固态物理学家们的一个设想。但肖克利认为，新型硅和扩散晶体管技术有望实现这一目标。技术或许能将其转化为实用设备。然而，这些努力也收效甚微。
A smaller group at Shockley Transistor Corporation worked on another of his pet ideas: the field-effect transistor that he had conceived in 1945. For years this had remained mostly a gleam in the eyes of farsighted solid-state physicists. But Shockley thought the new silicon and diffusion technologies might help turn it into a practical device. Those efforts, too, met with little success.
“公司毫无起色，”和蔼可亲的化学家哈里·塞洛回忆道。他在八人离职前几个月加入了公司，并在他们离职后继续留了下来。“我们一遍又一遍地重复着同样的事情。”更糟糕的是，肖克利根本不听取员工的任何建议，就像费尔柴尔德公司一样，他们应该尝试制造一种更简单的器件。他开始把四层二极管项目屡次失败的责任归咎于他们。“他始终不相信这种器件无法制造出来，”塞洛说，“他觉得只是没有找到合适的人来做这件事。”
“It wasn’t going anywhere,” recalled Harry Sello, an affable chemist who joined the company a few months before the eight left and who remained afterward. “We were doing the same stuff over and over again.” Worse yet, Shockley would not listen to any suggestions from his staff that, like Fairchild, they should try to produce a simpler device. He began to blame them for the continuing failures of the four-layer diode effort. “He was never convinced that it couldn’t be made,” said Sello. “He felt that he just didn’t have the right people doing it.”
到1958年底，塞洛和一位沉默寡言的中国物理学家萨志堂（人人都叫他“汤姆”）已经忍无可忍了。他们告诉肖克利，他们打算辞职，并开始寻找其他雇主。在前往波士顿参加几家电子公司面试的途中，塞洛与拉斯特共进晚餐。在杜尔金公园——一家以99美分特价菜和身材丰满、手腕粗壮、说话尖刻的女服务员而闻名的历史悠久的餐厅。拉斯特当时正在麻省理工学院（他的母校）招募人才。“你他妈在这儿瞎晃悠什么？”他喊道。他顶着嘈杂的声音，用拳头猛击长长的硬木桌子，以示强调：“我们费尔柴尔德公司需要你。我们有很多空缺职位，而且公司还在不断发展壮大。快来加入我们吧！你会玩得很开心的！”
By the end of 1958, Sello and Chih-Tang Sah, a reticent Chinese physicist whom everyone called “Tom,” had had enough. They told Shockley that they intended to resign and began looking around for other employers. On a trip to Boston for a round of interviews at electronics firms, Sello had dinner with Last at Durgin Park—a historic restaurant renowned for its 99-cent specials and its hefty, thickwristed, saltytongued waitresses. Last was in town recruiting at MIT, his alma mater. “What the hell are you doing mucking around?” he exclaimed over the din, pounding his fist on the long hardwood table for added emphasis. “We want you at Fairchild. We’ve got lots of vacancies and it’s growing. Come on down the street and come to work with us. You’re going to have fun!”
事实上，仙童半导体公司刚刚经历了一场重大的内部动荡，其总经理和预生产主管——并非最初八位高管中的两位——叛逃了。他和另外七个人一起，在几个街区外成立了另一家半导体公司，带走了专有信息（甚至还有一些工艺手册）。因此，仙童半导体公司确实有几个关键职位空缺需要填补。塞洛回到奎恩塞特小屋，把和拉斯特的谈话告诉萨赫后，他们决定一起放弃肖克利公司，沿着圣安东尼奥路与老朋友们会合。“我进来了。”“我一进门就被任命为预生产工程主管，”塞洛回忆道，他于 1959 年 4 月加入 Fairchild 公司。“而我甚至还没填过申请表呢！”
Actually, Fairchild Semiconductor had just suffered a major rebellion of its own, as its general manager and the head of preproduction—not members of the original eight—defected with seven others to form another semiconductor company just a few blocks away, taking proprietary information (and even a few process manuals) with them. So Fairchild indeed had several key openings to fill. After Sello returned to the Quonset hut and told Sah about his conversation with Last, they agreed to abandon Shockley together and rejoin their old friends up San Antonio Road. “I came in the door and immediately was given my job as head of preproduction engineering,” recalled Sello, who joined Fairchild in the April 1959. “And I hadn’t even filled out an application!”
贝克曼眼睁睁地看着自己花费一百多万美元建立起来的智力资本不断流失，必然感到担忧。而费尔柴尔德公司当时已经赚得盆满钵满，与此同时……肖克利晶体管公司仍在持续亏损，他不可能对此视而不见。显然，他的半导体部门是贝克曼仪器公司多年来首次出现运营亏损的主要原因之一。
Beckman had to be concerned as he watched the continuing exodus of all the intellectual capital he had spent over a million dollars to build up. And the fact that Fairchild was already grossing millions while the Shockley Transistor Corportion was still hemorrhaging cash could not have been lost on him. His semiconductor division was obviously a major part of the reason that, for the first time in years, Beckman Instruments had experienced an operating deficit.
贝克曼的律师路易斯·杜里亚当然很担心。1957年贝克曼离职后不到一个月，他就给肖克利的律师事务所写了一份备忘录。经理莫里斯·哈纳芬。杜里亚在信中建议他：“我们必须非常仔细地观察加入费尔柴尔德的团队的活动，以确定他们是否真的在使用我们为他们工作时构思的理念或流程。”
Beckman’s attorney, Lewis Duryea, certainly was worried. Hardly a month after the 1957 departures, he had written a memo to Shockley’s business manager, Maurice Hanafin. In it Duryea advised him: “It is important that we observe very carefully the activities of the group that has joined Fairchild in order to determine if they are actually employing ideas or processes conceived for us while they were employed by us.”
在另一份写于1959年5月的备忘录中，杜里亚证实了他最糟糕的预感。在采访了费尔柴尔德的埃德·鲍德温之后，这位离开公司创办另一家公司的总经理坚信，肖克利的专有信息对仙童公司开发其第一条晶体管产品线至关重要。“这群人承认，他们在肖克利工作期间曾以‘盗版’的方式研究过这些东西，”杜里亚声称鲍德温告诉他。鲍德温还怀疑这八个人保留了他们在肖克利实验室的实验记录本副本。如有疑问，可在家中咨询。杜里亚的备忘录最后写道：“除费尔柴尔德和肖克利之外的所有制造商都使用不同的扩散方式，这表明费尔柴尔德采用的特定工艺是从我们这里获得的。”
In another memorandum, written in May 1959, Duryea confirmed his worst fears. After interviewing Ed Baldwin, the Fairchild general manager who left to start another firm, he was convinced that Shockley’s proprietary information had been crucial to Fairchild in developing its first line of transistors. “The group acknowledged that they had worked on these items on a ‘bootleg’ basis while at Shockley,” Duryea claimed Baldwin told him. And Baldwin also suspected that the eight kept copies of their Shockley lab notebooks at home to consult when questions arose. Duryea’s memo ended with the statement: “All manufacturers except Fairchild and Shockley use a different way of diffusion, indicating that the particular process employed by Fairchild was acquired from us.”
当被问及费尔柴尔德是否从肖克利那里窃取了专有工艺时，摩尔回答说： “我们当时运用的是关于扩散等方面的通用知识。”他还补充道：“我们当然从这次经历中受益匪浅。”无论如何，贝克曼从未对费尔柴尔德提起诉讼（尽管费尔柴尔德曾起诉鲍德温，指控其盗走工艺手册，并最终胜诉）。
“We were using general knowledge about diffusion and the like,” replied Moore when asked whether Fairchild lifted proprietary processes from Shockley, adding, “We certainly benefitted from the experience.” Whatever was the case, Beckman never took legal action against Fairchild (although Fairchild brought—and won—a suit against Baldwin for absconding with its process manuals).
相反，贝克曼悄悄地开始谈判出售他在加州的半导体部门。他一向彬彬有礼，最终也意识到，尽管他才华横溢，肖克利无法经营一家盈利的企业，这意味着他无法生产满足合法付费客户实际需求的产品。相反，他经营着一家技术研究所，专门从事他个人的研发项目，而这些项目大多几乎没有盈利的希望。在这个过程中，他培养了许多未来加州新兴半导体行业的领导者。谁又懂得如何盈利呢？
Instead, Beckman quietly began negotiations to sell off his California semiconductor division. Always the gentleman, he had finally recognized that, despite his brilliance, Shockley could not operate a profitable business, which meant making products that met the actual needs of legitimate, paying customers. Instead, he was running a technical institute that worked only on his personal R&D projects, most of which had little hope of ever generating a profit. In the process he was training many of the future leaders of the emerging California semiconductor industry, who did know how to make a profit.
肖克利最终也承认，他很难与他从美国公司和大学聘请的博士科学家和工程师们相处。但他采取的应对措施是前往慕尼黑，在那里招募了一批全新的高级员工。“德国博士和他们的论文导师之间存在着一种主奴关系，”他观察到。吉姆·吉本斯是肖克利的顾问，后来成为斯坦福大学工程学院院长。“这正是肖克利所需要的。”
For his own part, Shockley finally began to admit that he had difficulty interacting with the Ph.D. scientists and engineers he had been hiring from U.S. companies and universities. But his reaction was to visit Munich and recruit a whole new crop of senior employees there. “German Ph.D.’s have a master-slave relationship with their thesis professor,” observed Jim Gibbons, a consultant to Shockley who eventually became Stanford’s dean of engineering. “That’s what Shockley needed.”
1960年4月，位于马萨诸塞州沃尔瑟姆的克莱维特晶体管公司宣布收购肖克利晶体管公司，但未透露收购金额。克莱维特公司总裁表示：“肖克利公司在剩余九个月的亏损将达到约40万美元。这应该……”不应将其视为真正的损失，因为肖克利主要从事研发工作。”
In April 1960 Clevite Transistor company of Waltham, Massachusetts, reported the purchase of Shockley Transistor Corporation for an undisclosed sum. “Losses from Shockley in the remaining nine months will amount to about $400,000,” remarked Clevite’s president. “This should not be considered a real loss because Shockley is primarily in research and development.”
单片式 设计理念也在贝尔实验室萌芽，但并未深入发展。当时贝尔实验室更注重“功能器件”，即巧妙地利用一小片硅片实现更复杂电路的功能，从而消除所有互连。从某种意义上说，四层结构 二极管是一种功能器件——尽管贝尔实验室的研究人员最初并未这样认为。莫顿不畏惧数字的束缚，敦促他的科学家和工程师们接受这种理念，这种理念与美国空军的分子电子学方法高度契合。
THE MONOLITHIC IDEA also put down roots at Bell Labs, but they did not extend very deep. The emphasis there was more on “functional devices,” which ingeniously accomplished the functions of more complex circuits using a single sliver of silicon and eliminating all the interconnections. In a way the four-layer diode was a kind of functional device—although Bell researchers did not think of it as such. Daunted by the tyranny of numbers, Morton prodded his scientists and engineers to adopt this philosophy, which had a strong affinity with the Air Force’s Molecular Electronics approach.
伊恩·罗斯指出： “我们知道，利用我们开发的半导体技术，我们可以制造出更复杂的设备。”一位英国工程师，在20世纪50年代中期领导贝尔实验室的一个团队研究四层二极管。但这并非问题所在。真正的问题在于预期的低良率和低可靠性。对于复杂的电路而言，即使硅晶圆上印刷的单个元件的良率达到90%，这种观点也认为，包含多个元件的电路的总良率也只有0.9乘以自身。很多次，但次数并不多。莫顿和其他人认为，保持高良率和高可靠性的关键在于找到巧妙的方法，尽可能减少元件和互连的数量。
“We knew we could make much more complex devices with the semiconductor technology we had developed,” noted Ian Ross, a British engineer who headed a group at Bell Labs working on the four-layer diode in the mid-1950s. That was not the problem. Instead, it was the anticipated poor yields and reliability of complex circuits. Even if a single component printed on a silicon wafer had a yield of say 90 percent, went this argument, a circuit with many components would have a total yield of 0.9 multiplied by itself many times, which was a small number. The way to keep the yield and reliability high, Morton and others thought, was to find clever ways to eliminate as many components and interconnections as possible.
这听起来像是个不错的论点，但事实证明是错误的。集成电路的制造本身就存在“瑕疵”，硅晶圆的某些区域缺陷较多，而另一些区域则没有。几乎完全免费。在条件较好的地区，单个元件的良率可能达到 99.99%。即使乘以自身很多倍，集成电路的良率仍然完全可以接受。德州仪器和仙童半导体无视这些数字的限制，径直投入生产，而贝尔实验室则继续致力于研发功能性器件。“我们当时找错了方向，”贝尔实验室承认道。罗斯后来成为了公司总裁。
It sounded like a good argument, but it proved to be wrong. The manufacture of integrated circuits was inherently “patchy,” with certain areas of the silicon wafer loaded with defects and others almost completely free. In a good region the yield of individual components might be 99.99 percent. Multiplied by itself many times, that still gave a perfectly acceptable yield of integrated circuits. Texas Instruments and Fairchild ignored the tyranny of numbers and barged ahead into production, while Bell Labs continued to pursue functional devices. “We were barking up the wrong tree,” admitted Ross, who eventually became president of the company.
但贝尔实验室在另一个领域——场效应晶体管——取得了重要突破，这对集成电路至关重要。十多年来，制造这种晶体管的成功一直受到巴丁表面态的困扰。无论是由于未填充的“悬空”化学键，还是由于污染的原子和离子，“栅栏”效应都会导致晶体管无法成功制造。半导体表面会形成电子或空穴构成的“栅栏”，阻碍电场的穿透。布拉坦在20世纪50年代持续研究这个问题，1953年与巴丁合著了一篇论文，两年后又与另一位合著者发表了第二篇论文。控制这些表面态是一个棘手的问题，耗时数年才得以解决。
But Bell Labs made an important breakthrough in yet another area—the field-effect transistor—that would prove crucial to integrated circuits. For over a decade, success in fabricating such a transistor had been dogged by Bardeen’s surface states. Whether because of unfilled, “dangling” chemical bonds or contaminating atoms and ions, a “picket fence” of electrons or holes formed at the semiconductor surface, barring the penetration of electric fields. Brattain continued to investigate this problem well into the 1950s, writing a paper with Bardeen on the topic in 1953 and a second paper two years later with another co-author. Getting control of these surface states was a knotty problem that took years to resolve.
解决方案难题源于硅表面在水蒸气存在下加热时形成的玻璃状氧化层。1958年，由MM（“John”）Atalla领导的研究小组发现，通过仔细清洁表面并涂覆一层非常纯净的氧化层，可以显著减少硅-氧化物界面处的表面态。硅与氧的键合消除了大部分悬空键。纯净的氧化层阻挡了大部分有害原子和离子。现在，表面态被有效中和，外部电场终于可以穿透硅并影响其导电性。
The solution to the conundrum came from the glassy oxide layer that formed on a silicon surface when heated in the presence of steam. In 1958 a group headed by M. M. (“John”) Atalla found that, by carefully cleaning the surface and applying a very pure oxide layer, it could drastically reduce the surface states at the silicon-oxide interface. The bonding of silicon with oxygen eliminated most of the dangling bonds, and the pure oxide layer kept most of the undesirable atoms and ions away. Now, with the surface states effectively neutralized, an external electric field could finally penetrate into the silicon and affect its conductivity.
具有讽刺意味的是，如果巴丁和布拉坦在1947年12月中旬研究的是硅而不是锗，他们或许就能偶然发现一种成功的场效应晶体管。他们没有采用他们发明的点接触式器件。因为吉布尼通过阳极氧化锗表面制备的薄氧化层被冲走了！如果用硅的话，它就会保持坚硬牢固。而且他们或许——仅仅是或许——能够获得足够强的场效应。第二天，他们尝试通过这一层施加电场。
Ironically, had Bardeen and Brattain been working with silicon instead of germanium in mid-December 1947, they could have stumbled across a successful field-effect transistor instead of the point-contact device they invented. For the thin oxide layer Gibney produced for them by anodizing the germanium surface washed off! With silicon it would have remained hard and fast. And they might—just might—have obtained a strong enough field effect when they attempted to apply an electric field through this layer the next day.
“我们本来可以拥有场效应晶体管的，”巴丁说道。当被问及如果氧化层没有被冲刷掉会发生什么时，他们进行了推测。结果，他们直接接触了锗，发现他们在锗内部制造了孔洞，历史从此走向了完全不同的方向。
“We’d have had a field-effect transistor,” Bardeen speculated, when asked what would have happened if the oxide layer hadn’t washed away. Instead, they contacted the germanium directly and discovered they were creating holes within it, and history took a complete different turn.
在控制了表面态之后，阿塔拉和他的同事于1960年制造出了一个实用的场效应晶体管。它有一个很小的铝板，称为“栅极”，沉积在……在氧化物表面。通过向该栅极施加电压，他们可以在其正下方建立电场，从而影响流经硅中反型层沟道的横向电流。这就是第一个金属-氧化物-硅（MOS）晶体管——如今已成为集成电路和微芯片主流的晶体管类型。经过漫长的研发和诞生，经过三十多年的发展，在利连菲尔德、肖克利、巴丁·布拉坦、罗斯、阿塔拉等人的努力下，场效应晶体管终于走向成熟。
With the surface states under control, Atalla and a colleague fabricated a practical field-effect transistor in 1960. It had a tiny aluminum plate, called a “gate,” deposited on the oxide surface. By applying voltage to this gate, they could set up an electric field immediately beneath it and thereby influence the current that flowed laterally through an inversion-layer channel in the silicon. This was the first metal-oxide-silicon, or “MOS,” transistor—the kind that has come to dominate integrated circuits and microchips. After an arduous gestation, birth, and adolescence lasting over three decades and involving Lilienfeld, Shockley, Bardeen Brattain, Ross, Atalla, and others, the field-effect transistor had finally come of age.
1961年4月25日，美国专利局授予了第一项集成电路专利，但专利上的名字是诺伊斯，而不是基尔比。或许是因为这项专利的适用范围非常狭窄，使得审查员更容易进行核查。就其各项权利要求而言，费尔柴尔德的申请以闪电般的速度通过了审批流程。基尔比第二天就接到了德州仪器聘请的华盛顿律师的电话，得知了这一消息。律师告诉他，他自己的申请仍在缓慢推进，因为审查员提出了一系列琐碎的异议，需要逐一解决。一旦这些问题得到解决，费尔柴尔德的申请就顺利通过了。如果问题得到解决，他们可以对诺伊斯专利提出上诉。
ON APRIL 25, 1961, the U.S. Patent Office awarded the first patent for an integrated circuit, but it had Noyce’s name on it, not Kilby’s. Perhaps because it was so narrowly focused, making it easier for an examiner to check out its claims, Fairchild’s application had raced through the approval process at lightning speed. Kilby learned about it the next day in a phone call from the Washington lawyer whom Texas Instruments had retained to represent them. His own application was still plodding along, the attorney told him, as its examiner had raised a bunch of petty objections that had to be addressed. Once those were resolved, they could appeal the Noyce patent.
这是仙童公司生产的首批平面集成电路之一。
One of the first planar integrated circuits produced by Fairchild.
然而，就在两家公司的律师摩拳擦掌准备开战之际，他们的工程师们却争分夺秒地将产品推向市场。如今，在接替离职的鲍德温担任总经理的诺伊斯的领导下，仙童公司再次赢得了这场竞争，但优势微弱。作为项目经理，拉斯特解决了硅晶圆掩模这一棘手难题。在多次连续的光刻步骤中，确保每次掩模都精确对准。1961年3月，仙童公司推出了一系列六款兼容的微逻辑元件，并开始以每块120美元的价格出售给美国国家航空航天局（NASA）和商业设备制造商。到夏季，这家位于帕洛阿尔托的公司每周能生产数百块这样的集成电路，而且单价也下降了。单价低于 100 美元，批量超过一千件。
While attorneys for both companies sharpened their sabers, however, their engineers rushed to bring products to market. Now led by Noyce, who had replaced the departed Baldwin as general manager, Fairchild won this race, too, but only by a nose. As project manager, Last solved the knotty problem of how to mask the silicon wafer for several successive photolithography steps, making sure that each time the masks were precisely aligned. In March 1961 Fairchild introduced a series of six compatible Micrologic Elements and began selling them to NASA and commercial equipment makers for $120 each. By summer the Palo Alto company was manufacturing hundreds of these integrated circuits a week, and their unit price had dropped below $100 in lots of more than a thousand.
20 世纪 60 年代早期 Fairchild 公司生产的 Micrologic 系列集成电路。
The Micrologic series of integrated circuits manufactured by Fairchild in the early 1960s.
德州仪器公司此前一直为军队手工生产单个电路，直到10月份才推出其全系列的51系列固态电路——但这次的宣传力度更大，销量也更好。价格更低。采用单颗晶粒大小的硅芯片制造。这些集成电路封装在米粒大小的盒子里，每个芯片都相当于二十几个晶体管、二极管、电阻器和电容器。每侧伸出五根闪亮的引脚，像细长的腿，这些电路看起来就像微型毛毛虫。
Texas Instruments, which had been producing individual circuits by hand for the armed forces, waited until October to bring out a comprehensive array of its Series 51 Solid Circuits—but it did so with a bigger splash and sold them at lower prices. Fabricated on a single silicon chip the size of a grain of rice, each integrated circuit packed inside it the equivalent of two dozen transistors, diodes, resistors, and capacitors. With five shiny leads protruding like spindly legs from each side, these circuits resembled miniature caterpillars.
当月，德州仪器还展示了一款由587个固态电路组成的小型固态计算机，这是该公司根据空军合同开发的。它的重量仅为……它只有10盎司，也就是280克，比沙丁鱼罐头大不了多少。但它却拥有传统计算机的运算能力，而传统计算机基于焊接在印刷电路板上的固态元件，体积是它的150倍，重量几乎是它的50倍。短短十五年间，电子计算机就从堆满房间、笨重且耗电的真空管缩小到了一个手持式的小盒子。精密制造的硅晶体。
That month TI also showed off a midget solid-state computer made of 587 Solid Circuits, which it had developed under an Air Force contract. Weighing a mere 10 ounces, or 280 grams, it was hardly bigger than a sardine can. But it boasted the number-crunching power of a conventional computer, based upon solid-state components soldered into printed-circuit boards, that was 150 times as large and almost 50 times heavier. In just a decade and a half, electronic computers had shrunk from roomfuls of bulky, power-hungry vacuum tubes to a handheld box of intricately fabricated silicon crystals.
那年五月，约翰·F·肯尼迪总统宣布美国应力争在本十年末将人类送上月球，此举几乎在一夜之间为集成电路创造了一个至关重要的市场。由于美国宇航局的工程师们对航天器上的每一克材料都格外关注，这些微小的芯片在机载计算机、通信等领域的需求量巨大。以及载人航天飞行所需的许多其他电子电路。
That May President John F. Kennedy had created literally overnight a crucial market for the integrated circuit when he announced that the United States should aim to put a man on the moon by the end of the decade. With NASA engineers watching every gram put aboard their spacecraft, these tiny monoliths were in big demand for onboard computers, communications, and the many other electronic circuits required for manned spaceflight.
老牌电子公司纷纷拼命追赶仙童半导体和德州仪器，其中包括摩托罗拉和西屋电气。这使得通用电气和Transitron公司获得了价值数百万美元的军方合同，用于开发空军仍然称之为分子电子或“分子电子”电路的技术。预计将于次年开始生产。1961 年年中，泰莱公司从仙童公司挖走了拉斯特、霍尼和罗伯茨，成立了专门生产集成电路的子公司 Amelco。
Established electronics companies scrambled desperately to catch up with Fairchild and Texas Instruments. They included Motorola and Westinghouse, which garnered military contracts worth millions to develop what the Air Force still liked to call molecular-electronic or “molectronic” circuits. General Electric and Transitron expected to begin production the following year. And Teledyne lured Last, Hoerni, and Roberts away from Fairchild in mid-1961 to start Amelco, a subsidiary devoted to making integrated circuits.
尽管人们仍然担心制造这些电路（而不是将元件网络连接在一起）所涉及的妥协，但这种担忧正像炎热烈日下的晨露一样迅速消散。《商业周刊》指出：“电子行业即将发生的革命，甚至会让关键晶体管的非凡历史看起来像是一场初步冲突的报告。”
Although concern remained about the compromises involved in making these circuits, instead of wiring together networks of components, it was quickly evaporating like the morning dew in a hot, blazing sun. “The impending revolution in the electronics industry,” noted Business Week, “could make even the remarkable history of the key transistor look like the report of a preliminary skirmish.”
20世纪60年代初 ，新兴的半导体行业正经历着爆发式增长，其发展速度往往超出最乐观的预测。晶体管、二极管、整流器等元件的销售额翻了一番。几乎每年都是如此。1961年，由于一场残酷的价格战和军购大幅下降，这一数字曾短暂停滞，但之后便迅速突破了十亿美元大关。这股强劲的势头……火灾的导火索是商业和学术界对更新、更大的数字计算机的激增需求，而这些计算机都不再使用真空管了。
AS THE 1960S began, the young semiconductor industry was expanding convulsively, often outdistancing the most optimistic predictions. Its sales of components—transistors, diodes, rectifiers—were doubling almost every year. After a short pause in 1961 due to a vicious price war and a big drop in military procurements, they sped past the billion-dollar mark. Fueling this raging fire was the surging demand in business and academia for ever newer and larger digital computers, none of which employed vacuum tubes any more.
我毫不怀疑，电子产品很快就会成为……“这主要归功于固态器件，半导体行业已成为美国最大的产业，”莫顿在《商业周刊》半导体特刊的头条文章中如此宣称。该杂志的封面刊登了各种晶体管、整流器和其他固态器件，并宣称半导体行业是“全球增长最快的大型企业”。杂志略带夸张地宣称……半导体器件“使得设计和制造具有人脑逻辑能力的计算机成为可能”。
“There’s not a shred of doubt in my mind that electronics will soon be the largest industry in the U.S., thanks largely to solid-state devices,” proclaimed Morton in the lead article of a special Business Week issue on semiconductors. This industry was “the fastest growing big business in the world” announced the magazine on its cover, littered with an assortment of transistors, rectifiers and other solid-state gadgets. Using a bit of hyperbole, the magazine claimed that semiconductor devices “make it possible to design and build computers with the logical capacity of the human brain.”
随着集成电路的兴起，这场风波有可能朝着一个全新的方向发展，吞噬价值100亿美元的庞大电子产业的又一部分。因为这些硅基“小矮人”有望颠覆现有的行业关系。过去，器件制造商尽可能以最低成本生产最好的元器件，而将电路的设计和组装交给其他部门或公司。但随着一体化理念的逐步实现，这些职能越来越集中在同一屋檐下——或者至少在同一家公司内。像仙童半导体和德州仪器这样更年轻、更灵活的新兴公司，尚未被这种僵化的模式所束缚。他们回归了更古老的传统模式，并在十年末成为另一个价值数十亿美元的行业的领导者。
With the rise of the integrated circuit, this conflagration threatened to race off in a radically new direction, consuming yet another portion of the huge $10 billion electronics industry. For these silicon midgets promised to short-circuit established industry relationships, wherein device manufacturers made the best components as cheaply as they could and left the design and assembly of circuits to other divisions or companies. But as the monolithic idea became flesh, these functions were concentrated more and more under one roof—or at least in the same firm. Younger and nimbler upstarts such as Fairchild Semiconductor and Texas Instruments, which had not fossilized into the older, traditional patterns, became the leaders of what was another billion-dollar industry by decade’s end.
这些“智能晶体”的确是一项全新且革命性的进步。它们将物质的三种电子状态——导体、绝缘体和半导体——结合在一个微型电路中，而这个电路就位于一小片硅片上。它们是理论的终极实践体现。费利克斯·布洛赫、艾伦·威尔逊、约翰·巴丁和威廉·肖克利的洞见，经由数百位追随他们脚步的科学家不断筛选和扩展。许多关键突破都出自贝尔实验室，该实验室开发了大量技术，以至于工程师们在探索将日益复杂精密的电路塞进脆弱芯片的新方法时，早已习以为常。硅。
These “intelligent crystals” were indeed a new and revolutionary advance. They combined the three electronic states of matter—conductor, insulator, and semiconductor—into one miniature circuit on a single sliver of silicon. They are the ultimate practical expression of the theoretical insights of Felix Bloch, Alan Wilson, John Bardeen, and William Shockley, filtered and amplified by hundreds of scientists who followed in their footsteps. Many of the key breakthroughs had come at Bell Labs, which developed so much of the technology that engineers took for granted as they pursued new and different ways to cram ever more complex and intricate circuitry into brittle chips of silicon.
那些掌握了难度更高的硅和扩散技术的美国公司——其中许多位于阳光地带的加利福尼亚州、德克萨斯州和亚利桑那州——随着时间的推移，发现自己处于有利地位。因为如果你想制造集成电路，这些技术是必不可少的。而另一些公司则谨慎地坚持使用锗和合金结，其中包括几家公司。总部设在冰天雪地的东北地区的电子行业巨头们很快就远远落后，退出了竞争。
U.S. companies that had mastered the more difficult silicon and diffusion technologies—many of them in Sun Belt states of California, Texas, and Arizona—found themselves in a great position as the decade wore on. For these technologies were mandatory if you wanted to manufacture integrated circuits. Others that had stuck cautiously with germanium and alloy junctions, including several electronics-industry giants headquartered in the snowbound Northeast, soon fell hopelessly behind and faded from contention.
贝尔实验室和西部电气公司对整体集成价值的认识出奇地迟缓。造成这种罕见短视的部分原因是当时整个行业普遍存在的“非我发明”综合症。另一个重要因素是AT&T的高度重视贝尔公司致力于研发性能最佳的元件——无论成本如何——以确保其能在贝尔系统中服役四十年。然而，这家电话公司对小型化的需求远不及计算机和军事市场那样迫切。因此，集成电路革命几乎绕过了这家成就这一切的公司，直到贝尔公司幡然醒悟，意识到自己的错误。并在 20 世纪 60 年代后期争分夺秒地纠正了这一错误。
Bell Labs and Western Electric were curiously slow to appreciate the value of monolithic integration. Part of the reason for this unusual myopia was a “not invented here” syndrome that came to afflict the industry in general. Another important factor was AT&T’s great emphasis on engineering the best imaginable components—no matter what their cost—for forty-year service in the Bell system. And the phone company just did not have the same pressing needs for miniaturization that prodded computer and military markets so relentlessly. Thus the integrated-circuit revolution threatened to bypass the very firm that had made it all possible until Bell awoke to its error and raced to correct it in the late 1960s.
对制造“终极元件”的执着也是肖克利思想中的一个重大盲点。尽管他开始吹捧他钟爱的四层二极管是一种集成电路，他称之为“复合结构”或“组合结构”，但它本质上仍然是一个功能非常特定的、有边界的器件。真正的集成电路电路可以无限扩展，达到更高的复杂程度，涵盖了许多随后出现的技术进步。
That same fixation upon making “the ultimate component” was a major blind spot in Shockley’s thinking, too. Although he began touting his beloved four-layer diode as a kind of integrated circuit, what he called a “composite structure” or “compositional structure,” it was fundamentally a bounded, limited device with a very specific function. True integrated circuitry could expand almost without limits to a far greater level of complexity, encompassing many of the further technological advances that soon transpired.
20世纪60年代初，RCA的工程师们率先将MOS晶体管应用于集成电路，并采用了仙童公司的平面工艺。在经历了60年代中期的艰难发展阶段后，这种方法逐渐成为主流。在集成电路中制造晶体管，取代了传统的“双极型”PN结结构。如今，微芯片上几乎所有的晶体管都是MOS晶体管。
In the early 1960s RCA engineers pioneered the application of MOS transistors to integrated circuits using Fairchild’s planar process. After a difficult adolescence during the middle of that decade, this became the predominant way to make transistors on integrated circuits, replacing the older “bipolar” P-N junction approach. Today virtually all the transistors on microchips are MOS transistors.
尽管肖克利贡献卓著，但他始终未能成为他梦寐以求的百万富翁。他曾招募了一大批一流的科学家和工程师到斯坦福地区，鼓励他们饮用那杯滋养生命的水。硅与扩散之水。他们离开了苦苦挣扎的团队，创办了一系列令人眼花缭乱的半导体公司，将一片干旱、沉寂、杏树繁茂的山谷变成了地球上最大的财富源泉。始于1957年从肖克利半导体实验室叛逃的那些大胆的创业精神，随着频繁跳槽和盗版行为的兴起，呈百倍增长。商业秘密变得司空见惯。在将硅变成黄金的过程中，许多人一跃成为百万富翁，甚至有人成为亿万富翁。但由于命运的捉弄和自身的固执，肖克利始终未能有机会踏入这片应许之地。正因如此，他才真正配得上他的老朋友兼老旅伴弗雷德·塞茨赋予他的称号：硅谷的摩西。
Despite all his immense contributions, Shockley never got to become the millionaire he longed to be. He had recruited a critical mass of first-rate scientists and engineers to the Stanford area, encouraging them to drink the life-giving waters of silicon and diffusion. They left his struggling band to start a dizzying succession of new semiconductor firms and turn a dry, sleepy valley of lush apricot orchards into the greatest fount of wealth on the planet. The brash entrepreneurial spirit that began with those 1957 defections from Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory multiplied a hundredfold, as job-hopping and the piracy of trade secrets became commonplace. In the process of turning silicon into gold many others became millionaires—and a few even billionaires. But due to fate and his own obstinacy, Shockley never got a chance to enter this Promised Land himself. That is why he truly deserves the title given him by his long-time friend and old traveling companion Fred Seitz: the Moses of Silicon Valley.
1961年7月一个凉爽多雾的星期天傍晚，肖克利开着艾米的福特轿车，沿着旧金山以南的海岸公路行驶。艾米坐在他旁边的副驾驶座上；他的儿子迪克暑假来他们家住，坐在后座。一位电台评论员正在惊叹宇航员格斯·格里索姆在亚轨道飞行结束时，从正在下沉的水星号太空舱中惊险逃生的壮举。他们驾车飞驰穿过莫斯海滩，前往海边餐厅，沿途瞥见了饱经风霜的小屋和被风雕琢的柏树。
On a cool, foggy Sunday evening in July 1961, Shockley was driving Emmy’s Ford sedan along the Coast Highway south of San Francisco. She rode beside him in the front seat; his son Dick, visiting them for the summer, sat in the back. A radio commentator marveled about astronaut Gus Grissom’s recent harrowing escape from his sinking Mercury space capsule at the end of a suborbital flight. They glanced out at weather-beaten cottages and wind-carved cypresses as they sped through Moss Beach on the way to a seaside restaurant.
突然，一辆迎面驶来的汽车猛地变道驶入他们的车道。肖克利猛踩刹车，但只是减轻了可怕的撞击力。汽车一头撞上他们的左前挡泥板，比尔和艾米无力地撞在方向盘和仪表盘上。只有迪克幸免于难。他们从扭曲的残骸中挣脱出来，呼救。虽然头晕目眩但意识清醒，身上带着割伤、瘀伤和骨折，他们在血泊和玻璃碎片中忍受着巨大的痛苦，等待着公路巡警的到来。
Suddenly an oncoming car swerved into their lane. Shockley braked hard, but it only lessened the horrible impact. As the car smashed headlong into their left front fender, Bill and Emmy slammed helplessly into the steering wheel and dashboard. Only Dick was able to wriggle out of the twisted wreckage and call for aid. Dazed but still conscious, with cuts, bruises, and broken bones, they waited in great pain, amid puddles of blood and shards of glass, for the Highway Patrol.
肖克利骨盆骨折手术后醒来，却完全忘记了车祸发生时的情景。艾米也是如此，她的左腿粉碎性骨折。他们发现自己躺在地上。他们被送往红木城的红杉医院，全身打着石膏，行动严重受限。他们要好几周才能下床，一个多月后才能回家。
When he came to after surgery for a broken pelvis, Shockley had lost all memory of the collision. So had Emmy, who had sustained a shattered left leg. They found themselves laid up in Redwood City’s Sequoia Hospital, with full-length plaster casts that severely limited their motions. It would be weeks before they could get out of bed and over a month before they could go home.
但肖克利还有公司要管理。就在事故发生前不到一个月，他刚刚在斯坦福工业园一处风景优美的地方落成了全新的总部大楼，那里可以俯瞰山麓和圣路易斯。旧金山湾。他满怀希望，认为有了克莱维特的鼎力支持，他最终能够扭转公司的颓势。他开始盈利。急于复工的他，吩咐人把录音机和电话搬进了医院。接下来的一个月里，他试图在病床上经营生意，一位秘书则在一旁奔波。
But Shockley had a company to direct. Hardly a month before the accident, he had dedicated brand new headquarters on a pastoral site in Stanford Industrial Park overlooking the foothills and San Francisco Bay. He had fond hopes that—with Clevite’s strong backing—he could finally turn the firm around and start making a profit. Impatient to get back to work, he ordered a dictating machine and telephones brought into the hospital. For the next month he tried to run his business from bed with the aid of a secretary rushing back and forth.
虽然肖克利在那年秋天康复了，但他的病情依然没有好转。这家公司始终未能盈利。克莱维特逐渐厌倦了管理这家由一位固执的诺贝尔奖得主领导的公司，最终在1965年出售了该部门。当肖克利最终卸任主管职务后，斯坦福大学的特曼立即聘请他，并任命他为亚历山大·M·波尼亚托夫工程与应用科学教授。他还重返贝尔实验室，担任执行顾问。
Although Shockley recovered that autumn, his ailing firm never did earn a profit. Gradually becoming tired of owning an outfit led by a headstrong Nobel prizewinner, Clevite, in turn, sold the division in 1965. When Shockley was finally eased out of its directorship, Stanford’s Terman snatched him up and appointed him the Alexander M. Poniatoff Professor of Engineering and Applied Science. He also returned to Bell Labs, serving as an executive consultant.
在斯坦福大学，肖克利放弃了固态物理的研究，转而将全部精力投入到对人类智能的研究中。他曾一度以晶体管的发明为例，研究科学创造力。他还撰写了几部关于促成这一突破的事件的著作，这些著作颇具价值。
At Stanford Shockley turned away from solid-state physics and focused his intense energy on the study of human intelligence. For a time he did research on scientific creativity, using the invention of the transistor as an example. And he wrote a few noteworthy histories of the events leading to this breakthrough.
但他最广为人知的作品却与该领域无关。在半导体领域，肖克利开始宣扬一种颇具争议的观点，即种族与智力之间存在因果关系——黑人的智力在基因上劣于白人。他多次敦促美国国家科学院支持相关研究，并与时任院长塞茨发生激烈冲突，塞茨拒绝受理此案。他们之间的宿怨持续了多年。
But the work for which he is most widely known had nothing to do with the field of semiconductors. Shockley began to espouse the controversial notion that there is a causal connection between race and intelligence—that blacks are genetically inferior to whites in their intellectual capacities. Repeatedly urging the National Academy of Sciences to support research on the subject, he came into heated conflict with Seitz, who as president of the academy refused to take up the question. The feud between them smoldered on for years.
肖克利在斯坦福大学校园里成了一个谜一般的人物，他乐于享受其基因理论为他带来的公众关注和恶名。他几乎抓住一切机会，就其独特的观点展开辩论——无论是在友好的听众面前，还是在20世纪60年代末和90年代初黑人权力运动和学生运动中那些激烈的反对者面前。20世纪70年代，他经常录下自己的讲座和谈话，然后在白天的争论和冲突平息后，和妻子艾米一起在家听。同事们开始在社交聚会和鸡尾酒会上躲着他，因为他通常只想阐述自己的想法，并记录下人们的反应。
Shockley became an enigmatic figure on the Stanford campus, reveling in the public attention and notoriety that his genetic ideas brought him. He eagerly accepted almost every opportunity to debate his idiosyncratic positions—before friendly audiences as well as riotous foes among the black-power and the student movements of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Often he tape-recorded his lectures and conversations, then listened to them with Emmy at home after the day’s arguments and battles had subsided. Colleagues began avoiding him at social gatherings and cocktail parties because he usually wanted only to expound on his ideas and record the reactions to them.
肖克利也从未失去他的竞争意识。他热衷于帆船和游泳运动。晚年，他经常挑战别人与他赛跑。由于日益孤独，他于1989年8月因前列腺癌去世，享年79岁。
Shockley never lost his competitive edge, either. Avidly taking up sailing and swimming in his later years, he frequently challenged others to race with him. An increasingly lonely man, he died of prostate cancer in August 1989 at age seventy-nine.
无论人们对肖克利关于基因和智力的观点持何种看法，毫无疑问，他是半导体行业爆炸式增长背后的主要推动力。他的理论和发明产生了深远的影响。这对整个行业，乃至更广泛的固态物理领域都产生了催化性的影响。他并不甘心袖手旁观，看着他们……这些理念逐渐渗透到商业市场。不，他必须亲自参与将这些理念转化为实用产品所需的工程和开发工作。他甚至成立了一家失败的半导体公司，尽管该公司……他们从未生产出成功的产品，却聚集在一栋老旧的建筑里，形成了硅谷崛起的关键规模，并拥有了相应的技术。
Whatever one thinks about Shockley’s notions on genes and intelligence, there is little doubt that he was the principal driving force behind the explosive rise of the semiconductor industry. His theories and inventions had a profound catalytic impact on the industry and, more broadly, on the field of solid-state physics. And he was not content to sit idly by, looking on as they percolated out into the commercial marketplace. No, he had to take a strong personal hand in the engineering and development needed to turn them into practical products. He even went so far as to form an abortive semiconductor firm that, although it never produced a successful product, gathered together in one aging building the critical mass of men and technology that led directly to the rise of Silicon Valley.
肖克利很早就明白了许多同时代人所不明白的一点——晶体管远不止是真空管和交叉开关的简单替代品。这样一项革命性的发明创造了全新的领域。他几乎比任何人都更早地洞察到电子技术的可能性。当数字计算机还处于萌芽阶段时，他就认识到晶体管是其“理想的神经细胞”。当时，只有军队和最大的公司才能负担得起拥有和运行这些占据整个房间的庞然大物，它们的耗电量相当于一辆捷豹汽车。如今，这主要得益于集成电路微芯片的出现。青少年们背着装满数百万个微型晶体管的电脑，在书桌前玩耍，用电池供电，这些电脑的构造要复杂得多。
For Shockley understood very early on what many of his contemporaries did not—that the transistor was much more than a mere replacement for vacuum tubes and crossbar switches. Such a radical invention created entirely new realms of electronic possibility that he perceived before almost anybody else. When the digital computer was but a toddler, he recognized that the transistor was its “ideal nerve cell.” At the time only the armed forces and the largest corporations could afford to own and operate these room-filling monstrosities, which consumed the power of a Jaguar. Now, thanks largely to integrated-circuit microchips crammed with millions of microscopic transistors, teenagers carry far more sophisticated computers in their backpacks and play with them at their desks, powering them with batteries.
“新组件与新应用之间的协同作用，引发了二者的爆炸式增长，”诺伊斯在发明三十年后——但在个人电脑引发另一场火山爆发之前——观察到。基于半导体的商业爆发。“计算机是晶体管以及由晶体管衍生的固态集成电路的理想市场，其市场规模远大于电子技术在通信领域的传统应用。”
“The synergy between a new component and a new application generated an explosive growth of both,” observed Noyce three decades after the invention—but before the personal computer generated yet another volcanic commercial eruption based on semiconductors. “The computer was the ideal market for the transistor and for the solid-state integrated circuits the transistor spawned, a much larger market than could have been provided by the traditional applications of electronics in communications.”
巴丁和布拉坦对晶体管巨大的商业潜力，远不及肖克利那样具有远见卓识。潜力。而且，在发明后的第一年之后，他们两人都没有过多参与这项技术的发展。他们都选择继续从事基础研究——约翰研究各种固态物理课题，特别是超导性；沃尔特研究表面现象——而不是陷入混乱的研发过程中。
Neither Bardeen nor Brattain had anywhere near Shockley’s visionary appreciation of the transistor’s vast commercial potential. And neither of them had much to do with its evolution beyond the first year after inventing it. Both of them chose to continue doing basic research—John on a variety of solid-state physics topics, especially superconductivity, Walter on surface phenomena—rather than becoming mired in the untidy development process.
布拉坦回忆说，这项发明的全部影响最终开始显现。20世纪60年代初的一天，他访问埃及时，看到一位骆驼夫正在听袖珍收音机，这让他深受触动。随着晶体管的发明和廉价晶体管收音机的制造，他意识到，“世界上任何人都可以收听——伊朗的游牧民族、安第斯山脉的人们、生活在独裁统治下的人们都可以收听来自美国的新闻，真正了解正在发生的事情。”
Brattain recalled that the full impact of the invention finally began to hit home one day in the early 1960s when he visited Egypt and was watching a camel driver listening to a pocket radio. With the invention of the transistor and the manufacture of cheap transistor radios, he realized, “anyone in the world could listen—nomads in Iran, people in the Andes, people living under dictatorships could listen to news from the U.S and really know what was happening.”
布拉坦继续留在贝尔实验室，一边从事研究工作，一边担任多个委员会的成员，并担任亲善大使，直至退休。1958年，在他第一任妻子凯伦因肝癌去世一年后，他再婚了。20世纪60年代初，他开始回到他挚爱的惠特曼学院，以客座教授的身份教授实验课程。1967年从贝尔实验室退休后，他搬回了瓦拉。瓦拉永久留在了这所大学，并在那里度过了余生，从事生物物理学研究，并为非理科专业的学生教授物理课程。
Brattain remained at Bell Labs, still doing research while serving on various committees and as an ambassador of good will until his retirement. He remarried in 1958, a year after his first wife Keren died of liver cancer. In the early 1960s he began returning to his beloved Whitman College, teaching a lab course as a visiting professor. After retiring from Bell Labs in 1967, he moved back to Walla Walla permanently and spent the rest of his years at the college, working on biophysics and teaching a physics course for nonscience majors.
“我对晶体管唯一的遗憾就是它被用于摇滚乐，”布拉坦在1980年愤愤不平地说道，此时岁月已使他往日的幽默感黯然失色。“我仍然留着我的步枪，有时听到那种噪音，我真想把它们都毙了。”全部。” 他在与阿尔茨海默病长期斗争后，于 1987 年 10 月去世，享年 85 岁。
“The only regret I have about the transistor is its use for rock and roll music,” Brattain snapped crustily in 1980, as old age began to dim his customary good humor. “I still have my rifle and sometimes when I hear that noise I think I could shoot them all.” He died in October 1987, at age eighty-five, after a long struggle with Alzheimer’s disease.
巴丁起初也没有真正意识到晶体管的重要性，他当时只认为晶体管可能作为一种小型、坚固、可靠、高效的真空管替代品。“它的发展远远超出了我当时的想象，”他在庆祝这项发明的庆典上说道。1972年，我25岁了。“我们当时就知道我们正在做一件非常重要的事情，晶体管会有很多应用——尤其是在功率要求很高的领域。但我完全没有预料到会发生如此巨大的革命——特别是大规模集成电路的发展，芯片上一个晶体管的成本已经降到了十分之一美分左右。”
Bardeen, too, did not really appreciate the importance of the transistor at first, beyond its likely use as small, rugged, reliable, efficient replacement for the vacuum tube. “It’s gone a great deal further than I could’ve imagined at that time,” he remarked at the celebration of their invention’s twenty-fifth birthday in 1972. “We knew we were onto something very important and that transistors would have many applications—particularly where power was an important consideration. But I had no idea of the actual revolution which has occurred—particularly going on to large-scale integrated circuits, in which the cost of a transistor on a chip is down to the order of a tenth of a cent.”
搬到厄巴纳之后1951年，巴丁多年来一直从事半导体研究，并在伊利诺伊大学教授相关课程。但他学术活动的核心转向了超导领域，这一领域在长达四十年的时间里，一直顽强地抵抗着人们试图理解它的理论尝试。他与博士后莱昂·库珀和研究生J·罗伯特·施里弗合作，几乎成功地实现了超导。1956年底，诺贝尔奖的颁奖典礼分散了他的注意力，使他的研究中断了两个月。次年，他们完成了研究，并在《物理评论》上发表了题为《超导理论》的文章，这篇文章被誉为二十世纪物理学的奠基之作。1972年，瑞典科学院授予他第二个诺贝尔奖，以表彰其卓越的贡献。巴丁是唯一一位获得过两项物理学奖的人；他与库珀和施里弗共同分享了该奖项。
After moving to Urbana in 1951, Bardeen kept a hand in semiconductor work for many years, teaching courses on the topic at the University of Illinois. But the hub of his intellectual activity became superconductivity, which had resolutely resisted theoretical attempts to comprehend it for four decades. With postdoc Leon Cooper and grad student J. Robert Schrieffer, he had come achingly close to a successful theory by late 1956 when the Nobel prize distracted him and interrupted his research for two months. The following year they finished up and published a Physical Review article entitled “Theory of Superconductivity,”which ranks among the pivotal papers of twentieth-century physics. In 1972 the Swedish Academy of Sciences recognized its supreme importance by the award of a second Nobel prize to Bardeen, the only person ever to have won two physics prizes; he shared the prize with Cooper and Schrieffer.
在教授固态物理或半导体电子学课程的同时，巴丁也积极参与实践活动。他曾担任通用电气和施乐公司的顾问，并在20世纪60年代和70年代担任施乐公司董事会成员。1959年至1962年，他曾是……在艾森豪威尔和肯尼迪政府时期，他都是总统科学顾问委员会的成员。20世纪80年代，他以类似身份在白宫科学委员会任职，直到1983年里根总统决定推进“星球大战”计划后辞职。
While teaching courses in solid-state physics or semiconductor electronics, Bardeen also remained involved in practical activities. He consulted for General Electric and Xerox Corporation, on whose Board of Directors he served during the 1960s and 1970s. From 1959 to 1962, he was a member of the President’s Science Advisory Committee in the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations. During the 1980s he served in a similar capacity on the White House Science Council until he resigned in 1983 after President Reagan decided to proceed with plans for Star Wars.
尽管巴丁工作繁忙，但他仍然设法找到了是时候做他最喜欢的运动了。在阳光明媚的午后，他他经常打高尔夫球，球飞进长草区或沙坑时，他会大声咒骂。布拉坦或赛茨偶尔会陪他一起去厄巴纳打球。巴丁凭借诺贝尔奖奖金在德州仪器和施乐公司进行明智的投资，积累了相当可观的个人财富，但他晚年却与妻子过着简朴平静的生活。简住在他们位于城市郊区的牧场式住宅里。他于1991年1月去世，享年82岁，当时已被尊为20世纪物理学界的泰斗之一。
Despite all his professional commitments, Bardeen still managed to find time for his favorite sport. On sunny afternoons he often played a round of golf, swearing vociferously at the ball as it hooked off into the rough or a sand trap. Occasionally Brattain or Seitz would join him for these jaunts when they visited Urbana. Having accumulated a fair personal fortune through wise investment of his Nobel prize winnings in Texas Instruments and Xerox, Bardeen nevertheless lived out his years modestly and quietly with his wife Jane in their ranch-style house on the outskirts of the city. He died in January 1991 at age eighty-two, by then revered as one of the towering figures of twentieth-century physics.
令人惊讶的是，这三个人都回到了他们长大的地方。巴丁和布拉坦直到晚年才意识到他们所引发的技术革命的深度和广度。他们曾在新泽西州共事。在此之前，两人都不知道他曾在贝尔实验室接触过如此具有革命性、影响深远的课题。而肖克利早在他们之前就已涉足其中。
Curiously, all three men returned to the part of the country where they had grown up. Neither Bardeen nor Brattain ever realized until later in life the depth and extent of the technological revolution they had ignited while working together back in New Jersey. Until then, neither one recognized that he had touched such incendiary, Promethean fare at Bell Labs. Long before them, Shockley did.
这些人中没有一个 人能够独自发明晶体管。但他们的人生轨迹在历史上一个特殊的时刻，于一家独特的美国机构交汇，使得晶体管的发明成为可能，甚至极有可能实现。科学界从未有过如此奇迹。 当时，它与贝尔实验室相比毫不逊色。它汇聚了堪比全国顶尖科研部门的智力实力，以及其他任何机构都无法比拟的技术资源和人力资源。当这些雄厚的资源集中用于开发基于战时半导体技术进步的实用产品时，必然会发生一些大事。而这些大事也确实发生了。
NONE OF THESE men could have invented the transistor alone. But their lives intersected at a unique American institution during a pecular moment in history to make it possible, even likely. Nothing on the scientific landscape at the time compared with Bell Labs. It combined intellectual power equal to that of the nation’s best science departments with technical resources and manpower that none of them could come close to matching. When these tremendous resources became focused on developing practical products based on wartime advances in semiconductor technology, something big had to happen. And something did.
每个在这个跨学科的环境中，人的不足之处被其他人的贡献所弥补。肖克利一心只想“先尝试最简单的情况”，他永远不可能构思出笨重的点接触装置，而正是这个装置开启了晶体管的大门。但他那简单的场效应理论的彻底失败，促使巴丁提出了表面态理论来解释电子如何运动。这些物质可能会聚集在半导体表面，屏蔽内部。在试图深入了解这种可能性时，布拉坦偶然发现了一种新现象，表明这种令人费解的阻塞现象可以大幅减少。他和巴丁密切合作了近一个月，运用他们对固态理论和复杂特性的综合理解，最终找到了解决方案。制造第一台半导体放大器所需的材料。意识到这是可以实现的，肖克利突然重拾了“思考的动力”。在对物理原理有了更透彻的理解之后，他仅用了一个月的时间就构思出了结型晶体管。
Each man’s shortcomings were compensated by the others in this multidisciplinary environment. With his single-minded focus on “trying simplest cases first,” Shockley would never have conceived the unwieldly point-contact gadget that opened the door to the transistor. But the abject failure of his simplistic field-effect idea led Bardeen to propose his theory of surface states to explain how electrons might congregate upon the semiconductor surface and shield the interior. While trying to learn more about such a possibility, Brattain stumbled across a new phenomenon indicating how the puzzling blockage could be drastically reduced. Working closely together for nearly a month, he and Bardeen then applied their combined understanding of solid-state theory and the gritty, complicated properties of materials to build the first semiconductor amplifier. Recognizing that it could be achieved, Shockley suddenly rediscovered “the will to think.” He conceived the junction transistor within another month, based on a more thorough physical understanding of what was going on.
但取得这项突破的固态物理小组只是一个更大组织中的一小部分。其最终目标是为贝尔系统研发出更新更好的器件。凯利迅速调动其雄厚的资源，致力于将这项科学发现转化为实用器件。在这一密集的研发过程中，涌现出一系列至今仍在半导体行业广泛应用的技术。这些技术几乎与晶体管同等重要。这项发明是晶体生长和区域提纯技术，它们能够制造出超纯硅和锗的大尺寸单晶。如果没有这些晶体，相关工业将不复存在。
But the Solid State Physics group in which this breakthrough occurred was only a tiny part of a much larger organization whose ultimate goal was to generate new and better devices for the Bell system. Kelly swiftly brought its great resources to bear on the task of turning this scientific discovery into a practical device. From this intensive development process, there emerged a deep pool of technologies that continue to be used today throughout the semiconductor industry. Almost as important as the transistor’s invention are the techniques of crystal growing and zone refining, which allow one to fabricate large single crystals of ultrapure silicon and germanium. Without these crystals, the industry would not exist.
这一事件展现了贝尔实验室环境的一大优势。当蒂尔无法说服肖克利支持他秘密进行晶体生长实验时，他便继续推进他的非法项目。再加上莫顿提供的少量资金支持，莫顿更深刻地认识到制造中对均匀半导体材料的需求。实验室组织结构的多层复杂性为这位执着的化学家提供了一种绕过这位固执物理学家思维盲点的方法。近四分之一世纪后，肖克利承认，“这些大单晶体可能是当时最重要的单一研究工具。
This episode illustrates a great advantage of the Bell Labs environment. When Teal could not convince Shockley to support his furtive crystal-growing efforts, he nursed his bootleg project along with a modicum of financial backing from Morton, who appreciated much better the need for uniform semiconductor materials in manufacturing. The multilayered complexity of the laboratories’ organization gave the dogged chemist a means to circumvent this blind spot in the headstrong physicist’s thinking. Almost a quarter of a century later, Shockley acknowledged that “these large single crystals were probably the most important single research tool that came along.”
辩证唯物主义的拥护者可能会辩称，即使贝尔实验室不存在，固态放大器很快也会在其他地方被发明出来——例如普渡大学或通用电气。或许如此。当时的科学、技术和经济条件确实已经成熟，足以推动这项进步。但在20世纪30年代后期，却没有任何一家公司真正发明了固态放大器。20世纪40年代和50年代初，人才与技术完美结合，再加上开明的管理者们能够轻易获得从全国电话服务垄断中攫取的巨额资金支持，使得这一局面得以实现。这种独特的人才与资源组合，可能使晶体管的出现提前了近十年，使其成为蓬勃发展的电子产业的核心。在此过程中，贝尔实验室提供了引信和大部分火药，为随后发生的令人眼花缭乱的工业烟火表演提供了动力。
Advocates of dialectical materialism might argue that, had Bell Labs not existed, a solid-state amplifier would soon have been invented elsewhere—at Purdue, for example, or General Electric. Perhaps. The scientific, technological, and economic conditions were certainly ripe for such an advance. But nowhere during the late 1940s and early 1950s was there such a combination of talent and technology, encouraged by enlightened executives with easy access to the financial support that could be extracted from a lucrative monopoly on the nation’s telephone services. This unique constellation of men and resources probably hastened by almost a decade the transistor’s emergence at the focus of an explosive electronics industry. Along the way, Bell Labs supplied the fuse and most of the gunpowder for the dazzling industrial pyrotechnics that ensued.
尽管肖克利本人绝不会承认，但他在20世纪50年代中期离开实验室，试图创办自己的半导体公司却以失败告终后，才真正体会到实验室组织架构的巨大价值。如今，他的种种过失和不足，却无法通过有效的决策机制得到弥补。这给了那些与他意见相左的人除了离开之外的其他选择。斯坦福大学的吉姆·吉本斯指出，他所在公司的失败部分原因在于，其员工“从未有机会从事任何与肖克利个人特质无关的工作”。
Although he would never have admitted it, Shockley discovered the great value of the labs’ organization when he left in the mid-1950s in an abortive effort to form his own semiconductor company. Now his excesses and shortcomings were not compensated by a decision-making structure that gave the people who disagreed with him alternatives to leaving. In part, the failure of his firm can be attributed to the fact that its staff “never got to work on anything that didn’t have Shockley’s persona all bound up in it,” as Stanford’s Jim Gibbons put it.
肖克利所信奉的技术创新模式——在伟大的科学理念和工程学引领着我们走向未来。这个过程遵循“自上而下”的顺序，逐步完善细节——但却无法应对20世纪50年代末的种种挑战。“线性模式并非这个行业的发展路径，”戈登·摩尔指出，“不是科学发展成技术，技术再发展成产品。而是技术推动了科学的发展。”
The model of technological innovation to which Shockley subscribed—in which the grand scientific idea leads and the engineering process follows in a “trickle down” sequence, working out the gritty details—could not cope with the conditions of the late 1950s. “The linear model is not the way this industry developed,” argues Gordon Moore. “It’s not science becomes technology becomes products. It’s technology that gets the science to come along behind it.”
他的说法只对了一部分。应用型、任务导向型科学巴丁、布拉坦、肖克利等人战后在贝尔实验室进行的研究无疑是对技术迫切需求的响应。他们试图了解半导体的详细行为，希望这些知识最终能够带来有用的新器件。“尊重实际问题的科学层面，”肖克利经常这样称呼这种态度。但他们的工作并非一帆风顺。晶体管和微芯片的诞生，建立在坚实的量子理论基础和对原子及晶体结构的广泛理解之上——这是本世纪前三分之一时期，主要在欧洲开展的，由好奇心驱动的研究，而这些研究对实际应用却鲜有关注。美国的实用主义或许塑造了晶体管和微芯片，但它却是在大西洋彼岸由思辨性的哲学思辨编织而成的。询问。
He is only partly right. The applied, mission-oriented scientific research that Bardeen, Brattain, Shockley, and others did at Bell Labs in the postwar years was certainly a response to technological exigency. They tried to understand the detailed behavior of semiconductors in hopes that such knowledge eventually would lead to useful new devices. “Respect for the scientific aspects of practical problems,” Shockley often called this attitude. But their work was based on a firm foundation of quantum theory and a broad understanding of atomic and crystal structure—curiosity-driven research done during the first third of the century, mainly in Europe, with but passing regard for its practical applications. American pragmatism may have fashioned the transistor and microchip, but it did so from a fabric woven across the Atlantic by speculative, philosophical inquiry.
当八位持不同意见者离开贝尔实验室创立仙童半导体公司时，所有这些研究已经催生了大量的半导体技术，其中大部分都出自贝尔实验室之手。这些大胆的新晋百万富翁们，和摩尔一样，将这些技术应用于开发真正满足人类需求的产品，而不仅仅是满足虚荣心。科学已经做出了重大贡献。早在十多年前，人们就已开始了解半导体的物理和化学特性，以及如何利用它们来制造固态放大器。如今，轮到工程学来为这团熊熊燃烧的晶体之火添柴加薪了。
By the time the eight dissidents left to form Fairchild, a wealth of semiconductor technologies had emerged from all this research, most of it created at Bell Labs. The bold new millionaires turned out to be men who, like Moore, applied these technologies to the development of products that met real human needs, not just that of ego gratification. Science had made its major contributions a decade or more earlier—to understanding the physics and chemistry of semiconductors and how they could be used to create a solid-state amplifier. Now it was engineering’s turn to feed this roaring crystal fire.
然而，在20世纪60年代， 贝尔实验室逐渐失去了创新优势。许多最优秀的科学家——例如巴丁、肖克利和蒂尔——都离开了，加入了其他机构或创建了其他公司。一些人选择加入公司或从事学术工作。而留任的人则开始专注于远离实际应用的纯粹研究。贝尔实验室确实如莫顿在1958年所说的那样，即将走向成熟，但并非他所指的成熟。贝尔实验室专注于利用其所掌握的丰富的半导体技术，为贝尔电话系统设计出最佳的组件。在过去的十年里，实验室完全错过了集成电路。这种颠覆性的创新必然来自其他地方——来自那些敢于冒险、几乎没什么可失去、却能从中获益的阳光地带半导体公司。最终，西部电气公司通过一项交叉许可协议，将其数百项专利的权利转让给了其他公司。与 Fairchild 合作仅获得了平面工艺的两项关键专利，集成电路。
DURING THE 1960S, however, Bell Labs slowly began to lose its innovative edge. Many of its best scientists—Bardeen, Shockley, and Teal, for example—had left to join or form different companies or to assume academic positions. Others who stayed on began concentrating more on pure research far removed from practical applications. Bell Labs was indeed on the threshold of maturity, as Morton had put it in 1958, but not as he meant. Focused on engineering the best possible components for the Bell Telephone System, based on the brimming pool of semiconductor technology it had created during the previous decade, the labs completely missed the integrated circuit. Such a radical innovation had to come from elsewhere—from risk-taking Sun Belt semiconductor firms with little to lose and an industry to gain. Eventually Western Electric swapped the rights to hundreds of its patents in a cross-licensing agreement with Fairchild for just the two key patents on the planar process and the integrated circuit.
尽管集成电路成本相对较高，但到本世纪中期，它们已经在电子行业站稳脚跟。由于其重量轻、体积小、可靠性高，集成电路已成为阿波罗计划和新型军事系统（例如民兵导弹和北极星导弹）的必备组件。同时，它们也开始在商业领域取得重大进展。市场也是如此——尤其是在数字计算机领域。
By mid-decade integrated circuits were already becoming established in the electronics industry despite their relatively high cost. Due to their light weight, small size, and high reliability, they had become mandatory in the Apollo project and in new military systems, such as the Minuteman and Polaris missiles. And they were beginning to make important inroads into commercial markets, too—especially in digital computers.
受邀为《电子学》杂志35周年特刊撰写一篇关于集成电路未来发展的文章，摩尔提交了一篇极具预见性的文章。他指出，自1962年以来，集成电路的复杂度（以其元件总数来衡量）每年都在翻倍增长，以至于每个电路都包含50个元件。1965年，他认为这种爆炸式增长的趋势没有理由不继续下去。于是，他大胆地将这种每年翻一番的趋势又持续了十年，最终得出了一个令人惊讶的结论：1975年的微电路芯片将包含惊人的65000个元件！
Asked to write an article about the future of integrated circuits for a thirty-fifth-anniversary issue of Electronics magazine, Moore delivered a prophetic paper. Noting that the complexity of integrated circuits—as determined by the total number of their components—had been doubling every year since 1962, to the point where there were 50 per circuit in 1965, he saw no reason why this explosive trend should not continue. So he daringly repeated this annual doubling for another decade, reaching the surprising conclusion that microcircuits of 1975 would contain an astounding 65,000 components per chip!
摩尔认为没有充分的理由解释为什么这种复杂性无法通过工程手段实现，并指出这种情况实际上很可能发生。“集成技术的未来”“电子技术本身就是电子技术的未来，”他宣称。它最终的影响将是巨大的，使“电子技术在整个社会得到更广泛的应用”。个人消费者很快就能享受到它的好处。“集成电路将带来诸多奇迹，例如家用电脑——或者至少是连接到中央计算机的终端——以及自动控制系统……”摩尔预测说，汽车或便携式通信设备也将“用于切换电话电路和执行数据处理”。
Finding no good reason why such complexity could not be engineered, Moore suggested that it was in fact likely to happen. “The future of integrated electronics is the future of electronics itself,” he proclaimed. Its eventual impact would be tremendous, making “electronic techniques more generally available throughout all society.” Individual consumers would soon be able to realize its benefits. “Integrated circuits will lead to such wonders as home computers—or at least terminals connected to a central computer—automatic controls for automobiles, or portable communications equipment,” predicted Moore, adding that they would also “switch telephone circuits and perform data processing.”
到 1977 年，当诺伊斯为《科学美国人》杂志关于“微电子革命”的特刊撰写主打文章时，当时并没有出现任何与业内所熟知的“摩尔定律”相悖的重大变化。这种复杂性集成电路的数量在十几年间每年都翻一番，以至于当时芯片上已经集成了数十万个元件，这些芯片被称为微处理器。由基尔比领导的团队在德州仪器公司发明的袖珍计算器，基于这些微芯片的计算器随处可见——而可靠的老式计算尺则成了遥远的记忆。摩尔在1965年预见的家用电脑也随之问世。就在拐角处。
By 1977, when Noyce wrote the lead article for a special issue of Scientific American on the “microelectronic revolution,” there had been no significant deviations from what has become known throughout the industry as “Moore’s law.” The complexity of integrated circuits had continued doubling every year for a dozen years to the point where there were then hundreds of thousands of components on chips called microprocessors. Invented at Texas Instruments by a group under Kilby, pocket calculators based on these microchips were ubiquitous—and trusty old slide rules a distant memory. And the home computer Moore had anticipated in 1965 was just around the corner.
1966年，仙童半导体和德州仪器通过交叉许可各自对集成电路的权利，解决了双方激烈的专利纠纷。但由于不满母公司（当时华尔街的宠儿）的管理作风，摩尔和诺伊斯两年后离开，创立了另一家新的半导体公司——英特尔。到20世纪70年代中期，英特尔的销售额已超过……1亿美元大关和当时，这些公司正朝着数十亿美元的目标迈进，而仙童半导体公司却开始走向衰落。
In 1966 Fairchild and TI had resolved their bitter patent fight by agreeing to cross-license their separate rights to the integrated circuit. But dissatisfied with the management antics of their parent company, then the darling of Wall Street, Moore and Noyce left two years later to form another new semiconductor firm called Intel. By the mid-1970s its sales had surpassed the $100 million mark and were headed for the billions, while Fairchild Semiconductor began to fade.
与此同时，随着每块芯片上的元件数量呈爆炸式增长，单个晶体管的尺寸和成本却急剧下降。到 1977 年，一个典型的晶体管直径只有 2 微米（不到万分之一英寸，大约相当于一个细菌的大小），成本不到百分之一美分。巴丁、布拉坦和肖克利三十年前发明的装置已经肉眼不可见，而且成本极低。
Meanwhile, as the number of components per chip was exploding, the size and cost of an individual transistor was plummeting. By 1977 a typical transistor was only 2 microns (or less than a ten-thousandth of an inch, about the size of a bacterium) across and cost less than a hundredth of a cent. The device that Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley had invented thirty years earlier had become invisible to the naked eye and cost next to nothing.
如今，晶体管不过是一种抽象的物理原理，被无数次地印刻在硅片上——如同波光粼粼的晶体海洋上数十亿道微小的涟漪。正如摩尔在1997年所观察到的，如今制造的晶体管数量更多了。每年，晶体管的数量比加州的雨滴还要多，而生产一个晶体管的成本甚至比印刷本页上一个字符的成本还要低。晶体管几乎渗透到所有电子产品中，就像分子渗透到物质中一样，它们无处不在地影响着现代生活。而晶体管数量急剧下降的趋势，其影响之深远，目前还远未结束。
Today the transistor is but little more than an abstract physical principle imprinted innumerable times on slivers of silicon—billions of microscopic ripples on a shimmering crystal sea. As Moore observed in 1997, there are now more transistors made every year than raindrops falling on California, and it cost less to produce one than to print a single character on this page. Deeply embedded in virtually everything electronic, transistors permeate modern life almost as molecules permeate matter. And the bottom to their precipitous plunge is not yet in sight.
这并非普通的爆炸。这是空中烟花表演中绚丽夺目的爆发。例如，它们会迅速达到膨胀的自然极限，划过天际落向地球，然后很快消失——只剩下美好的回忆。但微芯片复杂性的持续爆发式增长——大约每两年翻一番，年复一年——在人类的正常经验中却找不到任何合适的对应或类比。唯一与之接近的爆发，大概就是宇宙学家认为造成这种现象的剧烈喷发了。对于宇宙大爆炸的诞生，贝尔实验室的两名科学家在 1964 年偶然发现了其微弱的微波余辉，几乎就在同一时期，摩尔提出了他非凡的预言。
This is no ordinary explosion. The brilliant bursts of an aerial fireworks display, for example, quickly reach the natural limits of their expansion, arc to earth, and soon fade away—a fanciful memory. But the sustained explosion of microchip complexity—doubling every two years or so, decade after decade—has no convenient parallel or analogue in normal human experience. About the only eruption that comes close is the convulsive outburst that cosmologists consider to be responsible for the big-bang birth of the Universe, whose dim microwave afterglow two Bell Labs scientists discovered by accident in 1964, at almost the same time Moore was formulating his remarkable prediction.
我们这些伴随晶体管电视成长起来 的人 ，见证了科技及其所孕育的文化发生的惊人变革。在很多方面，我们发现自己身处一个截然不同的世界。我们从出生的那个世界来到了另一个世界。我们的父母当年还在努力适应电视这项全新的技术，而五十年后的今天，我们却可以通过互联网将数百万台电视屏幕连接起来，只需动动手指就能交换海量信息——这主要归功于晶体管和微芯片。迪克·特雷西的双向腕式电视也不再仅仅是富有想象力的漫画家的奇思妙想了。就像我们的父母当年主要通过报纸、杂志和广播获取信息一样，我们现在也难以应对互联网和社交媒体带来的大量新信息。
THOSE OF US who grew up with the transistor have witnessed a startling transformation of technology and the culture based upon it. In many ways, we find ourselves in a completely different world from the one into which we were born. Where our parents struggled to cope with the radical newness of television, fifty years later we can link millions of TV screens together over the Internet and exchange Niagaras of information at the touch of a finger—thanks largely to the transistor and microchip. And Dick Tracy’s two-way wrist TV is no longer just the fanciful creation of an imaginative cartoonist. Like our parents, who had obtained most of their information from newspapers, magazines, and the radio, we now struggle to cope with a flood of new possibilities coming in over the internet and social media.
十八世纪发明家们学会控制火产生的蒸汽后，人类经历了一段类似的快速变革时期，我们现在称之为工业革命。革命。蒸汽机带来的更大、更易控制的生产能力，推动了革命的到来。随着权力从农业地主转移到工业巨头手中，社会发生了剧烈的变化。“革命”一词如今被滥用，但它确实适用于当今因……而导致的剧烈的社会、文化和政治动荡。晶体管点燃了晶体之火。你可以称之为计算机革命、信息革命或其他什么，但我们显然正在见证一个全新时代的阵痛。
After eighteenth-century inventors learned to control the steam that fire could generate, humanity went through a similar period of swift transformation that we now recognize as the Industrial Revolution. With the vastly greater and better-controlled productive capacity allowed by the steam engine came drastic changes in society as power shifted from agrarian landholders to the captains of industry. The word “revolution” is bandied about haphazardly these days, but it does apply to the careening social, cultural, and political dislocations that are occurring today as a result of the crystal fire ignited by the transistor. Call it what you like—the Computer Revolution, the Information Revolution, or something else—we are clearly witnessing the birth pangs of a radically new age.
在这个时代，权力掌握在那些能够驾驭和引导信息洪流的人手中。像AT&T和IBM这样在20世纪50年代和60年代叱咤风云的企业巨头，如今已经开始缩减规模、分散化运营。它们为了在竞争激烈的新环境中变得更精简、更灵活，不惜自相残杀。它们极有可能被英特尔和微软这样年轻得多的公司远远甩在身后。这些公司半个世纪前还不存在，但它们对现代信息动态的理解却远胜于它们。一位哈佛辍学的创业者最终成为了世界首富。通过垄断利润丰厚的微型计算机软件市场。
In this age power accrues to those who can ride and guide the torrent of information available. Already the paternal corporate giants of the 1950s and 1960s such as AT&T and IBM are downsizing, decentralizing, and dismembering themselves in desperate efforts to grow leaner and more versatile in the cutthroat new environment. They are in real danger of being left behind by much younger companies like Intel and Microsoft, which did not exist a half century ago but understand much better the modern dynamics of information. And an entrepreneurial Harvard dropout became the world’s richest man by cornering the lucrative market for microcomputer software.
伴随商业力量的转移，也出现了相应的政治变革。凭借蓬勃发展的半导体产业，亚利桑那州、加利福尼亚州和德克萨斯州等阳光地带各州实力雄厚，而东北部和中西部的“铁锈地带”各州则努力追赶。日本迅速崛起成为经济霸主，部分原因在于此。对索尼、东芝等大型电子公司而言，太平洋沿岸国家凭借其在半导体领域的专业技术，已基本与大西洋沿岸强国并驾齐驱。半导体产业年销售额接近万亿美元，是全球最大的产业之一，也是国际竞争的关键战场。
Accompanying this shift in commercial power have come corresponding political changes. With their thriving semiconductor industries, the Sun Belt states of Arizona, California, and Texas reign powerful, while “Rust Belt” states of the Northeast and Midwest struggle to catch up. Japan’s rapid rise to economic hegemony is due in part to the likes of Sony, Toshiba, and its other huge electronic firms. And partly through their expertise in semiconductors, Pacific Rim nations have achieved rough parity with the Atlantic powers. With sales approaching a trillion dollars annually, the semiconductor industry is one of the world’s largest—and a crucial battleground of international competition.
即使是1991年苏联解体曾经在石油和钢铁生产方面叱咤风云，却扼杀信息流通的联盟，可以被视为这场革命带来的全球民主和权力下放趋势的一部分。乔治·奥威尔笔下的反乌托邦世界至少目前已被避免。晶体管、微芯片和个人电脑赋予了个人和小团体更大的权力，而这却以牺牲……为代价。冷战时期，世界各大强权集团之间爆发了激烈的战争。得益于这些创新带来的即时卫星通信，我们——以及一些俄罗斯人——可以舒舒服服地坐在客厅里，通过电视直播观看T-54坦克炮轰俄罗斯国会大厦的画面。
Even the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union, which excelled at the production of oil and steel but strangled the flow of information, can be viewed as part of a global trend toward democracy and decentralization brought about by this revolution. And the dystopian world of George Orwell has been averted—at least for now. The transistor, the microchip, and the personal computer have empowered individuals and small groups at the expense of the fearsome power blocs of the Cold War world. Thanks to the instantaneous satellite communications made possible by these innovations, we could watch comfortably in our living rooms—and so could some Russians—as T-54 tanks blasted the Russian Parliament building on live TV.
但是，信息时代的美好新世界也给人类的自由和生计带来了独特的挑战。我们正在经历的这场水晶之火带来了一种强烈的、即时的生命力，在这种生命力中，一切几乎都在一夜之间过时。一个日益壮大的底层阶级……人们若无法或不愿应对持续不断的变革，势必会加剧我们正在构建的地球村内部本已存在的深刻分歧。因为正如火焰能照亮一切，我们也必须时刻铭记，它也会吞噬一切。
But the brave new world of the Information Age comes not without its own distinct challenges to human freedom and livelihood. The crystal fire we are living through has brought with it an intensity and an immediacy of life in which everything becomes obsolete almost overnight. A growing underclass of people unable or unwilling to deal with unceasing change threatens to widen the already deep divisions that exist within the global village we are creating. For as fire illuminates, we must always remember, it also consumes.
没有一本书是一座孤岛，可以自全，我们的书也不例外。在长达五年多的研究和写作过程中，我们得到了众多个人和机构的帮助和鼓励。
No book is an island, entire of itself, and ours is no exception. During the more than five years it has taken us to research and write Crystal Fire, we received aid and encouragement from numerous people and institutions.
本书的出版得到了阿尔弗雷德·P·斯隆基金会的大力资助，该基金会设立了技术丛书，本书即属于该丛书。我们感谢该丛书的……感谢顾问委员会对我们项目前景的认可。我们尤其感谢基金会前副总裁兼该系列节目总监小亚瑟·L·辛格先生，感谢他在我们经历的艰难时期给予的坚定支持。
We were supported by a major grant from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, which established the Technology Series to which this book belongs. We thank the series’ advisory committee for recognizing the promise of our project. And we are especially grateful to the foundation’s former vice president and the director of the series, Arthur L. Singer, Jr., for his unswerving support through some of the difficult periods we experienced.
贝尔电话实验室的研究主任威廉·布林克曼提供了一笔宝贵的资助，并给予了其他支持。此外，我们还受益于一些资助项目，这些项目也与莉莲有关，我们从中汲取了大量灵感。理查德·朗斯伯里基金会、迪布纳基金、伊利诺伊大学校园研究委员会、德州仪器基金会和AT&T基金会都为约翰·巴丁的传记研究提供了支持。
Other valuable support came as a grant from Bell Telephone Laboratories, provided by its research director, William Brinkman. In addition, our efforts were aided by grants supporting another project involving Lillian, on which we have heavily drawn. The Richard Lounsbery Foundation, the Dibner Fund, the University of Illinois Campus Research Board, the Texas Instruments Foundation, and the AT&T Foundation have supported research toward a biography of John Bardeen.
AT&T档案馆是获取原始资料的宝贵资源。贝尔实验室战时及战后研究资料。我们感谢谢尔顿·霍赫海瑟（Sheldon Hochheiser）耐心指导我们查阅这些浩瀚的档案，感谢朱迪·波洛克（Judy Pollock）协助我们获取大量照片，感谢AT&T公共关系部的布莱恩·莫纳汉（Brian Monahan）免除使用这些档案通常涉及的许多费用。我们多次查阅肖克利档案馆（Shockley）的资料，受益匪浅。我们非常感谢斯坦福大学特藏部的文献资料。感谢亨利·洛伍德、玛格丽特·金博尔和彼得·惠登，他们协助我们识别并获取了这些记录。我们还要感谢伊利诺伊大学档案馆，特别是梅纳德·布里奇福德和菲利普·马赫，感谢他们允许我们查阅巴丁的大量藏品。
The AT&T Archives were an invaluable source of original material on the wartime and postwar research at Bell Labs. We thank Sheldon Hochheiser for his patient efforts in guiding us through these tremendous archives, Judy Pollock for her help in obtaining many photographs, and Brian Monahan of AT&T public relations for waiving many of the fees normally involved in using these archives. Having benefited enormously from repeated access to the Shockley papers in Stanford University’s Special Collections, we are grateful to Henry Lowood, Margaret Kimball, and Peter Whidden, who aided us in identifying and obtaining these records. We are also indebted to the University of Illinois Archives, especially Maynard Brichford and Philip Maher, for access to the extensive Bardeen collection.
其他历史学家对固态物理学关键人物的采访这些文献资料来自美国物理学会物理史中心尼尔斯·玻尔图书馆，该中心主任斯宾塞·韦尔特和副主任琼·沃诺慷慨地提供了这些资料。他们的支持和热情促成了物理史领域各类著作的出版。惠特曼学院彭罗斯图书馆的拉里·多德也竭尽全力帮助我们进行研究。他的布拉坦收藏；他还提供了难以获取的照片副本。此外，我们还从德州仪器公司档案馆的安·韦斯特林和英特尔公司档案馆的瑞秋·斯图尔特那里获得了宝贵的帮助和艺术作品。
Interviews of key figures in solid-state physics by other historians and writers were obtained from the Niels Bohr Library at the American Institute of Physics Center for History of Physics, whose director, Spencer Weart, and associate director, Joan Warnow, kindly made them available. Their support and enthusiasm helps all kinds of works in the history of physics happen. Larry Dodd at Whitman College’s Penrose Library went out of his way to help us examine its Brattain collection; he also provided copies of difficult-to-obtain photographs. In addition, we received valuable aid and artwork from Ann Westerlin at the Texas Instruments Corporate Archives and from Rachel Stewart in the Intel Corporation Archives.
我们非常感谢与莉莲一起工作的学生们，特别是托尼亚·莉莉、维姬·戴奇和费尔南多·欧文·埃利奇里戈蒂。伊利诺伊大学协助我们整理了厄巴纳市丰富的巴丁相关资料，供我们使用。我们还要感谢妮可·里亚维克在最后几个月繁忙的工作中提供的转录和参考文献方面的帮助。
We are grateful to the students—particularly Tonya Lillie, Vicki Daitch, and Fernando Irving Elichirigoity—who have worked with Lillian at the University of Illinois and helped prepare for our use relevant portions of the rich collection of materials about Bardeen available in Urbana. And we thank Nicole Ryavec for her contributions on transcriptions and references during the final hectic months.
感谢伊利诺伊大学历史系莉莲的同事们，他们提出了源源不断的批评意见。并批准了她多次休假，这对于她集中精力完成本书至关重要。我们衷心感谢伊利诺伊大学物理系——特别是Ray Borelli、Joy Kristunas、Mary Ostendorf和Mary Kay Newman——为我们的工作提供了办公支持和图书馆服务。我们还要感谢斯坦福直线加速器中心，特别是其主任。感谢伯顿·里希特批准迈克尔延长休假，以便他完成手稿。
Thanks are due to Lillian’s colleagues in the Department of History at the University of Illinois, who offered a steady stream of criticism and granted her several leaves of absence from teaching that were essential to her concentrated work on this book. We are grateful to the Department of Physics at Illinois—especially Ray Borelli, Joy Kristunas, Mary Ostendorf, and Mary Kay Newman—for facilitating our work with office support and library services. We also thank the Stanford Linear Accelerator Center, especially its director, Burton Richter, for granting Michael the extended leave of absence he needed to complete the manuscript.
我们应该感谢丹尼尔·凯夫勒斯（Daniel Kevles）的学术贡献，他对美国物理学界的研究和著述在许多方面指导了我们的思考。此外，西尔万·施韦伯（Sylvan Schweber）关于美国科学实用主义的著作、托马斯·休斯（Thomas Hughes）关于美国技术史的著作以及保罗·福尔曼（Paul Forman）和安德鲁·Pickering 和 Robert Seidel 关于军事参与科学的观点对我们产生了重要影响。
We owe an intellectual debt to Daniel Kevles, whose research and writing on the U.S. physics community has guided our thinking in many ways. In addition, the works of Sylvan Schweber on pragmatism in U.S. science, Thomas Hughes on the history of American technology, and Paul Forman, Andrew Pickering, and Robert Seidel on military involvement in science have had important influences on us.
我们尤其感谢那些亲身经历过本书所述事件的人们，他们通过录音采访和非正式谈话向我们讲述了他们的回忆。他们的讲述在档案馆中留下了珍贵的第一手资料，这些资料帮助我们了解了事件的真相。我们专注于文献研究，并为我们的研究增添了宝贵的人文维度。叙述部分。特别感谢那些付出更多努力，多次接受我们采访，并挖掘旧档案、箱子和照片，为本书提供文献资料的人们。其中包括罗伯特·布拉顿、康耶斯·赫林、尼克·霍洛尼亚克、哈里·塞洛和摩根·斯帕克斯。我们感谢 Bill、Jane 和 Betsy Greytak Bardeen 经常与我交谈，并提供了 John Bardeen 的文件和照片。
We are especially grateful to the many people who experienced the events recounted in this book and offered us their recollections in tape-recorded interviews and less formal conversations. Their words leave behind in the archives a treasured collection of first-person accounts that helped to focus our documentary research and added an invaluable human dimension to our narrative. Particular thanks are due to those who went even further and gave us repeated interviews—and who dug up old files, boxes, and photographs to give us documentary materials used in this book. Among this group we include Robert Brattain, Conyers Herring, Nick Holonyak, Harry Sello, and Morgan Sparks. And we are indebted to Bill, Jane, and Betsy Greytak Bardeen for frequent conversations as well as documents and photographs of John Bardeen.
我们衷心感谢几位人士，没有他们的热情帮助，这个项目不可能成功。弗雷德里克·塞茨是早期的支持者，我们经常向他寻求采访、建议和见解，以及介绍其他相关人士。否则他们可能不会如此慷慨地抽出时间。20世纪70年代，莉莲开始研究固态物理和晶体管时，戈登·贝姆、查尔斯·韦纳和菲利普·普拉茨曼给予了她至关重要的鼓励、批评和指导。乔尔·舒尔金在撰写威廉·肖克利的传记时，提供了宝贵的观察和重要的线索，帮助完善了后三分之一的内容。我们的书中，艾米·肖克利为我们提供了关于她前夫的无与伦比的回忆；她还提供了多张照片，并允许我们在她家中复印信件、文件和其他材料，之后这些材料被存入斯坦福档案馆。
We are deeply grateful to several individuals without whose enthusiastic assistance this project could not have succeeded. Frederick Seitz was an early supporter to whom we often turned for interviews, advice, and perspective—as well as introductions to people who might not otherwise have offered us their time so freely. Gordon Baym, Charles Weiner, and Philip Platzman gave Lillian essential encouragement, criticism, and guidance in the 1970s, when she began her studies of solid-state physics and the transistor. Joel Shurkin, writing a biography of William Shockley, provided valuable observations and important leads that helped fill out the latter third of our book. Emmy Shockley gave us incomparable reminiscences of her former husband; she also provided several photographs and let us copy letters, documents, and other materials at her home before they were deposited at the Stanford archives.
特别感谢WW Norton & Company的编辑Ed Barber，他慧眼识珠，在许多人未能意识到本书重要性的时候，就慧眼识珠地将其发掘出来。他以引人入胜的方式阐述了本书的精髓。他以耐心和耐心鼓励我们交出最好的稿件，然后将其退回进行进一步修改，并提出了许多有益的建议。肖恩·德斯蒙德和稿件编辑卡罗尔·弗莱克纳也为他提供了得力的协助，卡罗尔·弗莱克纳将我们的文字润色得淋漓尽致。
Special thanks are due to Ed Barber, our editor at W. W. Norton & Company, for recognizing the importance of this book when many others did not. In his engaging manner, he encouraged and cajoled us to deliver the best possible manuscript, then sent it back for further work covered with helpful suggestions. He was ably assisted in these tasks by Sean Desmond and by manuscript editor Carol Flechner, who polished our prose to a high gloss.
最后，我们很难充分感谢家庭提供的基本生活必需品和情感支持。在如此艰巨的项目进行过程中，我们衷心感谢莉莲的丈夫彼得·加勒特以及她的孩子们迈克尔和卡罗尔。他们不仅容忍了这位临时闯入者进入他们的家庭和生活，而且常常以有益的评论和批评来欢迎这位不守规矩的客人。
Finally, it is difficult to give adequate thanks for the basic sustenance and emotional support offered by families during the long course of such a demanding project. Nevertheless, we offer our heartfelt thanks to Lillian’s husband, Peter Garrett, as well as to her children, Michael and Carol. They not only endured the entry of this temporary intruder into their homes and lives, but often welcomed the unruly guest with helpful comments and criticisms.
Crystal Fire 经历了漫长而艰辛的孕育过程。所有这些人以及许多其他我们没有提及姓名的人，现在都可以与我们分享它的诞生所带来的喜悦和自豪。
Crystal Fire has endured a long and often difficult gestation. All these people and many others we have not mentioned by name can now share our joy and pride in its birth.
迈克尔·里奥丹，加利福尼亚州索克尔
Michael Riordan, Soquel, California
莉莲·霍德森，伊利诺伊州厄巴纳
Lillian Hoddeson, Urbana, Illinois
《水晶之火》的作者们受益于口述历史访谈和与晶体管发明及发展相关人士的非正式对话，这些访谈和对话可以追溯到20世纪70年代，当时莉莲·霍德森开始对贝尔实验室的历史进行学术研究。以下列出部分访谈内容，录音访谈以星号 (*) 标示。日期之后。括号中的“by”表示正式采访，“with”表示对话；“LH”表示莉莲·霍德森，“MR”表示迈克尔·里奥丹。
The authors of Crystal Fire have benefited from oral history interviews and informal conversations with people involved in the invention and development of the transistor, dating back to the 1970s when Lillian Hoddeson began scholarly research on the history of Bell Labs. These interactions are partially listed below, with taped interviews indicated by an asterisk after the date. In parentheses, the word “by” denotes a formal interview, while “with” indicates a conversation; “LH” denotes Lillian Hoddeson, while “MR” is Michael Riordan.
Philip Anderson（LH、MR 和 Vicki Daitch 摄），1992 年 3 月 17 日。*
Philip Anderson (by LH, MR, and Vicki Daitch), 17 March 1992.*
威廉·贝克（LH 和 MR 摄），1992 年 9 月 25 日。*
William Baker (by LH and MR), 25 September 1992.*
简·巴丁（LH 和欧文·埃利奇里戈蒂著），1991年6月6日；*（LH 著），1991年9月29日；* 1993年4月4日；*1993年4月8日*
Jane Bardeen (by LH and Irving Elichirigoity), 6 June 1991;* (by LH), 29 September 1991;* 4 April 1993;* 8 April 1993.*
简·巴丁和家人（由LH、MR和欧文·埃利奇里戈蒂拍摄），1992年3月12日。*
Jane Bardeen and family (by LH, MR, and Irving Elichirigoity), 12 March 1992.*
约翰·巴丁（LH），1977年5月12日；* 1977年5月16日；* 1977年12月1日；* 1977年12月22日；* 1980年2月13日；*（LH和戈登·贝姆），1978年4月14日。
John Bardeen (by LH), 12 May 1977;* 16 May 1977;* 1 December 1977;* 22 December 1977;* 13 February 1980;* (by LH and Gordon Baym), 14 April 1978.*
理查德·博佐斯（LH 摄），1975 年 8 月 28 日。*
Richard Bozorth (by LH), 28 August 1975.*
Robert Brattain（LH 和 MR 合著），1993 年 2 月 20 日；*（与 MR 合著），1993 年 8 月 21 日；1994 年 3 月 30 日；1995 年 6 月 15 日。
Robert Brattain (by LH and MR), 20 February 1993;* (with MR), 21 August 1993; 30 March 1994; 15 June 1995.
威廉·布林克曼（与 MR 合作），1993 年 6 月 2 日。
William Brinkman (with MR), 2 June 1993.
约瑟夫·伯顿（LH 摄），1974 年 7 月 22 日。*
Joseph Burton (by LH), 22 July 1974.*
吉姆·厄尔利（与MR合著），1992年7月8日；1993年5月24日；（由LH和MR合著），1993年2月19日。*
Jim Early (with MR), 8 July 1992; 24 May 1993; (by LH and MR), 19 February 1993.*
Leo Esaki（MR），1992 年 10 月 30 日。
Leo Esaki (by MR), 30 October 1992.
威廉·费尔德曼（与 LH 和 MR 一起），1993 年 7 月 30 日。
William Feldman (with LH and MR), 30 July 1993.
詹姆斯·菲斯克（LH 和艾伦·霍尔顿摄），1976 年 6 月 24 日。*
James Fisk (by LH and Alan Holden), 24 June 1976.*
吉姆·吉本斯（MR 撰写），1995 年 9 月 13 日。*
Jim Gibbons (by MR), 13 September 1995.*
罗伯特·吉布尼（LH 和戈登·贝姆摄），1978 年 1 月 11 日。*
Robert Gibney (by LH and Gordon Baym), 11 January 1978.*
康耶斯·赫林（LH 著），1974 年 1 月 23 日；*（LH 和 MR 著），1992 年 3 月 16 日；1992 年 6 月 29 日；*（与 MR 合著），1995 年 1 月 6 日；（与 LH 和 MR 合著），1996 年 1 月 12 日。
Conyers Herring (by LH), 23 January 1974;* (by LH and MR) 16 March 1992; 29 June 1992;* (with MR), 6 January 1995; (with LH and MR), 12 January 1996.
莱斯特·霍根（LH 和 MR 合著），1992 年 6 月 30 日。*
Lester Hogan (by LH and MR), 30 June 1992.*
艾伦·霍尔顿（LH 摄），1974 年 7 月 30 日。*
Alan Holden (by LH), 30 July 1974.*
Nick Holonyak（LH 和 Irving Elichirigoity 合著），1991 年 5 月 29 日；*（LH 合著），1992 年 1 月 10 日；*（LH 和 MR 合著），1993 年 7 月 30 日；* 1996 年 4 月 20 日。*
Nick Holonyak (by LH and Irving Elichirigoity), 29 May 1991;* (by LH), 10 January 1992;* (by LH and MR), 30 July 1993;* 20 April 1996.*
Kenneth McKay（LH 和 MR 著）1992年9月26日*
Kenneth McKay (by LH and MR), 26 September 1992.*
西德尼·米尔曼（LH 摄），1975 年 8 月 21 日；*（与 MR 合著），1992 年 8 月 19 日；（LH 和 MR 合著），1992 年 9 月 29 日。*
Sidney Millman (by LH), 21 August 1975;* (with MR), 19 August 1992; (by LH and MR), 29 September 1992.*
约翰·莫尔（LH 和 MR 摄），1992 年 6 月 30 日。*
John Moll (by LH and MR), 30 June 1992.*
Gordon Moore（LH 和 MR 合著），1996 年 1 月 11 日；*（与 MR 合著），1996 年 6 月 4 日。
Gordon Moore (by LH and MR), 11 January 1996;* (with MR), 4 June 1996.
斯坦利·摩根（LH 摄），1975 年 7 月 3 日。*
Stanley Morgan (by LH), 3 July 1975.*
福斯特·尼克斯（LH 摄），1975 年 6 月 27 日。*
Foster Nix (by LH), 27 June 1975.*
Russell Ohl（LH摄），1976年8月19-20日。*
Russell Ohl (by LH), 19–20 August 1976.*
杰拉尔德·皮尔逊（LH 摄），1976 年 8 月 23 日。*
Gerald Pearson (by LH), 23 August 1976.*
John Pierce（LH 和 MR 合著），1992 年 6 月 29 日；*（与 LH 和 MR 合著），1995 年 9 月 8 日；（与 LH 合著），1996 年 9 月 8 日。
John Pierce (by LH and MR), 29 June 1992;* (with LH and MR), 8 September 1995; (with LH), 8 September 1996.
大卫·派恩斯（LH 和 Vicki Daitch 著），1993 年 12 月 3 日。*
David Pines (by LH and Vicki Daitch), 3 December 1993.*
Antonio Roder（MR），1995 年 1 月 10 日。*
Antonio Roder (by MR), 10 January 1995.*
Ian Ross（与 MR 合作），1996 年 2 月 15 日；1996 年 8 月 19 日；1996 年 9 月 17 日；1996 年 9 月 23 日；1996 年 9 月 26 日。
Ian Ross (with MR), 15 February 1996; 19 August 1996; 17 September 1996; 23 September 1996; 26 September 1996.
杰克·斯卡夫（LH 摄），1975 年 8 月 6 日。*
Jack Scaff (by LH), 6 August 1975.*
弗雷德里克·塞茨（LH摄），1月26日至27日1981 年；*（与 LH 和 MR 合作），1992 年 3 月 16 日至 17 日；（由 LH 和 MR 创作），1992 年 9 月 26 日；*（由 LH、Vicki Daitch 和 Irving Elichirigoity 创作），1993 年 4 月 22 日；*（与 MR 合作），1994 年 3 月 22 日；1994 年 4 月 8 日；1995 年 6 月 4 日；1995 年 6 月 27 日；1995 年 7 月 5 日；（与 LH 合作），1996 年 3 月 12 日。
Frederick Seitz (by LH), 26–27 January 1981;* (with LH and MR), 16–17 March 1992; (by LH and MR), 26 September 1992;* (by LH, Vicki Daitch, and Irving Elichirigoity), 22 April 1993;* (with MR), 22 March 1994; 8 April 1994; 4 June 1995; 27 June 1995; 5 July 1995; (with LH), 12 March 1996.
Harry Sello（LH 和 MR 合著），1995 年 9 月 8 日；* 1996 年 1 月 11 日；*（与 MR 合著）1996 年 5 月 16 日；1996 年 5 月 21 日；1996 年 6 月 14 日。
Harry Sello (by LH and MR), 8 September 1995;* 11 January 1996;* (with MR) 16 May 1996; 21 May 1996; 14 June 1996.
Mark Shepherd (by LH and MR), 18 June 1993.*
艾米·肖克利（LH 和 MR 合著），1994 年 1 月 13 日；* 1996 年 1 月 12 日；*（与 MR 合著），1995 年 5 月 24 日；1996 年 5 月 1 日；1996 年 5 月 16 日。
Emmy Shockley (by LH and MR), 13 January 1994;* 12 January 1996;* (with MR), 24 May 1995; 1 May 1996; 16 May 1996.
威廉·肖克利（LH 摄），1974 年 9 月 10 日。*
William Shockley (by LH), 10 September 1974.*
Marion Softky（与 MR 合作），1995 年 2 月 9 日；1996 年 4 月 24 日。
Marion Softky (with MR), 9 February 1995; 24 April 1996.
Morgan Sparks（LH 创作），1992 年 7 月 11 日；*（LH 和 MR 创作），1993 年 6 月 17 日；*（与 MR 合作），1996 年 1 月 30 日。
Morgan Sparks (by LH), 11 July 1992;* (by LH and MR), 17 June 1993;* (with MR), 30 January 1996.
Gordon Teal（LH 和 MR 摄），1993 年 6 月 19 日。*
Gordon Teal (by LH and MR), 19 June 1993.*
Addison White (by LH), 30 September 1976.*
尤金·维格纳（LH摄），1981年1月24日。*
Eugene Wigner (by LH), 24 January 1981.*
迪恩·伍尔德里奇（LH 摄），1976 年 8 月 21 日。*
Dean Wooldridge (by LH), 21 August 1976.*
参考文献和注释中使用了以下缩写和首字母缩略词：
The following abbreviations and acronyms are used in the Bibliography and the Notes:
Anderson, AE 和 RM Ryder. nd “贝尔电话实验室和西电公司晶体管的发展史 (1947-75)”。未发表的手稿。AT&T。
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———. 1957. “An Appraisal of Military Transistor Development—1948–1957.” Unpublished manuscript, 7 August. AT&T.
Anderson, P. 1992 年 3 月 17 日接受 Lillian Hoddeson、Michael Riordan 和 Vicki Daitch 的采访。
Anderson, P. 1992. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, Michael Riordan, and Vicki Daitch, 17 March.
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Bardeen, J. 1947. “Surface States and Rectification at a Metal Semi-conductor Contact.” Physical Review 71, pp. 717–27.
———. 1951. 致 MJ Kelly 的备忘录，5 月 24 日，UIUC-P。
———. 1951. Memorandum to M. J. Kelly, 24 May, UIUC-P.
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———. 1964. “Semiconductor Research Leading to the Point Contact Transistor.” In Nobel Lectures: Physics, 1942–1962, pp. 317–41. New York: Elsevier.
——。1977a。莉莲·霍德森采访，5月12日，AIP。
———. 1977a. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, 12 May, AIP.
———. 1977b. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, 16 May, AIP.
——。1977c。莉莲·霍德森采访，12月1日，AIP。
———. 1977c. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, 1 December, AIP.
——。1978 年 4 月 14 日，莉莲·霍德森和戈登·贝姆采访，AIP。
———. 1978. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Gordon Baym, 14 April, AIP.
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———. 1980a. “Reminiscences of the Early Days in Solid State Physics.” Proceedings of the Royal Society of London A371 (10 June), pp. 77–83.
——。1980b。莉莲·霍德森于2月13日采访，AIP。
———. 1980b. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, 13 February, AIP.
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——。1963 年 6 月 19 日，林肯·巴内特采访，AT&T。
———. 1963. Interview by Lincoln Barnett, 19 June, AT&T.
布拉坦，罗伯特。1993 年 2 月 20 日，莉莲·霍德森和迈克尔·里奥丹采访。
Brattain, Robert. 1993. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 20 February.
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Brattain, Ross. 1986. “China Adventure.” Whitman College Fifty-Year-Plus News 8, no. 2, p. 1.
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Brattain, WH 1941.“氧化铜压敏电阻。”贝尔实验室记录19，第 5 期（1 月），第 153-159 页。
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———. N.d. “The Saga of an Expedition to Stockholm, Sweden, December 1956.” Unpublished. WHIT.
——。1963年。访谈作者：林肯·巴内特，2月14日，AT&T。
———. 1963. Interview by Lincoln Barnett, 14 February, AT&T.
———. 1964a. AN Holden 和 WJ King 的采访，1 月，AIP。
———. 1964a. Interview by A. N. Holden and W. J. King, January, AIP.
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———. 1968.“晶体管的起源。”物理教师（3月），第109-114页。
———. 1968. “Genesis of the Transistor.” Physics Teacher (March), pp. 109–14.
——。1974 年 5 月 28 日，查尔斯·韦纳采访，AIP。
———. 1974. Interview by Charles Weiner, 28 May, AIP.
———。 1976a。 “沃尔特·布拉顿：A科学自传。” 《实验物理学探险记》第 5 卷，第 29-31 页。
———. 1976a. “Walter Brattain: A Scientific Autobiography.” Adventures in Experimental Physics 5, pp. 29–31.
———. 1976b.“晶体管效应的发现：一位研究者的个人叙述。”实验物理学探险5，第 3-13 页。
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Brattain, W., and J. Bardeen. 1948. “Nature of the Forward Current in Germanium Point Contacts.” Physical Review 74 (15 July), pp. 231–32.
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Bray, R., et al. 1947. “Spreading Resistance Discrepancies and Field Effects in Germanium.” Physical Review 72 (15 September), p. 530.
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——。1992b。莉莲·霍德森和迈克尔·里奥丹于6月29日采访。
———. 1992b. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 29 June.
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——。1993 年 7 月 30 日，莉莲·霍德森和迈克尔·里奥丹采访。
———. 1993. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 30 July.
——。1996a。莉莲·霍德森和迈克尔·里奥丹于 4 月 20 日采访。
———. 1996a. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 20 April.
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——。1996a。莉莲·霍德森和迈克尔·里奥丹于1月11日采访。
———. 1996a. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 11 January.
———. 1996b. “英特尔——存储器和微处理器”，《代达罗斯》 125，第2期（春季），第 55-80 页。
———. 1996b. “Intel—Memories and the Microprocessor,” Daedalus 125, no. 2 (Spring), pp. 55–80.
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———. 1939. “Silicon of High Purity in a Point Contact Rectifier.” BTL Internal Memorandum No. MM-39-326-27, 10 April. AT&T.
——。1976 年 8 月 19 日至 20 日，莉莲·霍德森采访。
———. 1976. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, 19–20 August.
Osterhoudt, W. 1991。Vicki Daitch 采访，11 月 16 日。
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Pearson, G. 1976. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, August, AIP.
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——。1992 年 6 月 29 日，莉莲·霍德森和迈克尔·里奥丹采访。
———. 1992. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 29 June.
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Ross, I. 1996a. Telephone interview by Michael Riordan, 17 September.
——。1996b。迈克尔·里奥丹于9月23日进行的电话采访。
———. 1996b. Telephone interview by Michael Riordan, 23 September.
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——。1975 年 8 月 6 日，莉莲·霍德森采访，AIP。
———. 1975. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, 6 August, AIP.
Scaff, JH 和 RS Ohl. 1947. “微波雷达接收机用硅晶体整流器的发展。”贝尔系统技术期刊26，第 1 期（1 月），第 1-30 页。
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———. 1990.“年轻的约翰·克拉克·斯莱特与量子化学的发展。”物理和生物科学史研究20，第 2 期，第 339–406 页。
———. 1990. “The Young John Clarke Slater and the Development of Quantum Chemistry.” Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 20, no. 2, pp. 339–406.
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Seitz, F. 1981. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, 20 January.
——。1992年。莉莲·霍德森和迈克尔的采访里奥丹，9月26日。
———. 1992. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 26 September.
——。1993 年 4 月 22 日，莉莲·霍德森、维姬·戴奇和欧文·埃利奇里戈蒂采访。
———. 1993. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, Vicki Daitch, and Irving Elichirigoity, 22 April.
———. 1994.在前沿：我的科学生涯。纽约：美国物理学会。
———. 1994. On the Frontier: My Life in Science. New York: American Institute of Physics.
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———. 1995a. “Research on Silicon and Germanium in World War II.” Physics Today (January), pp. 22–27.
——。1995b。“硅电子时代的史前史”。未发表的手稿，6月8日草稿。
———. 1995b. “The Prehistory of the Age of Silicon Electronics.” Unpublished manuscript, draft dated 8 June.
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Seitz, F., and N. Einspruch. The Tangled History of Silicon in Electronics. Manuscript in preparation.
Sello, H. 1995. Lillian Hoddeson 和 Michael Riordan 于 9 月 8 日采访。
Sello, H. 1995. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 8 September.
——。1996 年 1 月 11 日，莉莲·霍德森和迈克尔·里奥丹采访。
———. 1996. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 11 January.
Shepherd, M. 1993. Lillian Hoddeson 和 Michael Riordan 于 6 月 18 日采访。
Shepherd, M. 1993. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 18 June.
Shockley, E. 1994. Lillian 采访霍德森和迈克尔·里奥丹，1月13日。
Shockley, E. 1994. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 13 January.
——。1996 年 1 月 12 日，莉莲·霍德森和迈克尔·里奥丹采访。
———. 1996. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 12 January.
Shockley, W. 1939. “关于与周期势相关的表面态。”《物理评论》 56，第 317-23 页。
Shockley, W. 1939. “On the Surface States Associated with a Periodic Potential.” Physical Review 56, pp. 317–23.
———. 1947. “通过接触电势测量推断硅表面态密度。” 《物理评论》 72（8 月 15 日），第 345 页。
———. 1947. “Density of Surface States on Silicon Deduced from Contact Potential Measurements.” Physical Review 72 (15 August), p. 345.
——。1949年。“PN理论”半导体中的结和PN结晶体管。”贝尔系统技术期刊28，第435-89页。
———. 1949. “The Theory of P-N Junctions in Semiconductors and P-N Junction Transistors.” Bell System Technical Journal 28, pp. 435–89.
———. 1950a.半导体中的电子和空穴，及其在晶体管电子学中的应用。纽约：范·诺斯特兰德出版社。
———. 1950a. Electrons and Holes in Semiconductors, with Applications to Transistor Electronics. New York: Van Nostrand.
———. 1950b. “空穴和电子。” 《今日物理》 3，第 10 期（10 月），第 16-24 页。
———. 1950b. “Holes and Electrons.” Physics Today 3, no. 10 (October), pp. 16–24.
———. 1954. “晶体管物理学。” 《美国科学家》 42（1月），第41-72页。
———. 1954. “Transistor Physics.” American Scientist 42 (January), pp. 41–72.
——。1955–56。“备忘录。”个人日记。STAN，档案 95–153，第 2B 盒。
———. 1955–56. “Memorandums.” Personal diary. STAN, Accn. 95–153, Box 2B.
——。1956–57。“黄金西部主题笔记本”。包含肖克利半导体实验室笔记的螺旋笔记本。STAN，档案号 95–153，2B 盒。
———. 1956–57. “Golden West Theme Book.” Spiral notepad containing notes of Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory. STAN, Accn. 95–153, Box 2B.
———. 1956–58. “记录。”装订好的笔记本，内含肖克利半导体实验室的笔记。STAN，档案号 95–153，第 2B 盒。
———. 1956–58. “Record.” Bound notebook containing notes of Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory. STAN, Accn. 95–153, Box 2B.
———. 1957. “四层二极管。”电子工业与电信技术16，第 1 期8（8 月），第 58-165 页。
———. 1957. “The Four-Layer Diode.” Electronic Industries & Tele-Tech 16, no. 8 (August), pp. 58–165.
——。1958 年。“晶体、电子学与人类对自然的征服。”未发表的手稿，8 月，STAN。M. Riordan 的档案中有副本。
———. 1958. “Crystals, Electronics and Man’s Conquest of Nature.” Unpublished manuscript, August, STAN. Copy in files of M. Riordan.
——。1963 年 5 月 24 日，林肯·巴内特采访，AT&T。
———. 1963. Interview by Lincoln Barnett, 24 May, AT&T.
———. 1964.“晶体管技术引发了新的物理学。”载于《诺贝尔奖演讲集：物理学，1942–1962》，第345–74页。纽约：爱思唯尔出版社。
———. 1964. “Transistor Technology Evokes New Physics.”In Nobel Lectures: Physics, 1942–1962, pp. 345–74. New York: Elsevier.
——。1972a。“我们是如何发明晶体管的。” 《新科学家》21（12月），第689-91页。
———. 1972a. “How We Invented the Transistor.” New Scientist 21 (December), pp. 689–91.
———. 1972b.“晶体管的发明：‘创造性失败方法论的一个例子’。”欧洲固态器件研究会议论文集，第 55-75 页。英国兰开斯特：兰开斯特大学。
———. 1972b. “The Invention of the Transistor: ‘An Example of Creative Failure Methodology.’” Proceedings of the European Solid State Device Research Conference, pp. 55–75. Lancaster, Eng.: University of Lancaster.
——。1974a。“晶体管的发明——创造性失败方法论的一个例子。”关于公共需求和作用的会议论文集发明家，加利福尼亚州蒙特雷，国家标准局特别出版物 388（1973 年 6 月 11 日至 14 日），47-89。
———. 1974a. “The Invention of the Transistor—An Example of Creative Failure Methodology.” Proceedings of the Conference on the Public Need and the Role of the Inventor, Monterey, California, National Bureau of Standards Special Publication 388 (11–14 June 1973), 47–89.
——。1974b。莉莲·霍德森采访，9 月 10 日，AIP。
———. 1974b. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, 10 September, AIP.
———. 1976. “结型晶体管概念的形成之路。” IEEE 电子器件汇刊ED-23，第 7 期，（7 月），第 597-620 页。
———. 1976. “The Path to the Conception of the Junction Transistor.” IEEE Transactions on Electron Devices ED-23, no. 7, (July), pp. 597–620.
Shockley, W. 和 GL Pearson. 1948. “薄层电导的调制”半导体薄膜的表面电荷。”物理评论74，第 15 期（7 月 15 日），第 232 页。
Shockley, W., and G. L. Pearson. 1948. “Modulation of the Conductance of Thin Films of Semi-Conductors by Surface Charges.” Physical Review 74, no. 15 (15 July), p. 232.
Shockley, W.、M. Sparks 和 G. Teal。1951 年。“PN 结晶体管。” 《物理评论》 83，第 1 期（7 月），第 151-162 页。
Shockley, W., M. Sparks, and G. Teal. 1951. “P-N Junction Transistors.” Physical Review 83, no. 1 (July), pp. 151–62.
Smits, FM 编. 1985.贝尔系统工程与科学史：电子技术（1925–75）。默里山：BTL。
Smits, F. M., ed. 1985. A History of Engineering and Science in the Bell System: Electronics Technology (1925–75). Murray Hill: BTL.
索尼40周年纪念。1986年。东京：索尼公司。
Sony 40th Anniversary. 1986. Tokyo: Sony Corporation.
Sopka, KR 1988.美国量子物理学：1935 年之前的岁月。纽约：美国物理学会。
Sopka, K. R. 1988. Quantum Physics in America: The Years through 1935. New York: American Institute of Physics.
Southworth, GC 1936. “超高频波导——一般考虑和实验结果。”贝尔系统技术期刊15，第 284-309 页。
Southworth, G. C. 1936. “Hyper-Frequency Wave Guides—General Considerations and Experimental Results.” Bell System Technical Journal 15, pp. 284–309.
——。1962。《四十年的无线电研究》。纽约：戈登和布雷奇出版社。
———. 1962. Forty Years of Radio Research. New York: Gordon and Breach.
Sparks, M. 1952. “结型晶体管。” 《科学美国人》（3月），第29-32页。
Sparks, M. 1952. “The Junction Transistor.” Scientific American (March), pp. 29–32.
——。1992 年 7 月 11 日，莉莲·霍德森采访。
———. 1992. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, 11 July.
——。1993 年 6 月 17 日，莉莲·霍德森和迈克尔·里奥丹采访。
———. 1993. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 17 June.
Sparks, M. 和 WJ Pietenpol. 1956 年。“固体中的扩散——半导体器件制造的突破。”贝尔实验室记录（12 月），第 442-46 页。
Sparks, M. and W. J. Pietenpol. 1956. “Diffusion in Solids—a Breakthrough in Semiconductor Device Fabrication.” Bell Laboratories Record (December), pp. 442–46.
Süsskind, C. 1980. “费迪南德·布劳恩：被遗忘的父亲。” 《电子学与电子技术进展》物理学50，第 241-260 页。
Süsskind, C. 1980. “Ferdinand Braun: Forgotten Father.” Advances in Electronics and Electron Physics 50, pp. 241–60.
Tanenbaum, M. 和 DE Thomas. 1956 年。“扩散发射极和基极硅晶体管。”贝尔系统技术期刊35，第 1-22 页。
Tanenbaum, M., and D. E. Thomas. 1956. “Diffused Emitter and Base Silicon Transistors.” Bell System Technical Journal 35, pp. 1–22.
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Taylor, J. G. 1972. The New Physics. New York: Basic Books.
Teal, GK 1976. “锗和硅的单晶——晶体管和集成电路的基础。” IEEE 电子器件汇刊ED-23，第 7 期，（7 月），第 621-39 页。
Teal, G. K. 1976. “Single Crystals of Germanium and Silicon—Basic to the Transistor and Integrated Circuit.” IEEE Transactions on Electron Devices ED-23, no. 7, (July), pp. 621–39.
——。1993 年 6 月 19 日，莉莲·霍德森和迈克尔·里奥丹采访。
———. 1993. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson and Michael Riordan, 19 June.
Thomson, JJ 1907.物质的微粒理论。纽约：Scribner's。
Thomson, J. J. 1907. The Corpuscular Theory of Matter. New York: Scribner’s.
Torrey, HC 和 CA Whitmer. 1948.晶体整流器。纽约：麦格劳-希尔出版社。波士顿：波士顿技术出版社，1964 年再版。
Torrey, H. C., and C. A. Whitmer. 1948. Crystal Rectifiers. New York: McGraw-Hill. Republished by Boston: Boston Technical Publishers, 1964.
“晶体管收音机和硅晶体管诞生25周年纪念。” 1980年3月17日。德州仪器公司。
“25th Anniversary Observance—Transistor Radio and Silicon Transistor.” 17 March 1980. TI.
范·弗莱克，J.H. 1964.“美国物理学走向成熟。” 《今日物理》（6月），第21-26页。
Van Vleck, J. H. 1964. “American Physics Comes of Age.” Physics Today (June), pp. 21–26.
Wallace, RL 1958. “电路和系统研究。”贝尔实验室记录（6 月），第 198-201 页。
Wallace, R. L. 1958. “Research in Circuits and Systems.” Bell Laboratories Record (June), pp. 198–201.
Warner, RM 1983.“微电子学的起源、发展和特性。”载于 RM Warner 和 BL Grung 编，《晶体管：集成电路工程师基础》。纽约：John Wiley。
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Wasson, T., ed. 1987. Nobel Prize Winners. Bronx, N.Y.: H. W. Wilson.
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Weiner, C. 1970. “Physics in the Great Depression.” Physics Today (October), pp. 31–38.
———. 1973.“晶体管是如何出现的。” IEEE Spectrum 10（1 月），第 24-33 页。
———. 1973. “How the Transistor Emerged.” IEEE Spectrum 10 (January), pp. 24–33.
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———. 1931b.“电子半导体理论—II.” 伦敦皇家学会会刊A134（11 月 3 日），第 277-87 页。
———. 1931b. “The Theory of Electronic Semi-Conductors—II.” Proceedings of the Royal Society of London A134 (3 November), pp. 277–87.
———. 1932.“关于整流理论的注释。”伦敦皇家学会会刊A136（6 月 1 日），第 487-98 页。
———. 1932. “A Note on the Theory of Rectification.” Proceedings of the Royal Society of London A136 (1 June), pp. 487–98.
———. 1980.“固态物理 1925–33：错失的机遇与抓住的机遇。”伦敦皇家学会会刊A371（6 月 10 日），第 39–48 页。
———. 1980. “Solid State Physics 1925–33: Opportunities Missed and Opportunities Seized.” Proceedings of the Royal Society of London A371 (10 June), pp. 39–48.
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Wolff, M. 1975. “The R&D ‘Bootleggers’: Inventing against the Odds.” IEEE Spectrum 12, no. 7 (July), pp. 38–45.
———. 1976.“集成电路的起源。” IEEE Spectrum（8 月），第 45-53 页。
———. 1976. “The Genesis of the Integrated Circuit.” IEEE Spectrum (August), pp. 45–53.
Wooldridge, D. 1976 年 8 月 21 日，Lillian Hoddeson 对 AIP 的采访。
Wooldridge, D. 1976. Interview by Lillian Hoddeson, 21 August, AIP.
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Zahl, H. A. 1966. “Birth of the Transistor.” Microwave Journal 9, no. 7 (July), pp. 96–98.
每条注释前的数字指的是印刷版中突出显示的文本所在的页码。
The numbers before each note refer to the pages in the print editions on which the highlighted text appears.
第一章 时代的曙光
Chapter 1. Dawn of an Age
2.围绕一个边缘.. :WH Brattain（1968）；WH Brattain（1976b）。
2.Around one edge . . . : W. H. Brattain (1968); W. H. Brattain (1976b).
2.“跟随三匹马…… ”：WH Brattain（1974 年），第 44 页；Wasson（1987 年），第 143 页。
2.“Following three horses . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 44; Wasson (1987), p. 143.
2.出身于一个学术氛围浓厚的家庭，……：霍德森和戴奇，第 1-4 章。
2.Raised in a large academic family, . . . : Hoddeson and Daitch, chs. 1–4.
3.“铜管乐队””: Holonyak (1991)。
3.“The Brass”: Holonyak (1991).
4.“沃森先生，…… ”：引自 Fagen (1975)，第 12 页。
4.“Mr. Watson, . . .”: quoted in Fagen (1975), p. 12.
4.“绝妙的圣诞礼物”：W. Shockley（1976 年），第 612 页。
4.“magnificent Christmas present”: W. Shockley (1976), p. 612.
4.“我的喜悦…… ”：同上。
4.“My elation . . .”: ibid.
4.在帕洛阿尔托长大……：莫尔（1995）。
4.Growing up in Palo Alto . . . : Moll (1995).
5.在……的鼓励下：Hoddeson（1981a）。
5.With the encouragement . . . : Hoddeson (1981a).
6.几乎每一刻……：Riordan 和 Hoddeson (1997)。
6.Almost every moment . . . : Riordan and Hoddeson (1997).
7.“神经细胞”：摘自《晶体管》访谈录1949 年 12 月 21 日，肖克利在纽约州斯克内克塔迪的 WGYN 电台接受广播，STAN，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹，第 8 页。
7.“nerve cell”: from a transcript of “The Transistor,” an interview with Shockley on radio station WGYN, Schenectady, NY, 21 December 1949, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3, p. 8.
8.“我们已经称之为…… ”：鲍恩在 1948 年 6 月 30 日晶体管新闻发布会上的开幕演讲稿，WHIT，第 3 页。
8.“We have called it . . .”: transcript of Bown’s opening presentation at 30 June 1948 transistor press conference, WHIT, p. 3.
8.“一种名为…… ”的装置：《纽约时报》，1948 年 7 月 1 日，第 46 页。
8.“A device called . . .”: New York Times, 1 July 1948, p. 46.
9.“持续不断的轰鸣声…… ”：《时代周刊》，1948 年 7 月 12 日，第 17 页。
9.“The incessant roar . . .”: Time, 12 July 1948, p. 17.
第二章 与世纪同在
Chapter 2. Born with the Century
11.罗斯·布拉坦和他的新娘……：Ross Brattain（1986 年），第 2 页。
11.Ross Brattain and his bride . . . : Ross Brattain (1986), p. 2.
12.“我们可以看到水…… ”：同上。
12.“we could see water . . .”: ibid.
12.“没关系，爸爸…… ”：罗斯·布拉坦（1986-87）。
12.“That’s fine, daddy . . .”: Ross Brattain (1986–87).
12.他们给他取名为沃尔特……：同上。
12.They named him Walter . . . : ibid.
12.“车轮血…… ”：罗斯·布拉坦，“车轮血”（未发表的手稿，无日期），WHIT。
12.“wagon wheel blood . . .”: Ross Brattain, “Wagon Wheel Blood” (unpublished manuscript, n.d.), WHIT.
12.于是在1911年。 。 。：罗伯特·布拉顿（1993）。
12.So in 1911 . . . : Robert Brattain (1993).
13.“八列特快列车…… ”：同上。
13.“eight express trains . . .”: ibid.
13.“连魔鬼都吓坏了…… ”：同上。
13.“It scared the devil . . .”: ibid.
13.“沃尔特已经足够好了…… ”：同上。
13.“Walt got good enough . . . ”: ibid.
14.1915年9月他离开了……：同上。
14.In September 1915 he left . . . : ibid.
14.Walter 跳过了 . . : WH Brattain (1976a)；“Walter Houser Brattain”，未出版的自传，WHIT。
14.Walter skipped . . . : W. H. Brattain (1976a); “Walter Houser Brattain,” unpublished autobiography, WHIT.
14.“我们得到了最大的满足…… ”：罗伯特·布拉顿（1993 年）。
14.“We got the biggest kick . . .”: Robert Brattain (1993).
14.在莫兰，沃尔特上了他的第一门课…… :《沃尔特·豪瑟·布拉坦》未出版的自传，WHIT。
14.At Moran Walter took his first course . . . : “Walter Houser Brattain,” unpublished autobiography, WHIT.
15.1905年巴丁遇见了。 。 。：霍德森以及 Daitch，第 2 章。
15.In 1905 Bardeen met . . . : Hoddeson and Daitch, ch. 2.
15.那年八月，查尔斯和阿尔西娅。 。 。 :同上。 ; Althea Bardeen 写给 UIUC-P 的 Charles W. Bardeen 的信。
15.That August, Charles and Althea . . . : ibid.; letters from Althea Bardeen to Charles W. Bardeen, UIUC-P.
16.“约翰是专注的…… ”：Althea Bardeen 对 Charles W. Bardeen，未注明日期，UIUC-P。
16.“John is the concentrated . . .”: Althea Bardeen to Charles W. Bardeen, undated, UIUC-P.
16.“查尔斯对约翰的忠诚…… ”：同上。
16.“Charles’s devotion to John . . .”: ibid.
16.门多塔法院提供. . . : Hoddeson 和 Daitch，第 2 章。
16.Mendota Court provided. . . : Hoddeson and Daitch, ch. 2.
17.约翰进入了麦迪逊的小学……：同上。
17.John entered Madison’s elementary. . . : ibid.
17.约翰无疑……”：Althea Bardeen 致 Charles W. Bardeen，1919 年 5 月 27 日，UIUC-P。
17.“John has undoubtedly . . .”: Althea Bardeen to Charles W. Bardeen, 27 May 1919, UIUC-P.
17.“约翰只是坚持着…… ”：阿尔西娅·巴丁致查尔斯·W·巴丁，日期不详，UIUC-P。
17.“John just hangs on . . .”: Althea Bardeen to Charles W. Bardeen, undated, UIUC-P.
17.1918 年的一场悲剧……：霍德森和戴奇，第 2 章。
17.In 1918 a tragedy . . . : Hoddeson and Daitch, ch. 2.
17.“目前的医学知识…… ”：Charles R. Bardeen 对 Charles W. Bardeen，1920 年 4 月 9 日，UIUC-P。
17.“At present, medical knowledge . . .”: Charles R. Bardeen to Charles W. Bardeen, 9 April 1920, UIUC-P.
17.“我记得停下来了…… ”：巴丁（1977a）。
17.“I remember stopping . . .”: Bardeen (1977a).
18.“我给布料染色…… ”：同上。
18.“I dyed materials . . .”: ibid.
18.桂格燕麦盒... : Rosemary Royce Bingham 致 John Bardeen，1973 年 2 月 1 日，UIUC-A。
18.Quaker Oats box . . . : Rosemary Royce Bingham to John Bardeen, 1 February 1973, UIUC-A.
18.“有些男孩甚至…… ”：巴丁（1977b）。
18.“Some boys even . . .”: Bardeen (1977b).
18.远距离无线电通信……：Lewis（1991）。
18.Long-distance radio communication . . . : Lewis (1991).
19.西屋公司引领了这一潮流……：同上，第 153 页。
19.Westinghouse led the way . . . : ibid., p. 153.
19.晶体探测器……：Hill（1978）；Süsskind（1980）。
19.The crystal detector . . . : Hill (1978); Süsskind (1980).
20.“一种排列…… ”：Süsskind（1980），第 243 页。
20.“a kind of alignment . . . ”: Süsskind (1980), p. 243.
20.“变化很大，而且……”同上。
20.“very variable and . . .”: ibid.
21.“为了表彰他们的贡献…… ”：Wasson（1987），第 146 页。
21.“in recognition of their contributions . . .”: Wasson (1987), p. 146.
21.在一个炎热的七月……：梅·布拉德福德致萨莉·J·L·布拉德福德夫人，1904 年 9 月 27 日，STAN，第 1 盒，第 3 文件夹。
21.On a blazing July . . . : May Bradford to Mrs. Sallie J. L. Bradford, 27 September 1904, STAN, Box 1, Folder 3.
21.“爸爸是其中之一…… ”：同上。
21.“Papa is one . . .”: ibid.
22.梅很快让自己……：布夫顿（1977）。
22.May soon made herself . . . : Bufton (1977).
22.“妈妈，我讨厌男人…… ”：梅·布拉德福德致萨莉·J·L·布拉德福德夫人，1904 年 9 月 27 日。
22.“Mama, I hate men . . .”: May Bradford to Mrs. Sallie J. L. Bradford, 27 September 1904.
22.一个与众不同的人……：摘自《工程与采矿杂志》（1920 年 8 月）第 313 页“值得关注的采矿工程师：W.H. Shockley”；该副本与 William H. Shockley 的其他传记资料一起在 STAN 的 4 号盒子、2 号和 4 号文件夹中找到。
22.a different kind of man . . . : from “Mining Engineers of Note: W. H. Shockley,” Engineering and Mining Journal (August 1920), p. 313; copy found along with other biographical materials on William H. Shockley in STAN, Box 4, Folders 2 and 4.
22.“我从未知道…… ”：梅·布拉德福德致萨莉·J·L·布拉德福德夫人，1909 年 12 月 29 日，STAN，第 9 盒，第 2 文件夹。
22.“I never knew . . .”: May Bradford to Mrs. Sallie J. L. Bradford, 29 December 1909, STAN, Box 9, Folder 2.
22.“剧烈疼痛…… ”：威廉·H·肖克利日记，2月13日1913年，斯坦，第12盒。
22.“with violent agonies . . .”: diary of William H. Shockley, 13 February 1913, STAN, Box 12.
22.“他是一位优秀的…… ”：1910 年 2 月 16 日 May Shockley 寄给 Sallie JL Bradford 夫人的明信片，STAN，第 9 盒，第 2 文件夹。
22.“He is a fine . . .”: 16 February 1910 postcard from May Shockley to Mrs. Sallie J. L. Bradford, STAN, Box 9, Folder 2.
23.“他不是世界冠军…… ”：威廉·H·肖克利致萨莉·J·L·布拉德福德夫人，1912 年 11 月 10 日，STAN，第 9 盒，第 2 文件夹。
23.“he is no world-beater . . .”: William H. Shockley to Mrs. Sallie J. L. Bradford, 10 November 1912, STAN, Box 9, Folder 2.
23.但比利却成了巨大的负担……：肖克利在伦敦的日子在威廉·H·肖克利的日记中有所描述。STAN，第 12 盒，以及 May Shockley 写给 Sallie JL Bradford 夫人的信件，STAN，第 9 盒，第 1 和 2 文件夹。William H. Shockley 于 1912 年和 1914 年参加芝加哥大学函授育儿课程“儿童训练（母亲课程）”的回复也很有参考价值，STAN，第 4 盒，第 6 文件夹。
23.But Billy proved a tremendous burden . . . : Shockley’s London days are described in the diaries of William H. Shockley, STAN, Box 12, and in the letters from May Shockley to Mrs. Sallie J. L. Bradford, STAN, Box 9, Folders 1 and 2. Also informative are the replies of William H. Shockley to the University of Chicago correspondence course on child rearing that he took in 1912 and 1914, “The Training of Children (a Course for Mothers)”, STAN, Box 4, Folder 6.
24.比利喜欢玩耍……：芝加哥来信课程。
24.Billy loved to play . . . : Chicago correspondence course.
24.“愤怒是关于…… ”：威廉·H·肖克利对芝加哥函授课程第十九课的回应。
24.“Anger is about . . .”: William H. Shockley’s reply to lesson XIX of Chicago correspondence course.
24.“他没有挨打…… ”：威廉·H·肖克利致AH·普特南夫人，1914年8月18日，STAN，第4盒，第6文件夹。
24.“He is not spanked . . .”: William H. Shockley to Mrs. A. H. Putnam, 18 August 1914, STAN, Box 4, Folder 6.
24.“唯一的遗产…… ”：梅·布拉德福德·肖克利的日记，1918 年 1 月 30 日，STAN，第 2 盒。
24.“The only heritage . . .”: diary of May Bradford Shockley, 30 January 1918, STAN, Box 2.
24.比利只得了129分……：STAN，盒子1，文件夹13。两年后他测量结果为 125。
24.Billy scored a modest 129 . . . : STAN, Box 1, Folder 13. Two years later he measured 125.
24.Perley Ross . . . : W. Shockley (1974b)。
24.Perley Ross . . . : W. Shockley (1974b).
25.“他试图解释…… ”：同上，第 2 页。
25.“He tried to explain . . .”: ibid., p. 2.
26.好莱坞高中……：同上，第 3 页；肖克利的英语作文，STAN，第 10 盒，第 8 文件夹。
26.Hollywood High School . . . : ibid., p. 3; Shockley’s English compositions, STAN, Box 10, Folder 8.
26.“中风”发作……：梅·肖克利 1925 年和 1926 年的日记，STAN，第 2 盒。
26.attacks of “apoplexy” . . . : diaries of May Shockley 1925 and 1926, STAN, Box 2.
26.别克轿车……：梅·肖克利 1926 年日记，STAN，第 2 盒。
26.Buick sedan . . . : 1926 diary of May Shockley, STAN, Box 2.
26.“我们所处的时代是高度机械化的……””: William B. Shockley，英语作文，1927 年 5 月 10 日，STAN，第 10 盒，第 8 文件夹。
26.“Our age is eminently mechanical . . .”: William B. Shockley, English composition, 10 May 1927, STAN, Box 10, Folder 8.
26.“在这个领域相当出色”：W. Shockley（1974b），第 3 页。
26.“was rather good at this field”: W. Shockley (1974b), p. 3.
27.亚历克西·德·托克维尔：亚历克西·德·托克维尔， 《论美国的民主》，亨利·里夫译，2卷（纽约，1961年）。
27.Alexis de Toqueville: Alexis de Toqueville, Democracy in America, trans. Henry Reeve, 2 vols. (New York, 1961).
27.美国实用主义哲学。 。 。：施韦伯（1986）。
27.American philosophy of pragmatism . . . : Schweber (1986).
第三章 内在的革命
Chapter 3. The Revolution Within
28.当沃尔特·布拉坦……：WHBrattain (1964a)，第 1-5 页。
28.When Walter Brattain . . . : W. H. Brattain (1964a), pp. 1–5.
28.“这种组合是…… ”：同上，第 1 页。
28.“This combination was . . . ”: ibid., p. 1.
28.站在旋转的桌子上……：同上，第 3 页。
28.standing on a rotating table . . . : ibid., p. 3.
29.几段亲密的友谊……：同上，第 1-5 页。
29.several close friendships . . . : ibid., pp. 1–5.
29.固体的内部结构和固有性质……：Hoddeson 等人（1992 年），第 2 章。
29.internal structure and intrinsic properties of solids . . . : Hoddeson et al. (1992), ch. 2.
30.威廉·康拉德·伦琴。 。 。：派斯（1986），第 1 章。 2.
30.Wilhelm Conrad Röntgen . . . : Pais (1986), ch. 2.
31.“伦琴可能…… ”：同上，第 38 页。
31.“Röntgen has probably . . .”: ibid., p. 38.
32.我们很快发现……”: Wasson (1987)，第 881 页。
32.“We soon discovered . . .”: Wasson (1987), p. 881.
32.“抑制作用…… ”：CR Bardeen 和 FH Baetjer (1908)，“伦琴射线对涡虫再生的抑制作用”，《实验动物学杂志》 1，第 1 期（5 月）。
32.“The Inhibitive Action . . .”: C. R. Bardeen and F. H. Baetjer (1908), “The Inhibitive Action of the Roentgen Rays on Regeneration in Planarians,” Journal of Experimental Zoology 1, no.1 (May).
33.“为什么会有…… ”：劳厄引自奎瑟（1988 年），第 25 页。
33.“Why should there be . . .”: Laue quoted in Queisser, (1988), p. 25.
33.“这是一次难忘的经历…… ”：弗里德里希引自 Hoddeson 等人 (1992)，第 48 页。
33.“It was an unforgettable . . .”: Friedrich quoted in Hoddeson et al. (1992), p. 48.
34.“通过思考反思……””: WL Bragg，“个人回忆录”，引自 Hoddeson 等人 (1992)，第 52 页。
34.“by considering the reflection . . .”: W. L. Bragg, “Personal Reminiscences,” quoted in Hoddeson et al. (1992), p. 52.
34.“一个全新的世界…… ”：Wasson（1987），第 136 页。
34.“an entirely new world . . .”: Wasson (1987), p. 136.
34.Joseph John Thomson . . . : ibid. , pp. 1054–57.
34.Joseph John Thomson . . . : ibid., pp. 1054–57.
35.它们的质量与电荷的比值 m/e . . : Thomson (1907), pp. 9–10.
35.the ratio m/e of their mass to their charge . . . : Thomson (1907), pp. 9–10.
35.“原子不是…… ”：同上，第 10 页。
35.“the atom is not . . .”: ibid., p. 10.
35.“其中一块砖…… ”：同上，第 11 页。
35.“one of the bricks . . .”: ibid., p. 11.
37.“致电子…… ”：安德拉德（1978 年），第 48 页。感谢 Abraham Pais 让我们注意到这段引文。
37.“To the electron . . .”: Andrade (1978), p. 48. We thank Abraham Pais for bringing this quotation to our attention.
37.“黑色身体…… ”：Pais（1986），第 7 章。
37.“black body . . .”: Pais (1986), ch. 7.
38.一个不情愿的革命者，……：Heilbron（1986）；Riordan（1987），第 28 页。
38.A reluctant revolutionary, . . . : Heilbron (1986); Riordan (1987), p. 28.
38.“我很清楚…… ”：马克斯·普朗克致罗伯特·威廉姆斯·伍德（1931 年），引自赫尔曼（1971 年），第 23 页。
38.“It was clear to me . . .”: Max Planck to Robert Williams Wood (1931), quoted in Hermann (1971), p. 23.
38.一位默默无闻的瑞士专利局职员……：Riordan（1987），第 28 页。
38.an obscure Swiss patent clerk . . . : Riordan (1987), p. 28.
38.“如果普朗克的理论……””：爱因斯坦引自 Hermann (1971)，第 64 页。
38.“If Planck’s theory . . .”: Einstein quoted in Hermann (1971), p. 64.
39.卢瑟福一直在研究α粒子……：Riordan（1987），第42-45页。
39.Rutherford had been working with alpha particles . . . : Riordan (1987), pp. 42–45.
39.“最不可思议的事件…… ”：Taylor（1972），第 54 页。
39.“the most incredible event . . .”: Taylor (1972), p. 54.
39.“集中到…… ”：卢瑟福（1911），第 669 页。
39.“is concentrated into . . .”: Rutherford (1911), p. 669.
40.在《哲学杂志》的一篇文章中……：玻尔（1913 年），第 2 页。
40.In a Philosophical Magazine article . . . : Bohr (1913), p. 2.
41.阿诺·索末菲被吸引了。 。 。：霍德森等人。 （1992），第 3 章。 1, 2.
41.Arnold Sommerfeld attracted . . . : Hoddeson et al. (1992), chs. 1, 2.
42.截然相反的……：Cassidy（1992），第 108-9 页。
42.polar opposites . . . : Cassidy (1992), pp. 108–9.
43.“在一个原子中…… ”：泡利引自 Pais (1991)，第 209 页。
43.“In an atom . . .”: Pauli quoted in Pais (1991), p. 209.
44.布朗教授讨论了……：WH Brattain（1964 年），第 3-4 页。
44.Professor Brown discussed . . . : W. H. Brattain (1964), pp. 3–4.
44.“致一位年轻人…… ”：WH Brattain（1963 年），第 3 页。
44.“To a young man . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 3.
45.叛逆的爱因斯坦……：Riordan（1987），第 28 页。
45.The renegade Einstein . . . : Riordan (1987), p. 28.
45.“不能…… ”：玻尔引自 Pais (1991)，第 233 页。
45.“is not able to . . .”: Bohr quoted in Pais (1991), p. 233.
46.1923年，这位美国物理学家……：Riordan（1987），第 30 页。
46.In 1923 the American physicist . . . : Riordan (1987), p. 30.
47.《量子理论……》：玻尔、克拉默斯和斯莱特（1924）。约翰·斯莱特最终返回美国，成为威廉·肖克利的论文导师。在麻省理工学院。
47.“The Quantum Theory . . .”: Bohr, Kramers, and Slater (1924). John Slater, who eventually returned to the United States, became William Shockley’s thesis advisor at MIT.
47.“宁愿当个鞋匠…… ”：爱因斯坦引自 Pais (1991)，第 237 页。
47.“would rather be a cobbler . . .”: Einstein quoted in Pais (1991), p. 237.
47.“给予我们的革命…… ”：玻尔引自同上，第 238 页。
47.“to give our revolutionary . . .”: Bohr quoted ibid., p. 238.
47.一位对爱因斯坦思想着迷的科学家……同上，第 239-41 页。
47.One scientist enamored of Einstein’s ideas . . . : ibid., pp. 239–41.
47.“我相信这是一个…… ”：爱因斯坦引述ibid.，第 240 页。
47.“I believe it is a . . .”: Einstein quoted ibid., p. 240.
48.“应该显示出衍射…… ”：德布罗意引用自同上。
48.“should show diffraction . . .”: de Broglie quoted ibid.
48.高瘦的……：凯利（1962）。
48.Tall and lanky, . . . : Kelly (1962).
48.到五月中旬。 。 。：格伦贝克（1978），第 17 页。 37.
48.By mid-May . . . : Gehrenbeck (1978), p. 37.
49.沮丧，戴维森……：同上，第 37 页。
49.Discouraged, Davisson . . . : ibid., p. 37.
50.“试图理解…… ”：同上，第 38 页。
50.“trying to understand . . . ,”: ibid., p. 38.
50.“基本特征…… ”：戴维森（1927 年），第 259-260 页。
50.“the essential features . . .”: Davisson (1927), pp. 259–60.
50.“爆炸的液体…… ”：达罗（1940），第 792 页。
50.“The exploding liquid . . .”: Darrow (1940), p. 792.
51.“我直接跳下去了…… ”：H. Jackson，“致敬沃尔特·布拉坦博士”，国会记录，1967 年 6 月 16 日，第 S8369 页。
51.“I just jumped off . . .”: H. Jackson, “Tribute to Dr. Walter Brattain,” Congressional Record, June 16, 1967, p. S8369.
51.“量子力学是…… ”：WH Brattain，“从惠特曼学院到明尼苏达大学的博士学位”（未发表，无日期），WHIT。
51.“Quantum mechanics was . . .”: W. H. Brattain, “From Whitman College to a PhD from the University of Minnesota” (unpublished, n.d.), WHIT.
52.“在那些日子里…… ”：WH Brattain（1964a），第 9 页。
52.“In those days . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 9.
52.约翰·泰特繁忙的实验室……：布拉坦在明尼苏达州的岁月在同上，第 6-10 页有描述。
52. busy laboratory of John Tate . . . : Brattain’s Minnesota years described in ibid., pp. 6–10.
52.“你没时间…… ”：同上，第9页
52.“You didn’t have time . . .”: ibid., p. 9
第四章 工业强度科学
Chapter 4. Industrial Strength Science
55.在新闻局的广播部门工作……：WH Brattain（1964a），第 10-15 页。
55.working in the bureau’s radio section . . . : W. H. Brattain (1964a), pp. 10–15.
55.“顺便说一句，我……”和“嗯，我正在寻找…… ”：WH Brattain（1963 年），第 7 页。
55.“By the way, I . . .” and “Well, I’m looking . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 7.
56.“我感到非常敬畏”：WH Brattain（1964 年），第 9 页。
56.“I was very awed”: W. H. Brattain (1964), p. 9.
56.“纽约市曾经是……””: WH Brattain (1963)，第 9 页。
56.“New York City was . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 9.
56.贝尔电话实验室已经发展壮大……：Hoddeson (1981b)；Reich (1985)。
56.Bell Telephone Laboratories had grown up . . . : Hoddeson (1981b); also Reich (1985).
57.“一项政策…… ”：引自 Hoddeson (1981b)，第 530 页。
57.“one policy . . .”: cited in Hoddeson (1981b), p. 530.
58.直到 1904 年才被人遗忘……：Lewis（1991 年），第 2、3 章。
58.lay forgotten until 1904 . . . : Lewis (1991), chs. 2, 3.
58.更进一步……：同上。
58.a giant step further . . . : ibid.
58.“充满蓝色薄雾…… ”：米尔斯（1940），第 13 页。
58.“fill with blue haze . . .”: Mills (1940), p. 13.
59.真正的考验……：Hoddeson（1981b）。
59.The true test . . . : Hoddeson (1981b).
59.“它很有吸引力……”“”：“沃森先生……”，以及“这将需要……”：引自同上，第 537 页。
59.“It appeals . . . ,”: “Mr. Watson . . . ,”: and “It will take . . .”: quoted ibid., p. 537.
62.“热电子…… ”：Darrow（1929），第 710 页。
62.“The thermionic electrons . . .”: Darrow (1929), p. 710.
62.“理论解释…… ”：WH Brattain（1964a），第 15 页。
62.“The theoretical explanation . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 15.
62.索末菲将进行演讲……：同上。
62.Sommerfeld would be lecturing . . . : ibid.
62.“索末菲给了我们…… ”：同上。，p。 16.
62.“Sommerfeld gave us . . .”: ibid., p. 16.
63.日益加深的萧条……：霍德森（1980）。
63.the deepening Depression . . . : Hoddeson (1980).
64.虽然他没有意识到……：W.H. Brattain (1974)，第 11-13 页。
64.Although he didn’t realize it . . . : W. H. Brattain (1974), pp. 11–13.
64.“困难在于…… ”：同上，第 2 页。
64.“The difficulty in . . .”: ibid., p. 2.
64.“大约在那个时候…… ”：同上，第 1 页。
64.“About the time . . .”: ibid., p. 1.
64.“有……”和“使它…… ”的驼峰：WH Brattain（1964a），第 17 页。
64.“There was . . .” and “hump that made it . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 17.
65.“啊，要是有人知道就好了…… ”：同上。
65.“Ah, if only one knew . . .”: ibid.
66.英国理论家艾伦·威尔逊……：Hoddeson、Baym 和 Eckert（1987 年），第 298-300 页。
66.British theorist Alan Wilson . . . : Hoddeson, Baym, and Eckert (1987), pp. 298–300.
66.“我真的必须……”和“不，这完全不对…… ”：同上，第298页。
66.“I really must . . .” and “No, it’s quite wrong . . .”: ibid., p. 298.
67.“这之间存在本质区别……”和“能量水平会崩溃…… ”：威尔逊（1931a），第 459-60 页。
67.“There is an essential difference . . .” and “energy levels break up . . .”: Wilson (1931a), pp. 459–60.
67.“观察到的电导率…… ”：Wilson（1931b），第 278 页。
67.“the observed conductivity . . .”: Wilson (1931b), p. 278.
67.同年晚些时候……：威尔逊（1932）。
67.Later that year . . . : Wilson (1932).
68.1933 年标志着……：Hoddeson 等人（1992 年），第 153-160 页。
68.The year 1933 marked . . . : Hoddeson et al. (1992), pp. 153–60.
70.贝尔实验室的高管们……：Hoddeson（1981a），第 45-46 页；Hoddeson（1980），第 434-45 页。
70.Executives at Bell Labs . . . : Hoddeson (1981a), pp. 45–46; Hoddeson (1980), pp. 434–45.
Chapter 5. The Physics of Dirt
71.威廉·肖克利佝偻着身子……：Seitz（1992），Seitz（1994），第 67 页。
71.William Shockley slouched . . . : Seitz (1992), Seitz (1994), p. 67.
71.“深受……的影响”：Seitz（1994），第 67 页。
71.“strongly influenced by . . .”: Seitz (1994), p. 67.
72.“我很能干…… ”：同上。
72.“I was handy . . .”: ibid.
72.“两个亡命之徒…… ”：同上。
72.“two desperadoes . . .”: ibid.
72.“认定他是…… ”：同上。
72.“pegged him to be . . .”: ibid.
72.“随着风吹拂…… ”：W. Shockley（1974b），第 8 页。
72.“with the wind blowing . . .”: W. Shockley (1974b), p. 8.
72.“一条爱尔兰街道…… ”：W. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1932 年 9 月 24 日，STAN，第 10 箱，第 8 文件夹。
72.“an Irish street . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, 24 September 1932, STAN, Box 10, Folder 8.
73.Shockley 来到麻省理工学院时决心……：W. Shockley (1974b)；另见 STAN，第 9 盒，第 4 文件夹。
73.Shockley came to MIT determined . . . : W. Shockley (1974b); also see STAN, Box 9, Folder 4.
74.“建议写一篇论文…… ”：W. Shockley (1974b)，第 7 页。
74.“suggested doing a thesis . . .”: W. Shockley (1974b), p. 7.
74.斯莱特很安静。 。 。：施韦伯（1990）。
74.Slater was a quiet . . . : Schweber (1990).
74.受其古典传统的约束……：施韦伯（1986）。
74.Constrained by their classical traditions . . . : Schweber (1986).
74.“污垢效应”：W. Pauli 致 R. Peierls，1931 年 7 月 1 日，载于 Hoddeson 等人 (1992)，第 181 页，注 458：“Der Resistwiderstand ist ein Dreckeffect, und im Dreck soll man nicht wühlen.”
74.“a dirt effect”: W. Pauli to R. Peierls, 1 July 1931, in Hoddeson et al. (1992), p. 181, n. 458: “Der Resistwiderstand ist ein Dreckeffect, und im Dreck soll man nicht wühlen.”
75.“必须这样做…… ”：Seitz（1981），第 17 页。
75.“had to be done . . .”: Seitz (1981), p. 17.
75.“难以接受…… ”：Hoddeson 等人（1992 年），第 188 页。
75.“hard to accept . . .”: Hoddeson et al. (1992), p. 188.
75.“斯莱特是…… ”：W. Shockley（1974b），第 8 页。
75.“Slater was a . . .”: W. Shockley (1974b), p. 8.
75.“主要本质…… ”：同上，第 7 页。
75.“The main essence . . .”: ibid., p. 7.
75.“我画了…… ”：同上。
75.“I drew the . . .”: ibid.
75.“人们期待着你…… ”：塞茨（1981），第 14 页。
75.“You were expected . . .”: Seitz (1981), p. 14.
75.“精雕细琢的木头……””: Seitz (1994)，第 50-51 页。
75.“richly carved wood . . .”: Seitz (1994), pp. 50–51.
75.“所有能…… ”：Seitz（1981），第 18 页。
75.“everyone who could . . .”: Seitz (1981), p. 18.
76.“他们花费了……”和“当维格纳…… ”：Seitz（1994 年），第 54 页和第 60 页。
76.“They spent . . .” and “When Wigner was . . .”: Seitz (1994), pp. 54 and 60.
76.“有些人…… ”：爱因斯坦，引自同上，第 54 页。
76.“Some of the people . . .”: Einstein, quoted ibid., p. 54.
76.“我下去了…… ”：W. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1932 年 12 月 12 日，STAN，第 10 盒，第 8 文件夹。
76.“I went down . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, 12 December 1932, STAN, Box 10, Folder 8.
76.“他表面上很冷静…… ”：Seitz（1994），第 64 页。
76.“His apparently phlegmatic . . .”: Seitz (1994), p. 64.
77.“运用了大量的数学知识……””: Bardeen (1977a)，第 7 页。
77.“used a lot of mathematics . . .”: Bardeen (1977a), p. 7.
77.“我的父亲是…… ”：简·巴丁和家人（1992）。
77.“My father’s the . . .”: Jane Bardeen and family (1992).
77.到了该看的时候……：霍德森和戴奇，第 3 章。
77.When it came time to look . . . : Hoddeson and Daitch, ch. 3.
77.“我厌倦了…… ”：奥斯特豪特（1991）。
77.“I’m tired of . . .”: Osterhoudt (1991).
78.“我选择了普林斯顿…… ”：巴丁（1977b），第 15 页。
78.“I picked Princeton . . .”: Bardeen (1977b), p. 15.
78.“约翰是我的保龄球…… ”：罗伯特·布拉坦（1993 年），第 1-2 页。
78.“John was my bowling . . .”: Robert Brattain (1993), pp. 1–2.
78.“如此明显地看到…… ”：赫林（1992a），第 26 页。
78.“at seeing so obviously . . .”: Herring (1992a), p. 26.
79.“当时 。 。 。”: Bardeen (1977b)，第 24 页。
79.“At that time . . .”: Bardeen (1977b), p. 24.
79.“我会谈谈…… ”：同上，第 27 页。
79.“I would talk . . .”: ibid., p. 27.
80.“我看到了伟大的…… ”：同上，第 30 页。
80.“I saw a great . . .”: ibid., p. 30.
81.贝尔实验室之后……：霍德森（1980）。
81.After Bell Labs lifted . . . : Hoddeson (1980).
81.“美国…… ”：《新闻周刊》，1936 年 11 月 7 日，第 29 页，引自 Kevles (1979)，第 282 页。
81.“The United States . . .”: Newsweek, 7 November 1936, p. 29, cited in Kevles (1979), p. 282.
81.“这些提议是…… ”：W. Shockley（1974b），第 15 页。
81.“The offers were . . .”: W. Shockley (1974b), p. 15.
81.“在我拥有…… ”：W. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1936 年 3 月 27 日，STAN，第 10 盒，文件夹 8。
81.“After I had . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, 27 March 1936, STAN, Box 10, Folder 8.
81.“长途电话…… ”：W. Shockley（1963 年），第 1 页。
81.“a long-distance call . . .”: W. Shockley (1963), p. 1.
81.“我冷落了他…… ”：W. Shockley（1974b），第 12 页。
81.“I snubbed him . . .”: W. Shockley (1974b), p. 12.
82.“我被安排…… ”：同上，第 16 页。
82.“I was put . . .”: ibid., p. 16.
82.竹林……：皮尔斯（1992）。
82.Bamboo Forest . . . : Pierce (1992).
82.“他说…… ”：W. Shockley (1972b)，第 56 页。
82.“He said that . . .”: W. Shockley (1972b), p. 56.
82.“如此生动地…… ”：同上。
82.“so vividly that . . .”: ibid.
82.威尔士之子……：皮尔斯（1975）。
82.The son of Welsh . . . : Pierce (1975).
83.实验室研究小组.. :Hoddeson (1980)。
83.study group at the laboratories . . . : Hoddeson (1980).
83.“起哄、打断…… ”：霍尔顿引自霍德森（1980 年），第 443 页。
83.“heckling, interruptions . . .”: Holden quoted in Hoddeson (1980), p. 443.
83.“擅长应用…… ”：WH Brattain（1964a），第 18 页。
83.“adept at applying . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 18.
84.第二天，Movietone 摄制组……：同上，第 19-20 页。
84.The next day a Movietone crew . . . : ibid., pp. 19–20.
84.“他点燃了一支香烟……”和“别担心，沃尔特…… ”：同上，第 20 页。
84.“He lit a cigarette . . .” and “Don’t worry, Walter . . .”: ibid., p. 20.
84.1938 年，凯利进行了重组……：霍德森（1980 年）。
84.In 1938 Kelly reorganized . . . : Hoddeson (1980).
84.“基础研究工作…… ”：引自 Hoddeson (1981a)，第46页。
84.“fundamental research work . . .”: quoted from Hoddeson (1981a), p. 46.
85.“电子必须是…… ”：莫特（1939 年），第 38 页。
85.“electrons have to be . . .”: Mott (1939), p. 38.
85.“肖特基建立了…… ”：W.肖克利（1963 年），第 10 页。
85.“Schottky established . . .”: W. Shockley (1963), p. 10.
85.“作为一种阀门作用”：W. Shockley（1976 年），第 602 页。
85.“as a kind of valve action”: W. Shockley (1976), p. 602.
85.“今天发生了…… ”：BNB：17006，1939 年 12 月 29 日，第 5 页。
85.“It has today occurred . . .”: BNB: 17006, 29 December 1939, p. 5.
86.“显然已被切断…… ”：Wooldridge（1976 年），第 63 页。
86.“had apparently been cut . . .”: Wooldridge (1976), p. 63.
86.“所以他在这里…… ”：同上。
86.“So here he had . . .”: ibid.
86.“他来到我身边…… ”：W.H. Brattain（1964a），第18页。
86.“He came to me . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 18.
86.“贝克尔和我……”以及“比尔，真是…… ”：同上，第 54 页。
86.“Becker and I . . .” and “Bill, it’s so . . .”: ibid., p. 54.
86.“这些结构…… ”：W. Shockley（1963 年），第 18 页。
86.“These structures . . .”: W. Shockley (1963), p. 18.
第六章 第四纵队
Chapter 6. The Fourth Column
88.“放下它…… ”: Ohl (1976)，第 66 页。
88.“Drop it . . .”: Ohl (1976), p. 66.
88.在前面的桌子上……：WH Brattain（1976b），第 3-5 页。
88.On a table in front . . . : W. H. Brattain (1976b), pp. 3–5.
88.“我们完全…… ”: WH Brattain (1964a)，第 20-21 页。
88.“We were completely . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), pp. 20–21.
89.20世纪30年代中期，索斯沃思……：索斯沃思（1936）；索斯沃思（1962 年），第 149-160 页。
89.In the mid-1930s, Southworth . . . : Southworth (1936); Southworth (1962), pp. 149–60.
89.科特兰巷的二手收音机市场. . . : WH Brattain (1963)，第 26-28 页。
89.secondhand radio market on Cortlandt Alley. . . : W. H. Brattain (1963), pp. 26–28.
89.“我学习了，并且…… ”: Ohl (1976)，第 31 页。
89.“I studied and . . .”: Ohl (1976), p. 31.
90.“我尝试了很多…… ”：同上，第 17-18 页。
90.“I tried many . . .”: ibid., pp. 17–18.
90.“我发现某些…… ”：同上，第 50 页。
90.“I found that certain . . .”: ibid., p. 50.
92.硅曾被用于晶体探测器……：Hill（1978）。
92.Silicon had been used for crystal detectors . . . : Hill (1978).
92.“这种变异性…… ”：Seitz（1995b），第 10 页。
92.“Such variability . . .”: Seitz (1995b), p. 10.
92.“当时…… ”：W.H. Brattain（1963 年），第 28 页。
92.“At that time . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 28.
92.这种不稳定的行为……：奥尔在战前对硅的研究工作见奥尔（1976 年）第 59-63 页和奥尔（未注明日期）第 83-104 页。另见奥尔（1939 年）。
92.This erratic behavior . . . : Ohl’s prewar work on silicon is covered in Ohl (1976), pp. 59–63, and Ohl (n.d.), pp. 83–104. See also Ohl (1939).
93.“遭受了完全的…… ”: Ohl (nd), p. 104。
93.“suffered a complete . . .”: Ohl (n.d.), p. 104.
93.“我们在那里认出了…… ”：奥尔（1976 年），第 68 页。
93.“We recognized there . . .”: Ohl (1976), p. 68.
93.“如此反复无常…… ”：Ohl（无日期），第 94 页。
93.“so erratic that . . .”: Ohl (n.d.), p. 94.
93.“奇特的循环…… ”：同上，第 106 页。
93.“peculiar loop . . .”: ibid., p. 106.
94.“靠近一端…… ”：Ohl，BNB：16895，1940 年 2 月 23 日，第 60 页。
94.“near one end . . .”: Ohl, BNB: 16895, 23 February 1940, p. 60.
94.“我们发现…… ”：Ohl（无日期），第 107 页。
94.“we had found . . .”: Ohl (n.d.), p. 107.
95.“气得…… ”: Ohl (1976)，第 39 页。
95.“so mad that . . .”: Ohl (1976), p. 39.
95.“这是第一次…… ”：WH Brattain 引自 Ohl，同上，第 66 页。
95.“this was the first . . .”: W. H. Brattain quoted by Ohl, ibid., p. 66.
96.“因为他有…… ”：同上。
96.“because he had . . .”: ibid.
96.“那就是…… ”：同上。
96.“That is what . . .”: ibid.
96.“一个点接触…… ”: Ohl，BNB: 16895，1940 年 3 月 23 日，第 81 页。
96.“A point contact . . .”: Ohl, BNB: 16895, 23 March 1940, p. 81.
96.“因为在……中”：Scaff（1970），第 562 页。
96.“since in the . . .”: Scaff (1970), p. 562.
97.我们确信……同上，第 563-64 页。
97.“We became convinced . . .”: ibid., pp. 563–64.
97.“非常像…… ”：WH Brattain（1963 年），第 41 页。
97.“very much like . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 41.
97.“凭着他们的鼻子…… ”：WH Brattain（1964a），第 23 页。
97.“By their noses . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 23.
98.“我们知道…… ”：同上，第 21-22 页。
98.“We knew that . . .”: ibid., pp. 21–22.
98.“我们做到了…… ”：WH Brattain（1963 年），第 35 页。
98.“And we did . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 35.
99.硅晶体探测器……：Torrey 和 Whitmer (1948)。
99.Silicon crystal detectors . . . : Torrey and Whitmer (1948).
99.蒂扎德的任务……：克拉克（1965）。
99.Tizard’s mission . . . : Clark (1965).
99.“巨人的力量…… ”：JB McKinney，“雷达：《创新案例史》，哈佛商学院未发表的报告，1961 年 1 月 16 日，第 243 页，AT&T。
99.“a giant’s strength . . .”: J. B. McKinney, “Radar: A Case History of an Innovation,” unpublished Harvard Business School report, 16 January 1961, p. 243, AT&T.
100.由麻省理工学院的范内瓦尔·布什主持……：Guerlac（1987）；Seitz（1995a）。
100.Chaired by Vannevar Bush of MIT . . . : Guerlac (1987); Seitz (1995a).
100.贝尔实验室很快成为……：Fagen（1978），第 19-26 页。
100.Bell Labs quickly became . . . : Fagen (1978), pp. 19–26.
100.蒂扎德任务带来了磁控管……：麦金尼，“雷达”；费根（1978），第 25-26 页。
100.Tizard mission brought the magnetron . . . : McKinney, “Radar”; Fagen (1978), pp. 25–26.
100.“由此产生的兴奋…… ”：Fagen（1978），第 117 页。25.
100.“The excitement created . . .”: Fagen (1978), p. 25.
100.“当设备仍然…… ”：MJ Kelly，“贝尔电话实验室的战争贡献，1940-1943”，贝尔电话实验室未发表的报告，1944 年 7 月，第 3e-4e 页，AT&T。
100.“While the device [was] still . . .”: M. J. Kelly, “War Contributions of Bell Telephone Laboratories, 1940–1943,” unpublished Bell Telephone Laboratories report, July 1944, pp. 3e–4e, AT&T.
101.“当受到挑衅时……”和“我没有…… ”：皮尔斯（1975），第 191 和 193 页。
101.“When provoked . . .” and “I did not . . .”: Pierce (1975), pp. 191 and 193.
101.“学会了永远不要…… ”：引自同上，第 193 页。
101.“learned never to . . .”: quoted ibid., p. 193.
102.英国人也认识到了……：塞茨（1995b）；布莱尼等（1946），第 847-54 页。
102.The British, too, had recognized . . . : Seitz (1995b); Bleaney et al. (1946), pp. 847–54.
102.“不幸的是，这些单位…… ”：Seitz（1995a），第 23 页。
102.“Unfortunately the units . . .”: Seitz (1995a), p. 23.
102.Ohl 设法获得了几英镑……：贝尔在战时硅晶体探测器方面的工作在 Ohl (1976) 的著作中有所描述，第 76-84 页。
102.Ohl managed to get several pounds . . . : Bell’s wartime silicon crystal detector work described in Ohl (1976), pp. 76–84.
102.“我们当时正在派遣…… ”：Scaff（1975），第 25 页。
102.“We were sending . . .”: Scaff (1975), p. 25.
102.非常开放的分享……：Hoddeson（1994）。
102.remarkably open sharing . . . : Hoddeson (1994).
103.“我不得不接受融化…… ”: Ohl (1976)，第 75 页。
103.“I had to take the melts . . .”: Ohl (1976), p. 75.
103.“消息是从广播里传出来的……””: WH Brattain (1963)，第 39 页。
103.“the news came over the radio . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 39.
103.那年一月，一个代表团抵达……：WH Brattain 在潜艇磁性探测方面的战时工作在同上，第 40-46 页中有所描述。
103.That January a delegation arrived . . . : W. H. Brattain’s war work on magnetic detection of submarines is described ibid., pp. 40–46.
103.超过一半的技术人力……：Fagen（1978）；Buckley（1944-45）。
103.more than half the technical manpower . . . : Fagen (1978); Buckley (1944–45).
104.“该死，……因为我们…… ”：WH Brattain（1963 年），第 46 页。
104.“Hell, . . . because we . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 46.
104.“我们参与其中…… ”：W. Shockley (1963)，第 21 页。更多内容请参见……二战期间物理学家参与运筹学的情况，参见 Fortun 和 Schweber (1993)。
104.“We were involved . . .”: W. Shockley (1963), p. 21. For more on the involvement of physicists in operations research during World War II, see Fortun and Schweber (1993).
104.“当德国潜艇…… ”: WH Brattain (1963)，第 43 页。
104.“When the German subs . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 43.
105.这两个实验室分享了想法……：Fagen（1978），第 19-131 页。
105.The two laboratories shared ideas . . . : Fagen (1978), pp. 19–131.
106.也取得了很大的进展……：Seitz（1995a）；Hoddeson（1994）。
106.Great progress had also been made . . . : Seitz (1995a); Hoddeson (1994).
107.1942年，通用电气和普渡大学的研究人员……：托里和惠特默（1948 年），第 306-13 页。
107.In 1942 researchers at General Electric and Purdue . . . : Torrey and Whitmer (1948), pp. 306–13.
107.肖克利留在华盛顿……：爱德华·L·鲍尔斯致奥利弗·巴克利，1945 年 3 月 6 日，以及 W·肖克利致莱纳斯·鲍林，1945 年 9 月 4 日，STAN，档案 90-117，第 1 盒。
107.Shockley remained in Washington . . . : Edward L. Bowles to Oliver Buckley, 6 March 1945, and W. Shockley to Linus Pauling, 4 September 1945, STAN, Accn. 90–117, Box 1.
107.“这台雷达将会成功…… ”：凯利，《战争贡献》，第 20-e 页。
107.“This radar will make it . . .”: Kelly, “War Contributions,” p. 20-e.
107.肖克利日夜不停地工作……：肖克利战时写给母亲的信件，斯坦，第7盒，第3文件夹。另见爱德华·L·鲍尔斯1945 年 3 月 6 日致 Oliver Buckley，1945 年 9 月 4 日致 Linus Pauling，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 1。
107.Shockley worked day and night . . . : Shockley’s wartime letters to his mother, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3. Also Edward L. Bowles to Oliver Buckley, 6 March 1945, and W. Shockley to Linus Pauling, 4 September 1945, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
107.关于柯蒂斯·李梅将军在印度和中国的情况，请参阅 Rhodes (1986)，第 586-89 页。
107.On General Curtis Le May in India and China, see Rhodes (1986), pp. 586–89.
108.“已经是…… ”：W. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1944 年 12 月 13 日，STAN，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹。
108.“It has been . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, 13 December 1944, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3.
108.“我一直…… ”：W. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1945 年 2 月 6 日，STAN，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹。
108.“I have been . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, 6 February 1945, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3.
108.“在过去的十年里……””: Kelly (1943)，第 1 页。
108.“in the decade . . .”: Kelly (1943), p. 1.
108.“所有这一切…… ”：同上，第 5 页。
108.“All of this . . .”: ibid., p. 5.
108.“该行业是…… ”：同上，第 6-7 页。
108.“The industry is . . .”: ibid., pp. 6–7.
109.“其方法…… ”：MJ Kelly，“固体物理学”，引自 Hoddeson (1981a)，第 52 页。
109.“its method of . . .”: M. J. Kelly, “Physics of the Solid State,” cited in Hoddeson (1981a), p. 52.
109.该装置会小得多……：Kelly（1943），第 3-6 页。
109.the apparatus would be much smaller . . . : Kelly (1943), pp. 3–6.
109.“在四五…… ”：MJ Kelly 致 OE Buckley，1945 年 1 月 15 日，AT&T，第 10 页。
109.“During the four or five . . .”: M. J. Kelly to O. E. Buckley, 15 January 1945, AT&T, p. 10.
109.自 Jewett 和 Arnold 以来，……同上。
109.Since Jewett and Arnold, . . . : ibid.
110.“我正在领导…… ”：W·肖克利致梅·肖克利，1945年3月6日，STAN，第7盒，文件夹 3。
110.“I am leading . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, 6 March 1945, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3.
111.“你是否曾经…… ”: Ohl (1976)，第 10 页。
111.“Did you ever . . .”: Ohl (1976), p. 10.
111.“这是一个非常…… ”：同上，第 93 页。
111.“This was a very . . .”: ibid., p. 93.
111.“奥尔证明…… ”：W. Shockley（1976 年），第 604 页。
111.“Ohl demonstrated . . .”: W. Shockley (1976), p. 604.
111.“奥尔的收音机…… ”：同上。
111.“Ohl’s radio set . . .”: ibid.
111.“真正的研究是…… ”：奥尔（1976 年），第 94 页。
111.“Really research is . . .”: Ohl (1976), p. 94.
111.“而我…… ”：同上，第 88 页。
111.“And I was . . .”: ibid., p. 88.
112.“相关的想法……”和“这两个要素……””: Shockley (1976)，第 604 页。
112.“ideas associated . . .” and “both elements . . .”: Shockley (1976), p. 604.
112.“ ‘固态’…… ”：W. Shockley，BNB：20455，1945 年 4 月 14 日，第 12 页，AT&T。
112.“A ‘Solid State’ . . .”: W. Shockley, BNB: 20455, 14 April 1945, p. 12, AT&T.
112.“可能是…… ”：同上， 1945 年 4 月 16 日，第 14-16 页。
112.“It may be . . .”: ibid., 16 April 1945, pp. 14–16.
113.“没有可观察到的变化…… ”：同上， 1945 年 5 月 1 日，第 26-27 页。
113.“No observable change . . .”: ibid., 1 May 1945, pp. 26–27.
113.“没有什么可衡量的…… ”：W. Shockley（1963 年），第 22 页。
113.“Nothing measurable . . .”: W. Shockley (1963), p. 22.
114.“我们一直…… ”：W. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1945 年 8 月 6 日，STAN，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹。
114.“We have been . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, 6 August 1945, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3.
115.“它一直是基本的……”，“我们中的一些人……”，“新产品…… ”：引自 Bush (1945)，第 5、10 和 11 页。
115.“It has been basic . . . ,” “Some of us . . . ,” and “New products . . .”: quoted from Bush (1945), pp. 5, 10, and 11.
116.“从现在开始…… ”：Wooldridge（1976），第 96 页。
116.“from now on . . .”: Wooldridge (1976), p. 96.
116.三个新组.. : 1945 年 7 月 15 日，贝尔实验室物理研究部组织结构图—1100.，AT&T。
116.three new groups . . . : 15 July 1945, Bell Laboratories Organization Chart for Physical Research Department—1100., AT&T.
116.“量子物理学方法…… ”：凯利引自《固体物理学——》《导体、半导体、电介质、绝缘体、压电和磁性材料的基础研究》，贝尔电话实验室工作授权书，案件编号 38139，1945 年 1 月 1 日，AT&T。
116.“The quantum physics approach . . .”: Kelly quoted from “Solid State Physics—the Fundamental Investigation of Conductors, Semiconductors, Dielectrics, Insulators, Piezoelectric and Magnetic Materials,” Bell Telephone Laboratories work authorization for Case No. 38139, 1 January 1945, AT&T.
117.“随和的家伙…… ”：赫林（1992），第 5 页。
117.“easy-going fellow . . .”: Herring (1992), p. 5.
117.“哎呀，那里…… ”：WH Brattain（1963 年），第 48 页。
117.“By golly, there . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 48.
117.桥牌搭档和好朋友……：W.H. Brattain (1974)；Pearson（1976年）
117.Bridge partners and good friends . . . : W. H. Brattain (1974); Pearson (1976).
117.顶尖人才……：Hoddeson（1981a），第 54 页。
117.top-notch men . . . : Hoddeson (1981a), p. 54.
118.“关于……的研究”：W. Shockley 致 Linus Pauling，1945 年 9 月 4 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 1。
118.“Studies of a . . .”: W. Shockley to Linus Pauling, 4 September 1945, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
118.海军军械实验室……：霍德森和戴奇，第 6 章。
118.Naval Ordnance Laboratory . . . : Hoddeson and Daitch, ch. 6.
119.“非常有趣的谈话”：巴丁（1977c），第 10 页。
119.“a very interesting talk”: Bardeen (1977c), p. 10.
119.巴丁最初考虑过……：巴丁致JW·布赫塔，1945年5月6日和1945年6月11日，物理系明尼苏达大学档案馆。
119.Bardeen initially considered . . . : Bardeen to J. W. Buchta, 6 May 1945 and 11 June 1945, Department of Physics archives, University of Minnesota.
119.“因为…… ”：巴丁致W·G·辛德勒，1945年6月26日，巴丁档案，圣路易斯：美国人事管理办公室。
119.“Because of the . . .”: Bardeen to W. G. Schindler, 26 June 1945, Bardeen files, St. Louis: U.S. Office of Personnel Management.
119.度过周一之后。 。 。：巴丁，BNB：20780，1945 年 10 月 23 日，第 14 页。 1.
119.After spending Monday . . . : Bardeen, BNB: 20780, 23 October 1945, p. 1.
120.办公空间极其稀缺……：Hoddeson（1981a），第 54-55 页。
120.Office space was extremely scarce . . . : Hoddeson (1981a), pp. 54–55.
120.通宵桥牌……：罗伯特·布拉顿（1993）。
120.all-night bridge . . . : Robert Brattain (1993).
120.你会发现……”: Herring (1992a)，第 30 页（原文强调）。
120.“You’ll find that . . .”: Herring (1992a), p. 30 (emphasis in original).
120.就在下周一。 。 。：巴丁，BNB：20780，1945 年 10 月 23 日，第 14 页。 3.
120.The very next Monday . . . : Bardeen, BNB: 20780, 23 October 1945, p. 3.
120.采取不同的理论路径……：同上， 1945年11月7日，第4页。另见Herring (1992a) 和 Hoddeson (1981a)。
120.Taking a different theoretical route . . . : ibid., 7 November 1945, p. 4. See also Herring (1992a) and Hoddeson (1981a).
121.“如果没有表面…… ”：巴丁，BNB：20780，1946 年 3 月 19 日，第 38 页。
121.“If there are no surface . . .”: Bardeen, BNB: 20780, 19 March 1946, p. 38.
122.巴丁讨论了他的猜想……：W. Shockley（1939）。
122.Bardeen discussed his conjecture . . . : W. Shockley (1939).
122.填满七页。 。 。：巴丁，BNB：20780，1946 年 3 月 18-20 日，第 38-45 页。
122.Filling seven pages . . . : Bardeen, BNB: 20780, 18–20 March 1946, pp. 38–45.
122.“检测的可能性…… ”：同上， 1946 年 3 月 21 日，第 46 页。
122.“Possibility of detecting . . .”: ibid., 21 March 1946, p. 46.
122.此前鲜为人知的是……：关于战时晶体整流器计划的主要参考资料是 Torrey 和 Whitmer (1948) 的著作。另见 Henriksen (1983) 的著作，特别是关于锗的论述。
122.This previously little-known . . . : The principal resource on the wartime crystal rectifier program is Torrey and Whitmer (1948). See also Henriksen (1983), especially on germanium.
122.拉克-霍罗维茨。 。 。：Henriksen (1983)，第 46-48 页。看还有 Gartenhaus等人。（1995）。
122.Lark-Horovitz . . . : Henriksen (1983), pp. 46–48. See also Gartenhaus et al. (1995).
123.“倦怠”：Torrey 和 Whitmer (1948)，第 236-63 页。
123.“burn-out”: Torrey and Whitmer (1948), pp. 236–63.
124.紧张的会议……：同上。Henriksen（1983），第 47-48 页。
124.A tense meeting . . . : ibid. Henriksen (1983), pp. 47–48.
124.数千个高反压锗整流器……：Scaff（1970），第 561-73 页，第 568 页的表格。
124.thousands of high back-voltage germanium rectifiers . . . : Scaff (1970), pp. 561–73, table on p. 568.
124.“他们非常…… ”：兰德尔·M·惠利致卡尔·拉克-霍罗维茨，1945 年 9 月 10 日，引自亨里克森（1983 年），第 52 页。
124.“They were much . . .”: Randall M. Whaley to Karl Lark-Horovitz, 10 September 1945, cited in Henriksen (1983), p. 52.
125.“摩根博士和我……””: W. Shockley 致 Hubert R. Yearian，1945 年 12 月 12 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 1。
125.“Dr. Morgan and I . . .”: W. Shockley to Hubert R. Yearian, 12 December 1945, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
125.巨大的进步……：Seitz（1995a）；Torrey 和 Whitmer（1948）。
125.Tremendous advances . . . : Seitz (1995a); Torrey and Whitmer (1948).
125.“为什么没有更多…… ”：WH Brattain（1963 年），第 51 页。
125.“Why hadn’t more . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 51.
125.“而且最…… ”：同上。
125.“and that most . . .”: ibid.
125.“所以这些就是…… ”：同上，第 52 页。
125.“So these were . . .”: ibid., p. 52.
126.在一次小组会议上。 。 。：WH·布拉顿（1964a）；巴丁，BNB：20780，1946 年 3 月 19-20 日，第 38-45 页。
126.At a group meeting . . . : W. H. Brattain (1964a); Bardeen, BNB: 20780, 19–20 March 1946, pp. 38–45.
126.“换句话说…… ”：WH Brattain（1964a），第 26 页。
126.“In other words . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 26.
126.“我们放弃了…… ”：W Shockley（1972b），第 63-64 页。
126.“We abandoned . . .”: W Shockley (1972b), pp. 63–64.
126.“他会发表…… ”：WH Brattain（1963 年），第 55 页。
126.“He’d present . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 55.
126.“我再怎么强调都不为过…… ”：W.H. Brattain (1964a)，第33页
126.“I cannot overemphasize . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 33
126.“如果可以的话…… ”：W. Shockley 致 F. Seitz，1945 年 10 月 31 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 1。
126.“If this is agreeable . . .”: W. Shockley to F. Seitz, 31 October 1945, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
126.肖克利开始后退……：W·肖克利致梅·肖克利，1946 年 10 月 18 日，STAN，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹。
126.Shockley started falling back . . . : W. Shockley to May Shockley, 18 October 1946, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3.
127.“沃尔特，我希望……”，“听着，我无法思考……”，“好吧，你愿意…… ”：Scaff（1975），第 37 页。
127.“Walter, I wish . . . ,” “Look, I can’t think . . . ,” and “OK, will you . . .”: Scaff (1975), p. 37.
128.“表面状态和…… ”：巴丁（1947）。
128.“Surface States and . . .”: Bardeen (1947).
128.“我们住在布里斯托尔…… ”：W. Shockley 致 R. Bown，1947 年 7 月 21 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 1。
128.“We stayed at Bristol . . .”: W. Shockley to R. Bown, 21 July 1947, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
128.“会引发…… ”：WH Brattain（1964a），第 26 页。
128.“would induce a . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 26.
129.单段信函……：WH Brattain（1947 年）；W. Shockley（1947 年）。
129.one-paragraph letter . . . : W. H. Brattain (1947); W. Shockley (1947).
129.“所以我…… ”：WH Brattain（1964a），第 27 页。
129.“And so I . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 27.
129.“我是一个懒人…… ”：WH Brattain（1963 年），第 57 页。
129.“I’m a lazy . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 57.
129.于是在11月中旬， 。 。：WH Brattain，BNB：18194，1947 年 11 月 17 日，第 140-44 页。
129.So in mid-November, . . . : W. H. Brattain, BNB: 18194, 17 November 1947, pp. 140–44.
129.“当时我完全惊呆了…… ”：WH Brattain（1964a），第 28 页。
129.“Then I was completely flabbergasted . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 28.
129.“等一下…… ”：吉布尼引用自同上。
129.“Wait a minute . . .”: Gibney quoted ibid.
130.“这一新发现……””: W. Shockley (1976)，第 608 页。
130.“This new finding . . .”: W. Shockley (1976), p. 608.
130.“这样的手段…… ”：WH Brattain，BNB：18194，1947 年 11 月 20 日，第 151-152 页。
130.“Such means . . .”: W. H. Brattain, BNB: 18194, 20 November 1947, pp. 151–52.
130.星期五早上，. . . : Bardeen, BNB: 20780, 1947 年 11 月 22 日，第 61-67 页。
130.On Friday morning, . . . : Bardeen, BNB: 20780, 22 November 1947, pp. 61–67.
131.“来吧，约翰…… ”：WH Brattain（1963 年），第 59 页。
131.“Come on, John . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 59.
131.那天下午……：巴丁，BNB：20780，1947 年 11 月 22 日，第 62-67 页；WH Brattain（1963 年），第 29 页。
131.That afternoon . . . : Bardeen, BNB: 20780, 22 November 1947, pp. 62–67; W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 29.
131.“使用…… ”：巴丁（1980b），第10页。
131.“the use of . . .”: Bardeen (1980b), p. 10.
131.“那种…… ”：同上，第 11 页。
131.“the sort of . . .”: ibid., p. 11.
131.“我参与了…… ”：WH Brattain（1963 年），第 60 页。
131.“I’d taken part . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1963), p. 60.
131.“我们应该告诉…… ”：WH Brattain（1974 年），第 23 页。
131.“We should tell . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 23.
131.“这些测试表明…… ”：巴丁，BNB：20780，1947 年 11 月 22 日，第 67 页。
131.“These tests show . . .”: Bardeen, BNB: 20780, 22 November 1947, p. 67.
132.星期日，……：同上，1947 年 11 月 23 日，第 68-70 页。
132.On Sunday, . . . : ibid., 23 November 1947, pp. 68–70.
132.接下来的一周，……：Hoddeson（1981a），第 70 页。
132.The following week, . . . : Hoddeson (1981a), p. 70.
132.“由……获得”：W·肖克利（1976 年），第 609 页。
132.“was obtained by . . .”: W. Shockley (1976), p. 609.
132.“让我们把以上内容留到以后再说…… ”：WH Brattain，《BNB：18194》，1947 年 11 月 28 日，第 168 页。
132.“Let’s leave the above . . .”: W. H. Brattain, BNB: 18194, 28 November 1947, p. 168.
132.但他得了流感……：WH Brattain（1964a），第 32 页。
132.But he came down with the flu . . . : W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 32.
132.Pearson 收集了 . . : WH Brattain, BNB: 18194, 1947 年 12 月 4 日, 第 169-172 页。
132.Pearson picked up . . . : W. H. Brattain, BNB: 18194, 4 December 1947, pp. 169–172.
133.午餐聚会……：同上， 1947 年 12 月 8 日，第 176 页；W. Shockley（1976 年），第 610 页。
133.Meeting for lunch . . . : ibid., 8 December 1947, p. 176; W. Shockley (1976), p. 610.
133.“如同戒指…… ”：WH BrattainBNB：18194，1947 年 12 月 8 日，第 14 页175.
133.“As the ring . . .”: W. H. Brattain, BNB: 18194, 8 December 1947, p. 175.
134.“我们该如何…… ”：WH Brattain（1964a），第 30 页。
134.“How do we . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 30.
134.“巴丁建议…… ”：WH Brattain，《BNB》：18194，1947 年 12 月 8 日，第 176-177 页。
134.“Bardeen suggests . . .”: W. H. Brattain, BNB: 18194, 8 December 1947, pp. 176–77.
134.“我们推断…… ”：WH Brattain（1964a），第 30 页。
134.“We reasoned that . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 30.
134.“我们可以看到…… ”：同上。
134.“We could see . . .”: ibid.
134.“这种氧化膜…… ”：同上。
134.“This oxide film . . .”: ibid.
135.“你可以获得高电…… ”：巴丁（1978），第 26 页。
135.“You can get a high electric . . .”: Bardeen (1978), p. 26.
135.“表明……”：WH Brattain，BNB：18194，1947 年 12 月 12 日，第 184 页。
135.“indicating that the . . .”: W. H. Brattain, BNB: 18194, 12 December 1947, p. 184.
135.不小心把它短路了…… : WH Brattain (1964a), 第 30 页。
135.accidentally shorted it out . . . : W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 30.
135.“形成的氧化锗…… ”：同上，第 31 页。
135.“The germanium oxide formed . . .”: ibid., p. 31.
135.“我感到恶心…… ”：同上，第 30 页。
135.“I was disgusted . . .”: ibid., p. 30.
135.“我得到了效果…… ”：同上，第 31 页。
135.“I got an effect . . .”: ibid., p. 31.
135.“这个电压…… ”：WH Brattain，BNB：18194，1947 年 12 月 15 日，第 192 页。
135.“This voltage . . .”: W. H. Brattain, BNB: 18194, 15 December 1947, p. 192.
136.“我们知道…… ”：巴丁（1978），第 177 页。27.
136.“we knew that . . .”: Bardeen (1978), p. 27.
136.“实验表明…… ”：巴丁（1964），第 338 页。
136.“The experiment suggested . . .”: Bardeen (1964), p. 338.
137.“应该做的事…… ”：WH Brattain（1964a），第 31 页。
137.“the thing to do . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1964a), p. 31.
137.“我拿了一把剃刀…… ”：同上。
137.“I took a razor . . .”: ibid.
137.“真是太棒了！…… ”：WH Brattain（1973 年），第 63-64 页。
137.“It was marvelous! . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1973), pp. 63–64.
137.“以上所有…… ”：WH Brattain，BNB：18194，1947 年 12 月 16 日，第 194 页。
137.“all the above . . .”: W. H. Brattain, BNB: 18194, 16 December 1947, p. 194.
137.“我们发现了一些事情…… ”：简·巴丁和家人（1992 年）。
137.“We discovered something . . .”: Jane Bardeen and family (1992).
138.肖克利安排了一次会面……W. Shockley，“关于半导体报告——案例 38139-7”，1947 年 12 月 17 日，贝尔实验室案例档案第 38139-7 号，AT&T。
138.Shockley arranged a meeting . . . : W. Shockley, “Concerning the Report on Semi-Conductors—Case 38139-7,” 17 December 1947, Bell Labs Case File No. 38139-7, AT&T.
138.布拉坦继续写道：WH Brattain，《BNB》：18194，1947 年 12 月 17 日至 18 日，第 195-197 页；WH Brattain，《BNB》：21780，1947 年 12 月 19 日，第 1-6 页。
138.The rest of the week, Brattain continued . . . : W. H. Brattain, BNB: 18194, 17–18 December 1947, pp. 195–97; W. H. Brattain, BNB: 21780, 19 December 1947, pp. 1–6.
139.“然而…… ”：WH Brattain，BNB：21780，1947 年 12 月 19 日，第 1 页。
139.“In however the . . .”: W. H. Brattain, BNB: 21780, 19 December 1947, p. 1.
139.“所获得的调制……”同上，第3页
139.“the modulation obtained . . .”: ibid., p. 3
139.Bert Moore 撰写了《晶体管的诞生》，刊登于《耐克新闻》 1968 年 4 月第 1-3 页（WHIT 中有副本）。
139.Bert Moore fashioned . . . : “The Birth of the Transistor,” Nike News, April 1968, pp. 1–3 (copy found in WHIT).
139.星期二下午，. . : WH Brattain，BNB: 21780，1947 年 12 月 24 日，第 6-8 页。
139.On Tuesday afternoon, . . . : W. H. Brattain, BNB: 21780, 24 December 1947, pp. 6–8.
139.“我不记得任何人…… ”：Pearson（1976），第 45 页。
139.“I don’t remember anybody . . .”: Pearson (1976), p. 45.
139.“这条线路是…… ”：WH Brattain，BNB：21780，1947 年 12 月 24 日，第 7-8 页。
139.“This circuit was . . .”: W. H. Brattain, BNB: 21780, 24 December 1947, pp. 7–8.
140.“孩子们，看，那里有……””: Bown (1963)，第 10 页。
140.“Look boys, there’s . . .”: Bown (1963), p. 10.
140.巴丁和肖克利焦急地看着……：WH Brattain，BNB：21780，1947 年 12 月 24 日，第 9 页。
140.Bardeen and Shockley watched anxiously . . . : W. H. Brattain, BNB: 21780, 24 December 1947, p. 9.
140.“绝妙的圣诞礼物”：W. Shockley（1976 年），第 612 页。
140.“magnificent Christmas present”: W. Shockley (1976), p. 612.
141.“这太重要了…… ”：WH Brattain（1974 年），第 21 页。
141.“It was so damned important . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 21.
第八章 少数派观点
Chapter 8. Minority Views
142.一场大雪即将到来……：《纽约时报》对1947年12月26日的暴风雪进行了描述。1947年12月27日，第1页。
142.a heavy snowfall threatened . . . : The snowstorm on December 26, 1947 is described in the New York Times, 27 December 1947, p. 1.
142.“这是一场道德上的胜利…… ”：皮尔逊，BNB：20912，1947 年 12 月 12 日，第 85 页。
142.“This is a moral victory . . .”: Pearson, BNB: 20912, 12 December 1947, p. 85.
142.吉布尼为他做好了准备……：同上， 1947 年 12 月 26 日，第 92-93 页。
142.Gibney had prepared for him . . . : ibid., 26 December 1947, pp. 92–93.
143.“纽约市…… ”：《纽约时报》，1947 年 12 月 27 日，第 1 页。
143.“New York City . . .”: New York Times, 27 December 1947, p. 1.
143.“据说…… ”：W. Shockley 致 May Shockley 的信，邮戳日期为 1947 年 12 月 30 日，STAN，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹。
143.“This is supposedly . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, letter postmarked 30 December 1947, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3.
143.肖克利把自己关在房间里……同上；W. Shockley（1976 年），第 613-14 页。
143.Shockley holed up in his room . . . : ibid.; W. Shockley (1976), pp. 613–14.
143.“有一个合适的…… ”：W. Shockley，BNB：20455，1947 年 12 月 31 日，第 107 页。
143.“With a suitable . . .”: W. Shockley, BNB: 20455, 31 December 1947, p. 107.
144.肖克利访问了芝加哥大学……：W.肖克利致梅·肖克利，明信片，邮戳日期为1948年1月5日，STAN，第7盒，第3文件夹。
144.Shockley visited the University of Chicago . . . : W. Shockley to May Shockley, postcard postmarked 5 January 1948, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3.
144.凯利得知消息后……：WH Brattain（1974 年），第 24 页。
144.Once Kelly had gotten wind . . . : W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 24.
145.“他当时想…… ”：同上，第 25 页。
145.“He thought then . . .”: ibid., p. 25.
145.“哦，该死，肖克利……”同上。
145.“Oh, hell, Shockley . . .”: ibid.
145.肖克利随后接手了他的案子……：同上。
145.Shockley then took his case . . . : ibid.
145.Julius E. Lilienfeld 曾是……：Lilienfeld 专利在 Gosling (1973) 第 10 页和 Bottom (1964) 第 24-26 页中有讨论。
145.Julius E. Lilienfeld had been . . . : The Lilienfeld patent is discussed in Gosling (1973), p. 10, and Bottom (1964), pp. 24–6.
145.“本发明涉及…… ”：J.E. Lilienfeld，“控制电流的方法和装置”，美国专利号1,745,175，申请日1926年10月8日，授权日1930年1月28日（华盛顿：美国专利局）。办公室）。
145.“The invention relates . . .”: J. E. Lilienfeld, “Method and Apparatus for Controlling Electric Currents,” U.S. Patent No. 1,745,175, filed 8 October 1926, patented 28 January 1930 (Washington: U.S. Patent Office).
146.哈特质问巴丁和布拉坦……：WH 布拉坦（1974 年），第 25 页。
146.Hart questioned Bardeen and Brattain . . . : W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 25.
146.几乎整个月……：WH Brattain，BNB：21780，1948 年 1 月 6 日至 27 日，第 11-60 页。
146.Almost the entire month . . . : W. H. Brattain, BNB: 21780, 6–27 January 1948, pp. 11–60.
147.“发射者”和“收集者”这两个术语最早出现在同上，1948 年 1 月 15 日，第 25 页。
147.The terms “emitter” and “collector” first appear ibid., 15 January 1948, on p. 25.
147.吉布尼当时写道……：美国专利号 2,560,792，申请日期为 1948 年 2 月 26 日。
147.Gibney was then writing . . . : U.S. Patent No. 2,560,792, filed 26 February 1948.
147.“人们认为…… ”：W·H·布拉坦BNB：21780，1948 年 1 月 19 日，第 32-33 页。
147.“It is thought . . .”: W. H. Brattain, BNB: 21780, 19 January 1948, pp. 32–33.
147.并肩工作……：WH Brattain 的 1948 年 1 月日记（BNB：21780）通常是 Brattain 的笔迹，但偶尔也有 Bardeen 的笔迹。
147.Working side by side . . . : The January 1948 entries in W. H. Brattain, BNB: 21780, are usually in Brattain’s, but occasionally in Bardeen’s, handwriting.
147.巴丁承担了耗时的……：巴丁（1978 年），第 33 页；哈特见证了 WH Brattain 的条目，BNB：21780，1948 年 1 月 19 日，第 35 页。
147.Bardeen assumed the time-consuming . . . : Bardeen (1978), p. 33; Hart witnessed entry in W. H. Brattain, BNB: 21780, 19 January 1948, p. 35.
148.“事实上…… ”：WH Brattain（1974 年），第26页。
148.“the fact that . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 26.
148.星期五清晨……：W. Shockley，BNB：20455，1948 年 1 月 23 日，第 128-130 页。
148.early on the morning of Friday . . . : W. Shockley, BNB: 20455, 23 January 1948, pp. 128–130.
148.“尝试最简单的案例”：W. Shockley（1976 年），第 600 页。
148.“try simplest cases”: W. Shockley (1976), p. 600.
148.“它就摆在我眼前…… ”：同上，第 615 页。
148.“was staring me in the face . . . ”: ibid., p. 615.
148.“该装置采用…… ”：W. Shockley，BNB：20455，1948 年 1 月 23 日，第 128 页。
148.“The device employs . . .”: W. Shockley, BNB: 20455, 23 January 1948, p. 128.
149.“球员太瘦了……”和“将增加…… ”：同上，第 129 页。
149.“The Player is so thin . . .” and “will increase the . . .”: ibid., p. 129.
150.肖克利随后提出了一种伪造的方法……同上，第 130 页。
150.Shockley then suggested a way to fabricate . . . : ibid., p. 130.
150.“向前迈出的一大步”：W. Shockley（1974a），第 79 页。
150.“a big forward step”: W. Shockley (1974a), p. 79.
151.他最终交出了全部十六页……：W. Shockley，BNB：20455，1948 年 1 月 23 日至 25 日，第 128-147 页（Haynes 于 1948 年 1 月 27 日见证）。
151.he finally gave all sixteen pages . . . : W. Shockley, BNB: 20455, 23–25 January 1948, pp. 128–47 (witnessed by Haynes on 27 January 1948).
151.Shockley 确实向他们提供了……：同上， 1948 年 1 月 28 日，第 148 页；W. Shockley（1976 年），第 615 页。
151.Shockley did offer them . . . : ibid., 28 January 1948, p. 148; W. Shockley (1976), p. 615.
151.“或许写封短信…… ”：W·肖克利致梅·肖克利，邮戳日期为1月29日1948 年，STAN，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹。
151.“Perhaps a short letter . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, postmarked 29 January 1948, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3.
151.普渡大学的 Karl Lark-Horovitz 小组。 。 。：亨里克森（1983）；加滕豪斯等人。 （1995）。
151.Karl Lark-Horovitz’s group at Purdue . . . : Henriksen (1983); Gartenhaus et al. (1995).
151.1948 年 1 月 12 日，备忘录……：W. Shockley，“1947 年半导体工作”，1948 年 1 月 12 日，BTL 案件档案第 38139-7 号，AT&T。
151.January 12, 1948, memo . . . : W. Shockley, “Work on Semi-Conductors during 1947,” 12 January 1948, BTL Case File No. 38139-7, AT&T.
151.Benzer 曾报道过这种现象……：Benzer (1948)。
151.Benzer had reported this phenomenon . . . : Benzer (1948).
152.他写了六页……：WH Brattain，BNB：21780，1947年6月10日，第 99-104 页。
152.He wrote six pages . . . : W. H. Brattain, BNB: 21780, 10 June 1947, pp. 99–104.
152.“随着增加而减少…… ”：Bray 等人（1947）。
152.“decreases with increasing . . .”: Bray et al. (1947).
152.“抵抗的蔓延…… ”：Bray (1982)，引自 Henriksen (1983)，第 41 页。
152.“The spreading resistance . . .”: Bray (1982), cited in Henriksen (1983), p. 41.
152.“我认为如果有人……”和“是的，我认为…… ”：WH Brattain（1974 年），第 28 页。
152.“I think if somebody . . .” and “Yes, I think . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 28.
152.例如，WG Pfann 的《地面国家计划——1948 年 1 月 20 日至 1948 年 5 月 1 日的发展》中的“ BTL 机密”和“地面国家计划”。贝尔实验室案件档案第38139-8号，AT&T；另见Pfann，BNB：21793，1948年4月28日，第145页：“鲍恩谈到了信息流通，并强调了专利方面的重要性。备忘录应标记为‘机密’；所有书面材料的副本均应送交鲍恩。”
152.“BTL confidential” and “Surface States Project” from, e.g., W. G. Pfann, “Surface States Project—Developments from January 20, 1948 to May 1, 1948,” Bell Labs Case File No. 38139-8, AT&T; see also Pfann, BNB: 21793, 28 April 1948, p. 145: “Bown spoke on circulation of information and also emphasized the importance of patent aspects. Memos are to be marked ‘confidential’; copies of all written matter are to go to Bown.”
153.加入突击队……与巴丁和布拉坦会面……：普凡，BNB：21793，《关于地表状态的笔记》项目”，1948 年 1 月 19 日，第 1-3 页。
153.Joining the commando unit . . . meeting with Bardeen and Brattain . . . : Pfann, BNB: 21793, “Notes on Surface States Project,” 19 January 1948, pp. 1–3.
153.“我立刻…… ”：Shive，BNB：21869，1948 年 1 月 20 日，第 7 页。
153.“At once I . . .”: Shive, BNB: 21869, 20 January 1948, p. 7.
153.“功率提升高达 40 倍！ ”：同上，第 30 页（原文强调）。
153.“gains up to 40× in power!”: ibid., p. 30 (emphasis in the original).
153.“取了一小块…… ”：同上， 1948 年 2 月 13 日，第 30 页。
153.“Took a sliver . . .”: ibid., 13 February 1948, p. 30.
153.“几何形状是…… ”：同上。
153.“The geometry is . . .”: ibid.
153.Shive 展示了他令人费解的结果……：同上， 1948 年 2 月 17 日，第 35 页。
153.Shive showed his puzzling results . . . : ibid., 17 February 1948, p. 35.
154.2月18日星期三下午，……：W. Shockley (1976)，第 618 页；另见 W. Shockley 备忘录，1948 年 2 月 16 日，BTL 案件编号 38139-7，AT&T。
154.On Wednesday afternoon, February 18, . . . : W. Shockley (1976), p. 618; see also W. Shockley memo, 16 February 1948, BTL Case No. 38139-7, AT&T.
154.“当 Shive 说话的时候…… ”：Bardeen (1978)，第 34-36 页。
154.“When Shive was talking . . .”: Bardeen (1978), pp. 34–36.
154.“当 Shive 出现时，我感到很惊讶…… ”：W. Shockley (1974a)，第 79 页。
154.“startled when Shive . . .”: W. Shockley (1974a), p. 79.
154.“几乎低于…… ”：W. Shockley（1976 年），第 616 页。
154.“pretty much under . . .”: W. Shockley (1976), p. 616.
154.“少数载体注入”和“利用它们……”：同上，第 598、618 页。
154.“minority carrier injection” and “used them to . . .”: ibid., pp. 598, 618.
155.2月26日，哈特……：美国专利号 2,560,792、2,524,035、2,524,033 和 2,524,034。
155.on February 26, Hart . . . : U.S. Patent Nos. 2,560,792, 2,524,035, 2,524,033, and 2,524,034.
156.“肖克利跳了进去…… ”：巴丁（1978），第 33 页。
156.“Shockley jumped in . . .”: Bardeen (1978), p. 33.
156.“他走了…… ”：WH Brattain（1974 年），第 25 页。
156.“He went off . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 25.
156.“命令下达了…… ”：同上。
156.“Orders came down . . .”: ibid.
156.Lark-Horovitz 写信给 Shockley 时……：K. Lark-Horovitz 致 W. Shockley，1948 年 2 月 21 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 1。
156.When Lark-Horovitz wrote Shockley . . . : K. Lark-Horovitz to W. Shockley, 21 February 1948, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
156.“结果可能…… ”：W·肖克利的旁注1948 年 2 月 21 日 K. Lark-Horovitz 的来信，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 1。
156.“that results might . . .”: marginal notes by W. Shockley on 21 February 1948 letter from K. Lark-Horovitz, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
157.一份长达八页的长篇大论。 。 。：巴丁，BNB：20780，1948 年 2 月 26 日，第 79-87 页。
157.a lengthy, eight-page . . . : Bardeen, BNB: 20780, 26 February 1948, pp. 79–87.
157.3 月中旬，肖克利到达了……：W. 肖克利，BNB：20455，1948 年 3 月 16 日，第 150-152 页；另见 W. 肖克利，草稿备忘录，“关于收藏家的理论”，1948 年 3 月 24 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 1。
157.In mid-March, Shockley reached . . . : W. Shockley, BNB: 20455, 16 March 1948, pp. 150–52; also W. Shockley, draft memo, “On a Theory of the Collector,” 24 March 1948, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
157.“约翰让她吃尽苦头”：霍洛尼亚克（1993年）
157.“John gave her hell”: Holonyak (1993).
157.“确定如何…… ”：Bray 等人（1948）。
157.“To determine how . . .”: Bray et al. (1948).
157.Pfann 开发了一种基于墨盒的版本……：WG Pfann，“表面状态项目——1948 年 1 月 20 日至 1948 年 5 月 1 日的发展——案例 38235-5”（副本存档于案例文件 38139-8），1948 年 5 月 11 日，AT&T。
157.Pfann had developed a cartridge-based version . . . : W. G. Pfann, “Surface States Project—Developments from January 20, 1948 to May 1, 1948—Case 38235-5” (copy filed in Case File 38139-8), 11 May 1948, AT&T.
158.迄今为止，一直使用一些临时标签……：洛杉矶撰写的一份备忘录中出现了为该设备提出的各种名称。Meacham、CO Mallinckoodt 和 HL Barney，“半导体三极管术语——委员会建议——案例 38139-8”，1948 年 5 月 28 日，BTL 备忘录编号 MM 48-130-10，AT&T。
158.so far employed certain ad hoc labels . . . : Various names suggested for the device appear in a memo written by L. A. Meacham, C. O. Mallinckoodt, and H. L. Barney, “Terminology for Semiconductor Triodes—Committee Recommendations—Case 38139-8,” 28 May 1948, BTL Memo No. MM 48-130-10, AT&T.
159.“我们想到了…… ”：摘自 WH Brattain，“晶体管是如何命名的”，未发表的论文，WHIT，第 1 页。
159.“We thought of . . .”: from W. H. Brattain, “How the Transistor Was Named,” unpublished paper, WHIT, p. 1.
159.“约翰，你真是…… ”：同上。
159.“John, you’re just . . .”: ibid.
159.“皮尔斯知道点接触…… ”：WH Brattain（1976b），第12页。
159.“Pierce knew that the point-contact . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1976b), p. 12.
159.“皮尔斯，就是这样！ ”：WH Brattain（1968 年），第 113 页。
159.“Pierce, that is it!”: W. H. Brattain (1968), p. 113.
159.散发了一份备忘录……：Meacham、Mallinckoodt 和 Barney，“半导体三极管术语”。
159.circulated a memorandum . . . : Meacham, Mallinckoodt, and Barney, “Terminology for Semiconductor Triodes.”
159.“从负面角度来看…… ”：R. Bown 的备忘录，1948 年 5 月 27 日，案件编号 38139-8，AT&T。
159.“On the negative side . . .”: memo from R. Bown, 27 May 1948, Case No. 38139-8, AT&T.
160.于 6 月 17 日向美国专利局提交申请。..：美国专利号 2,524,035。
160.filed at the U.S. Patent Office on June 17. . . : U.S. Patent No. 2,524,035.
160.肖克利寄给他二十六页文件的复印件……: H. Fletcher 致 MR McKenney 的备忘录，1948 年 4 月 5 日，AT&T；W. Shockley，BNB：20455，第 128-153 页。
160.Shockley sent him photostats of twenty-six pages . . . : H. Fletcher memo to M. R. McKenney, 5 April 1948, AT&T; W. Shockley, BNB: 20455, pp. 128–153.
161.“那真是太糟糕了…… ”：W. Shockley（1963 年），第 28 页。
161.“It was a miserable . . .”: W. Shockley (1963), p. 28.
161.“我真的很感激…… ”：W. Shockley（1974a），第 68 页。
161.“I really appreciated . . .”: W. Shockley (1974a), p. 68.
161.“我们一直…… ”：W. Shockley 致 R. Gibney，1948 年 6 月 15 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 1。
161.“We have been . . .”: W. Shockley to R. Gibney, 15 June 1948, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
161.“我们觉得我们…… ”：WH Brattain（1974 年），第 26 页。
161.“We felt that we . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 26.
161.我们告诉他们……同上。
161.“We told them . . . ,”: ibid.
161.陆军、海军和空军的代表……：摘自 1948 年 6 月 23 日题为“晶体管演示”的笔记，附于 R. Bown 备忘录“与海军就萨尔茨堡博士的工作进行会议” 1948 年 6 月 29 日，AT&T BTL 案件档案 38139-8。
161.representatives of the Army, Navy, and Air Force . . . : from notes labeled “Transistor Demonstration,” 23 June 1948, attached to R. Bown memo, “Conference with Navy Regarding Dr. Salzburg’s Work,” 29 June 1948, BTL Case File 38139-8, AT&T.
162.“告诉我一件事…… ”：Zahl（1966），第 96 页。
162.“Tell me one thing, . . .”: Zahl (1966), p. 96.
162.“比尔很高兴…… ”：同上。
162.“Bill was happy, . . .”: ibid.
162.“类比于…… ”：同上。
162.“The analogy to . . .”: ibid.
162.我们认为应该是……”：李的评论在 W. Shockley (1963) 第 32 页中被转述。
162.“We think it should be . . .”: Lee’s comments paraphrased in W. Shockley (1963), p. 32.
162.“我们希望…… ”：Bown，“与海军的会议”，第 1 页。
162.“we would like . . .”: Bown, “Conference with Navy,” p. 1.
162.入住豪华的卡尔顿酒店……：W. Shockley（1963 年），第 33 页。
162.checked in at the posh Carlton . . . : W. Shockley (1963), p. 33.
162.“一位非常有能力的…… ”：同上。
162.“a very able . . .”: ibid.
163.“他们已经获得了…… ”：同上，第 34 页。
163.“they had obtained . . .”: ibid., p. 34.
163.此时，沙德上尉……：鲍恩，“与海军的会议”，第 4 页。
163.At this point, Captain Schade . . . : Bown, “Conference with Navy,” p. 4.
163.为这一事实道歉……：W·肖克利致 R. Gibney，1948 年 6 月 29 日，案件档案编号 38139-8，AT&T。
163.apologizing for the fact . . . : W. Shockley to R. Gibney, 29 June 1948, Case File No. 38139-8, AT&T.
163.梅·肖克利抵达拉瓜迪亚机场……：梅·肖克利日记，1948 年 6 月 29 日，STAN，第 2 盒。
163.May Shockley arrived at La Guardia . . . : diary of May Shockley, 29 June 1948, STAN, Box 2.
164.优雅的午餐……：梅·肖克利的日记，1948 年 6 月 30 日，STAN，第 2 盒。
164.elegant luncheon . . . : diary of May Shockley, 30 June 1948, STAN, Box 2.
164.“科学研究是……”和“我们称之为…… ”：摘自 R. Bown 的介绍性演讲，未发表的手稿，1948 年 6 月 15 日，WHIT，第 1-3 页。
164.“Scientific research is . . .” and “We have called it . . .”: from R. Bown’s introductory talk, unpublished manuscript, 15 June 1948, WHIT, pp. 1–3.
165.贝尔实验室计划的下一步是……：西班牙致 RK Honaman，1948 年 7 月 13 日，AT&T。
165.The next step in Bell Labs’ plans . . . : O. N. Spain to R. K. Honaman, 13 July 1948, AT&T.
165.“但我怀疑…… ”：L. de Forest 致 RK Honaman，1948 年 7 月 15 日，WHIT。
165.“I suspect, however, that . . .”: L. de Forest to R. K. Honaman, 15 July 1948, WHIT.
166.“这到底是怎么回事…… ”：与 Benzer 的对话，引自 W. Brattain (1974)，第 28 页。
166.“What’s this all about . . .”: exchange with Benzer quoted from W. Brattain (1974), p. 28.
167.“因为它的独特性…… ”：摘自《晶体管——晶体三极管》，电子学（1948 年 9 月），第 68 页。
167.“Because of its unique . . .”: from “The Transistor—A Crystal Triode,” Electronics (September 1948), p. 68.
167.“沃尔特肯定恨透了…… ”：巴丁引自 Holonyak (1993)。
167.“Boy, Walter sure hates . . .”: Bardeen quoted in Holonyak (1993).
第九章 发明之女
Chapter 9. The Daughter of Invention
168.“这样…… ”：凯利（1950），第 292 页。
168.“In this way . . .”: Kelly (1950), p. 292.
168.“这非常重要…… ”：同上。
168.“It is most important . . .”: ibid.
169.掌舵人……：JR Wilson备忘录，1948年7月30日，AT&T公司BTL案件档案编号38139-8。备忘录开头写道：“为了加快晶体管开发计划，JA Morton先生被临时委派直接向我汇报工作。” Kelly的角色关于这一选择，莫顿（1964）第92页有详细描述。关于莫顿的背景，请参阅《贝尔实验室记录》，1949年5月，第170页，以及《杰克·莫顿：其人其事》。他的作品，纪念专辑，AT&T。
169.At the helm . . . : J. R. Wilson memo, 30 July 1948, BTL Case File No. 38139-8, AT&T. It begins, “To accelerate the transistor development program, Mr. J. A. Morton is given a temporary assignment reporting directly to me.” Kelly’s role in this choice is recounted in Morton (1964), p. 92. For background on Morton, see Bell Laboratories Record, May 1949, p. 170, and Jack Morton: The Man and His Work, commemorative album, AT&T.
169.“晶体管可以…… ”：美国陆军部新闻稿，1948 年 7 月 26 日，BTL 案件档案第 38139-7 号，AT&T。
169.“The transistor could take . . .”: Department of the Army press release, 26 July 1948, BTL Case File No. 38139-7, AT&T.
169.“在早期…… ”：贝洛（1953），第133页。
169.“In the very early days, . . .”: Bello (1953), p. 133.
170.最具启发性的实验……JR Haynes，“关于晶体管发射极和集电极之间相互作用性质的实验证据——案例 38139-8”，1948 年 7 月 7 日，AT&T；Haynes 和 Shockley (1949)。
170.The most revealing experiment . . . : J. R. Haynes, “Experimental Evidence Concerning the Nature of the Interaction between the Emitter and the Collector of a Transistor—Case 38139-8,” 7 July 1948, AT&T; Haynes and Shockley (1949).
172.“它是一种材料…… ”：Teal（1976），第 621 页。
172.“It was a material . . .”: Teal (1976), p. 621.
173.当 Lark-Horovitz 访问贝尔实验室时……：同上，第 622 页。
173.When Lark-Horovitz visited Bell Labs . . . : ibid., p. 622.
173.Teal 尽职尽责地提供了几个样品……：G. Teal，“热解的当前需求”“锗和硅薄膜”，案件编号 38235-704，1948 年 2 月 19 日，副本保存在 BTL 案件档案编号 38139-8，AT&T。
173.Teal dutifully supplied several samples . . . : G. Teal, “Present Needs for Pyrolytic Films of Germanium and Silicon,” Case 38235-704, 19 February 1948, copy in BTL Case File No. 38139-8, AT&T.
173.“释放固态…… ”：蒂尔引自沃尔夫（1975 年），第 40 页。
173.“freeing the solid-state . . .”: Teal quoted in Wolff (1975), p. 40.
173.生长单晶……：Goldstein（1993）。
173.growing single crystals . . . : Goldstein (1993).
174.“ ……的可能性”：G. Teal，“需要对锗进行一些新的研究”，致 GT Kohman 和 RM Burns 的备忘录，1948 年 8 月 23 日，BTL 案件档案编号 38139-8，AT&T。
174.“The possibility of . . .”: G. Teal, “Need for Some New Studies of Germanium,” memo to G. T. Kohman and R. M. Burns, 23 August 1948, BTL Case File No. 38139-8, AT&T.
174.“我考虑过这一点…… ”：W. Shockley（1972a），第 690 页。
174.“I considered this . . .”: W. Shockley (1972a), p. 690.
174.“他非常固执…… ”：Teal（1993），第 11 页。
174.“He was pretty pig-headed . . .”: Teal (1993), p. 11.
174.“如果我曾经…… ”：蒂尔引自沃尔夫（1975 年），第 40 页。
174.“If I ever . . .”: Teal quoted in Wolff (1975), p. 40.
174.“当然，我可以…… ”：Teal（1976），第 623 页。
174.“Sure, I can . . .”: Teal (1976), p. 623.
174.“我们所需要的一切…… ”：同上，第 623-24 页。
174.“All we needed . . .”: ibid., pp. 623–24.
175.“凯利学院”……：同上，第 624 页。
175.“Kelly College” . . . : ibid., p. 624.
175.“戈登，你会得到…… ”：莫顿引用自同上。
175.“Gordon, you will get . . .”: Morton quoted ibid.
175.二楼的办公室……：根据贝尔实验室 1948-49 年电话簿推断的办公地点，AT&T。
175.offices on the second floor . . . : office locations deduced from Bell Labs telephone directories 1948–49, AT&T.
175.“所用的锗…… ”：W. Shockley、J. Bardeen 和 WH Brattain，“晶体管的电子理论”，1948 年 10 月 15 日草稿，BTL 案件档案编号 38139-8，AT&T。
175.“The germanium used . . .”: W. Shockley, J. Bardeen, and W. H. Brattain, “The Electronic Theory of the Transistor,” draft dated 15 October 1948, BTL Case File No. 38139-8, AT&T.
176.“其中在某些情况下……”：同上。
176.“which in some . . . “: ibid.
176.“有两点…… ”：Bardeen 和 Brattain (1949)，第 1211 页。
176.“With two points . . .”: Bardeen and Brattain (1949), p. 1211.
176.“在巴丁大学的申请中……””: H. Hart 致 HA Burgess，1948 年 9 月 30 日，BTL 案件档案编号 38139-8，AT&T。
176.“In the Bardeen application . . .”: H. Hart to H. A. Burgess, 30 September 1948, BTL Case File No. 38139-8, AT&T.
176.11 月初，Bown 任命了 . . : R. Bown 于 1948 年 11 月 5 日任命 HA Burgess，BTL 案件档案 38139-8，AT&T。
176.In early November Bown appointed . . . : R. Bown to H. A. Burgess, 5 November 1948, BTL Case File 38139-8, AT&T.
177.科罗拉多州人……：有关斯帕克斯的背景，请参阅贝尔实验室记录（1956 年 12 月），第 446 页。
177.A native of Colorado . . . : For Sparks’s background, see Bell Laboratories Record (December 1956), p. 446.
177.Sparks 想出了办法……：Sparks，BNB：21647，1949 年 4 月 6-7 日，第 90-91 页。
177.Sparks figured out how . . . : Sparks, BNB: 21647, 6–7 April 1949, pp. 90–91.
178.“理论…… ”：W.肖克利（1949）。
178.“The Theory of . . .”: W. Shockley (1949).
178.电子和空穴……：W.肖克利（1950a）。
178.Electrons and Holes . . . : W. Shockley (1950a).
178.在 Morton 的支持下……：Teal (1976)，第 625 页。
178.With Morton’s support . . . : Teal (1976), p. 625.
179.“这意味着…… ”：同上。
179.“This meant that . . .”: ibid.
179.“厌倦了…… ”：蒂尔引自沃尔夫（1975 年），第 41 页。
179.“sick and tired . . .”: Teal quoted in Wolff (1975), p. 41.
179.1949 年 3 月，蒂尔……：Sparks，BNB：21647，1949 年 3 月 28 日，第 81-82 页。
179.In March 1949 Teal gave . . . : Sparks, BNB: 21647, 28 March 1949, pp. 81–82.
180.莫顿的生产线……：J. 莫顿，“报告”AT&T，《晶体管发展史——1949 年 7 月》，第 7 页。
180.Morton’s production line . . . : J. Morton, “Report on Transistor Development—July 1949,” p. 7, AT&T.
180.“非常感谢…… ”：E. Fermi 致 W. Shockley，1949 年 2 月 1 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 1。
180.“Thank you very much . . .”: E. Fermi to W. Shockley, 1 February 1949, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
180.“神秘的巫术”：W. Shockley（1972a），第 690 页。
180.“mysterious witchcraft”: W. Shockley (1972a), p. 690.
181.“贝尔系统目前的声明…… ”：摘自《晶体管 AT&T 与真空管 RCA》，《消费者报告》 （1949 年 9 月），第 413 页。
181.“Current Bell System statements . . .”: from “The Transistor AT&T versus the Vacuum Tube RCA,” Consumer Reports (September 1949), p. 413.
181.“贝尔系统…… ”：同上。
181.“the Bell System . . .”: ibid.
181.“未来……”同上，第 415 页。
181.“The future of . . .”: ibid., p. 415.
181.“ RCA 和其他…… ”：同上。
181.“RCA and other . . .”: ibid.
181.Teal 和 Little 的晶体生长技术……：摘自 Sparks，BNB：22551，1950 年 1 月至 3 月，第 40-90 页。
181.Teal and Little’s crystal-growing technique . . . : from Sparks, BNB: 22551, January–March 1950, pp. 40–90.
182.两个晶种靠近……：Sparks，BNB：22551，1950 年 2 月 7 日，第 56 页。
182.two seed crystals close . . . : Sparks, BNB: 22551, 7 February 1950, p. 56.
182.“肖克利已经敦促…… ”：同上， 1950 年 3 月 13 日，第 70 页。
182.“Shockley has prodded . . .”: ibid., 13 March 1950, p. 70.
182.“想要制作…… ”：同上， 1950 年 4 月 4 日，第 91 页。
182.“Want to make . . .”: ibid., 4 April 1950, p. 91.
182.“其特点是……””: W. Shockley (1976)，第 616 页。
182.“The characteristics of . . .”: W. Shockley (1976), p. 616.
182.一周后，Sparks 和 Teal . . . : Sparks, BNB: 22551, 1950 年 4 月 10 日，第 98 页。
182.A week later Sparks and Teal . . . : Sparks, BNB: 22551, 10 April 1950, p. 98.
183.“使用高度…… ”：同上， 1950 年 4 月 12 日，第 100 页。
183.“Using the highly . . .”: ibid., 12 April 1950, p. 100..
184.“焊接到……”和“看起来很绝望…… ”：同上， 1950 年 4 月 13 日，第 101 页。
184.“Soldering to the . . .” and “It looks hopeless . . .”: ibid., 13 April 1950, p. 101.
184.邀请 Bown、Fisk、Morton 等：W. Shockley，《BNB》：20455，1948 年 1 月 23 日，第 128 页。Shockley 添加了一条评论：“附注”1950 年 4 月 20 日。今天向 Bown、Fisk、Wilson 和 Morton 展示了一台 NPN 设备。”另见 Sparks，《BNB：22551》，1950 年 4 月 14 日至 20 日，第 102-104 页。
184.to invite Bown, Fisk, Morton, . . . : W. Shockley, BNB: 20455, 23 January 1948, p. 128. Shockley added a comment: “Note added 20 April 1950. An N-P-N unit was demonstrated today to Bown, Fisk, Wilson, Morton.” See also Sparks, BNB: 22551, 14–20 April 1950, pp. 102–4.
185.理解超导性：Hoddeson 等人（1992 年），第 8 章。
185.to understanding superconductivity: Hoddeson et al. (1992), ch. 8.
185.“ Shockley 和 Pearson . . ”：摘自 J. Bardeen、F. Gray、UB Thomas, Jr. 和 JB Johnson，“关于 Lilienfeld 专利的初步报告”，1949 年 2 月 11 日，BTL 案件档案第 11 号。38139-8，第 4 页（重点为笔者所加），AT&T。
185.“Shockley and Pearson . . .”: from J. Bardeen, F. Gray, U. B. Thomas, Jr., and J. B. Johnson, “Preliminary Report on the Lilienfeld Patents,” 11 February 1949, BTL Case File No. 38139-8, p. 4 (emphasis added), AT&T.
185.“简而言之，他…… ”：J. Bardeen 致 MJ Kelly，1951 年 5 月 24 日，第 1 页，UIUC-P。
185.“In short, he . . .”: J. Bardeen to M. J. Kelly, 24 May 1951, p. 1, UIUC-P.
186.“肖克利本人是…… ”：同上，第 2 页。
186.“Shockley himself was . . .”: ibid., p. 2.
186.橡树岭国家实验室：J. Bardeen 致 AM Weinberg，1949 年 4 月 22 日，以及 J. Bardeen 致 JB Fisk，1949 年 4 月 22 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 1。
186.Oak Ridge National Laboratory: J. Bardeen to A. M. Weinberg, 22 April 1949, and J. Bardeen to J. B. Fisk, 22 April 1949, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
186.作为政策委员会成员……：W·肖克利致梅·肖克利，1948 年 5 月 3 日，STAN，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹。
186.As a member of the policy committee . . . : W. Shockley to May Shockley, 3 May 1948, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3.
187.他们飞往韩国……：W. Shockley（1974a），第 85 页。
187.They flew to Korea . . . : W. Shockley (1974a), p. 85.
187.“我发现…… ”：同上。
187.“I found that . . .”: ibid.
187.肖克利建议……：同上。
187.Shockley suggested that . . . : ibid.
188.“那很好…… ”：同上。
188.“that a good . . .”: ibid.
188.Sparks加快了他的工作……：Sparks，BNB：22960，1951年1月2日至29日，第4-24页。
188.Sparks accelerated his work . . . : Sparks, BNB: 22960, 2–29 January 1951, pp. 4–24.
188.“它们被制造得像…… ”：Sparks（1993），第 29-30 页。
188.“They were made like . . .”: Sparks (1993), pp. 29–30.
189.问题很快就解决了……：Pfann，BNB：22263，1951 年 1 月 16 日，第 190-193 页。
189.It was quickly solved . . . : Pfann, BNB: 22263, 16 January 1951, pp. 190–93.
190.“如果合适的…… ”：华莱士（1958），第 199 页。
190.“If a suitable . . .”: Wallace (1958), p. 199.
190.《物理评论》文章... :W. Shockley、Sparks 和 Teal (1951)。
190.Physical Review article . . . : W. Shockley, Sparks, and Teal (1951).
190.“巴丁受够了…… ”：WH Brattain（1974 年），第 33 页。
190.“Bardeen was fed up . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 33.
190.“我真的在计划…… ”：巴丁在塞茨（1993）中引用。
190.“I’m really planning . . .”: Bardeen quoted in Seitz (1993).
191.赛茨直接去找了院长……：同上。
191.Seitz went straight to the dean . . . : ibid.
191.“我不在乎…… ”：巴丁在塞茨（1992）中引用。
191.“I don’t care . . .”: Bardeen quoted in Seitz (1992).
191.“一个星期五，我们散步…… ”：WH Brattain（1974 年），第 32 页。
191.“One Friday, we walked . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 32.
191.菲斯克 3 月 28 日备忘录……：JB 菲斯克备忘录，1951 年 3 月 28 日，在 STAN 档案馆，Accn. 90-117，第 1 盒中找到。
191.A March 28 Fisk memo . . . : J. B. Fisk memorandum, 28 March 1951, found in STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 1.
191.“我还没有达到…… ”：J. Bardeen 致 G. Almy，1951 年 4 月 6 日，UIUC-P，第 1 页。
191.“I haven’t reached . . .”: J. Bardeen to G. Almy, 6 April 1951, UIUC-P, p. 1.
191.“哦，你不用费心了…… ”：菲斯克引自塞茨（1992 年），第 59 页。
191.“Oh, don’t you bother . . .”: Fisk quoted in Seitz (1992), p. 59.
192.“我的困难源于…… ”：J·巴丁致M·J·凯利，5月24日1951 年，UIUC-P，第 1 页。
192.“My difficulties stem . . .”: J. Bardeen to M. J. Kelly, 24 May 1951, UIUC-P, p. 1.
192.“总而言之…… ”：同上，第 3 页。
192.“To summarize . . .”: ibid., p. 3.
192.“当巴丁弥补…… ”: WH Brattain (1974)，第 33 页。
192.“And when Bardeen makes up . . .”: W. H. Brattain (1974), p. 33.
193.“一种全新的…… ”：BTL 新闻稿，1951 年 7 月 5 日，AT&T。
193.“a radically new . . .”: BTL press release, 5 July 1951, AT&T.
193.“但是一瓦特…… ”：同上，第 4 页。
193.“But a full watt . . . ”: ibid., p. 4.
194.“如此成功以至于…… ”：同上，第 2 页。
194.“so successful that . . .”: ibid., p. 2.
第十章 火势蔓延
Chapter 10. Spreading the Flames
195.“加速应用…… ”：贝尔实验室记录（11月）1951 年），第 524 页。
195.“Accelerated application of . . .”: Bell Laboratories Record (November 1951), p. 524.
196.“我们的一位…… ”：JW McRae，“晶体管出版政策”，1951 年 5 月 15 日，BTL 案件档案编号 38139-8，AT&T。
196.“One of our . . .”: J. W. McRae, “Publication Policy on Transistors,” 15 May 1951, BTL Case File No. 38139-8, AT&T.
196.“保护特殊…… ”：TB Larkin 致 DA Quarles，1951 年 5 月 3 日，BTL 案件档案第 38139-8 号，AT&T，第 1 页。
196.“to guard the special . . .”: T. B. Larkin to D. A. Quarles, 3 May 1951, BTL Case File No. 38139-8, AT&T, p. 1.
197.“我们意识到…… ”：莫顿引自《不可思议的岁月》，电子学（1968 年 2 月 19 日），第 81 页。
197.“We realized that . . .”: Morton quoted from “The Improbable Years,” Electronics (19 February 1968), p. 81.
197.第二次会议……“晶体管技术研讨会”，1952 年 4 月 21 日至 29 日会议参与者名单，AT&T。
197.a second meeting, . . . : “Transistor Technology Symposium,” list of participants at meeting on 21–29 April 1952, AT&T.
197.“他们拼命工作…… ”：Shepherd（1993），第 3 页。
197.“They worked the dickens . . .”: Shepherd (1993), p. 3.
198.关于区域精炼，请参阅 Pfann (1952)。
198.On zone refining, see Pfann (1952).
198.Pfann 最初设想的是……：同上。
198.Pfann had originally conceived . . . : ibid.
199.关于合金结晶体管，请参阅 Hall 和 Dunlap (1950) 以及 Saby (1952)。
199.On alloy-junction transistors, see Hall and Dunlap (1950) and Saby (1952).
200.有关 ENIAC 的信息来自《战时电子学》 （1980 年 4 月 17 日）一文。第186页。
200.Information on ENIAC from “At War,” Electronics (17 April 1980), p. 186.
201.“最近…… ”：1949 年 12 月 21 日在纽约州斯克内克塔迪 WGY 电台的采访记录，STAN，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹。
201.“There has recently . . .”: transcript of 21 December 1949 interview on radio station WGY, Schenectady, New York, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3.
201.最早的……：Misa（1985 年）第 262-268 页记录了信号兵团对晶体管的兴趣。
201.Among the first . . . : Signal Corps interest in the transistor documented in Misa (1985), pp. 262–68.
201.“显而易见…… ”：AK Bohren，“晶体管在海军和通信兵团项目中的应用——案例 25653 和 26664”，BTLAT&T 备忘录第 1949-8730-AKB-MPK 号，1949 年 10 月 5 日，第 1 页。
201.“quite obvious that . . .”: A. K. Bohren, “Application of Transistors to a Navy and a Signal Corps Project—Cases 25653 and 26664,” BTL Memo No. 1949-8730-AKB-MPK, October 5, 1949, p. 1, AT&T.
201.“类似的电路将…… ”：同上，第 3 页；评论归于 WA MacNair。
201.“Similar circuits will . . .”: ibid., p. 3; comment attributed to W. A. MacNair.
203.关于 AN/TSQ 数据传输单元，请参阅 Baird (1958)，第 222-23 页；JP Molnar，“晶体管的军事应用”，新闻发布会发言稿，1958 年 6 月 17 日，AT&T，第 3-4 页；Fagen（1978 年），第 549-50 页。
203.On the AN/TSQ data transmission units, consult Baird (1958), pp. 222–23; J. P. Molnar, “Military Applications of Transistors,” text of press-conference comments, 17 June 1958, AT&T, pp. 3–4; Fagen (1978), pp. 549–50.
204.在TRADIC计算机上，请参阅Baird (1958)，第 223-24 页；Molnar，“军事应用”，第 5 页；Fagen (1978)，第 626-28 页。
204.On the TRADIC computer, see Baird (1958), pp. 223–24; Molnar, “Military Applications,” p. 5; Fagen (1978), pp. 626–28.
204.这些军事应用……：相对成本来自 1954 年 4 月 9 日 NB Krim 致 W. Shockley 的信，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 2；另见 Misa (1985)，第 272-75 页。
204.These military applications . . . : relative costs from 9 April 1954 letter from N. B. Krim to W. Shockley, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 2; see also Misa (1985), pp. 272–75.
204.关于卡片转换器，请参阅 AE Ritchie，“电话交换中的应用”，贝尔实验室记录（1958 年 6 月），第 212-215 页；JD Tebo，“卡片转换器——晶体管在贝尔系统中的首次应用”，未发表的手稿，1975 年 6 月 17 日，AT&T。
204.On the card translator, see A. E. Ritchie, “Applications in Telephone Switching,” Bell Laboratories Record (June 1958), pp. 212–15; J. D. Tebo, “The Card Translator—First Use of the Transistor in the Bell System,” unpublished manuscript, 17 June 1975, AT&T.
205.“这是一个权宜之计…… ”：Early（1993 年），第 3 页。
205.“It was a kludge, . . .”: Early (1993), p. 3.
205.关于早期晶体管在助听器中的应用的信息主要来自 Bello (1953)，第 132 页。
205.The information on use of early transistors in hearing aids comes mainly from Bello (1953), p. 132.
205.“在晶体管中…… ”：同上，第 129 页。
205.“In the transistor . . .”: ibid., p. 129.
206.“开展……”的团队和“主要负责…… ”的人：同上。第 166 页。
206.“team that conducted . . .” and “the man chiefly . . .”: ibid., p. 166.
206.Gordon Teal 注意到……：Teal (1993)。
206.Gordon Teal noticed . . . : Teal (1993).
207.“他有着永不满足的好奇心…… ”：谢泼德（1993）。
207.“He was insatiably curious, . . .”: Shepherd (1993).
207.“显然觉得……很有趣”：PE Haggerty，“成功的策略”，载于 25 周年纪念册（1980 年），第 3 页。
207.“visibly amused at . . .”: P. E. Haggerty, “A Successful Strategy,” in 25th Anniversary (1980), p. 3.
207.“我们永远不可能…… ”：谢泼德（1993）。
207.“We could never . . .”: Shepherd (1993).
208.“我的主要目标…… ”：蒂尔（1993）。
208.“My main aim . . .”: Teal (1993).
208.“我当时正在观察…… ”：哈格蒂，《成功的策略》，第 5 页。
208.“I was observing . . .”: Haggerty, “A Successful Strategy,” p. 5.
209.“上午……””: Teal (1976)，第 635 页。
209.“During the morning . . .”: Teal (1976), p. 635.
209.“日益高涨的欢欣鼓舞”：同上。
209.“mounting exultation”: ibid.
209.“与……相反”：MA Murphy，“半导体工业史”，未发表的手稿，TI。
209.“Contrary to what . . .”: M. A. Murphy, “History of the Semiconductor Industry,” unpublished manuscript, TI.
209.“你说过……”和“是的，我们有…… ”：G. Teal，“晶体管的诞生”，25周年纪念（1980年），第1页。
209.“Did you say . . .” and “Yes, we have . . .”: G. Teal, “Announcing the Transistor,” in 25th Anniversary (1980), p. 1.
209.“首先是锗…… ”：同上，第 2 页。
209.“First a germanium . . .”: ibid., p. 2.
209.“他们得到了…… ”：麦克唐纳（1961），第 226 页。
209.“They got the . . .”: McDonald (1961), p. 226.
209.“当我们第一次……””: Shepherd (1993)。
209.“When we first . . .”: Shepherd (1993).
210.“一旦事情有了起色…… ”：同上。
210.“Once things picked . . .”: ibid.
210.1954 年 TI 的收入数据来自 Haggerty，“成功的战略”，第 6 页。
210.Figures on TI’s 1954 income from Haggerty, “A Successful Strategy,” p. 6.
211.“想要得到…… ”：Shepherd（1993），第 11 页。
211.“wanted to get . . .”: Shepherd (1993), p. 11.
211.“我确信…… ”：哈格蒂，《成功的策略》，第 5 页。
211.“I was convinced . . .”: Haggerty, “A Successful Strategy,” p. 5.
211.“我们当时就认为…… ”：墨菲，《半导体工业史》。
211.“We figured that . . .”: Murphy, “History of the Semiconductor Industry.”
211.“有几十个…… ”：Shepherd（1993），第 8 页。
211.“There were dozens . . .”: Shepherd (1993), p. 8.
211.“我们从未扔过…… ”：同上，第 9 页。
211.“We never threw . . .”: ibid., p. 9.
212.“引言…… ”：引自新闻稿“晶体管制造商对新收音机的评论”，25 周年纪念（1980 年）。
212.“With the introduction . . .”: quoted from press release, “Transistor Manufacturer Comments on New Radio,” in 25th Anniversary (1980).
212.Regency 仅发货……：Regency 收音机的销售数据取自 ST Harris 的《产品营销》，25 周年纪念版（1980 年）。
212.Regency shipped only . . . : sales figures on the Regency radio taken from S. T. Harris, “Marketing the Product,” in 25th Anniversary (1980).
213.“我们永远无法完全…… ”：谢泼德（1993）。
213.“We never quite . . .”: Shepherd (1993).
213.“曾经……”和“结果……”同上。
213.“At one time . . .” and “Turns out . . .”: ibid.
213.“如果那一点点…… ”：沃森转述自谢泼德，同上。
213.“If that little . . .”: Watson paraphrased by Shepherd, ibid.
213.有关东津子和索尼的信息，请参阅 Morita (1987)，第 1-97 页；Kikuchi (1983)，第 19-80 页；索尼 40 周年纪念 (1986)，第 20-127 页；Esaki (1992)。
213.Information on Totsuko and Sony from Morita (1987), pp. 1–97; Kikuchi (1983), pp. 19–80; SONY 40th Anniversary (1986), pp. 20–127; Esaki (1992).
213.“美国真是太棒了…… ”：索尼 40 周年纪念（1986 年），第 85 页。
213.“America is really fantastic . . .”: SONY 40th Anniversary (1986), p. 85.
213.在东京的废墟之中：同上，第 17-23 页；森田（1987 年），第 29-32 页。
213.amid the ruins of Tokyo: ibid., pp. 17–23; Morita (1987), pp. 29–32.
214.最后，我们安顿了下来……”: Morita (1987)，第 50 页。
214.“Finally, we settled down . . .”: Morita (1987), p. 50.
214.“我们可以看到炸弹造成的破坏…… ”：同上。
214.“We could see bomb damage . . .”: ibid.
214.东津子很快便建立了良好的声誉……：同上，第 53-60 页；索尼 40 周年纪念（1986 年），第 36-37 页和 46-71 页。
214.Totsuko soon established a good reputation . . . : ibid., pp. 53–60; SONY 40th Anniversary (1986), pp. 36–37 and 46–71.
214.井深和森田开始寻找……：索尼40周年纪念（1986年），第84-87页。
214.Ibuka and Morita began searching . . . : SONY 40th Anniversary (1986), pp. 84–87.
214.“它没有未来…… ”：同上，第 84 页。
214.“It has no future . . .”: ibid., p. 84.
214.“我们将致力于…… ”：同上，第 87 页。
214.“We will work on . . .”: ibid., p. 87.
215.“我们会很高兴……”同上，第 94 页。
215.“We will be pleased . . .”: ibid., p. 94.
215.1953 年 8 月，森田抵达……：森田（1987 年），第 65-66 页和索尼 40 周年纪念（1986 年），第 94-97 页。
215.In August 1953, Morita arrived . . . : Morita (1987), pp. 65–66 and SONY 40th Anniversary (1986), pp. 94–97.
215.井深大开始组装……：索尼40周年纪念（1986年），第98-100页。
215.Ibuka started to assemble . . . : SONY 40th Anniversary (1986), pp. 98–100.
215.根据这些报告……：同上，第 100-101 页。
215.Working from these reports . . . : ibid., pp. 100–1.
215.井深大和森田表现出色。 。 。：江崎（1992）。
215.Ibuka and Morita made an excellent . . . : Esaki (1992).
216.关于森田的背景信息，请参见森田（1987 年），第 4-17 页和第 47-48 页。
216.Background on Morita in Morita (1987), pp. 4–17 and 47–48.
216.从早期开始……：关于生产晶体管收音机的决定，参见同上，第 64-65 页和索尼 40 周年纪念（1986 年），第 98-99 页。
216.From the early days . . . : On the decision to produce transistor radios, see ibid., pp. 64–65 and SONY 40th Anniversary (1986), pp. 98–99.
216.“经历了一段漫长的…… ”：Morita (1987)，第 67 页。关于磷掺杂，参见同上，第 68 页，以及 Esaki (1992)。
216.“went through a long . . .”: Morita (1987), p. 67. On phosphorus doping, see ibid., p. 68, and Esaki (1992).
216.1 月份他们成功了……：索尼 40 周年纪念（1986 年），第 108 页。
216.In January they managed . . . : SONY 40th Anniversary (1986), p. 108.
216.“联合国大楼”：同上，第 111 页。
216.“UN building”: ibid., p. 111.
217.“作为第一…… ”：同上。第 71 页。
217.“As the first . . .”: ibid., p. 71.
217.“这是一个绕口令”：同上，第 69 页。
217.“It was a tongue-twister”: ibid., p. 69.
217.“名称将成为符号，…… ”：同上，第 70 页。
217.“The name would be the symbol, . . .”: ibid., p. 70.
217.“我和井深大去了…… ”：同上。
217.“Ibuka and I went . . .”: ibid.
217.“我们思考了……”和“为什么不…… ”：同上。
217.“We pondered . . .” and “Why not . . .”: ibid.
218.有关半导体制造中扩散的一般信息，请参阅 Sparks 和 Pietenpol (1956)。
218.For general information on diffusion in semiconductor manufacturing, see Sparks and Pietenpol (1956).
219.关于“deathnium ”，请参阅 Shockley (1964)，第 347-49 页。
219.On “deathnium,” see Shockley (1964), pp. 347–49.
219.卡尔文·富勒和杰拉尔德·皮尔逊……富勒和皮尔逊负责将硼扩散到硅中，制造出贝尔第一块太阳能电池中使用的大面积PN结。另一位名叫德怀特·查平的人则开发了所需的触点和电路。奇怪的是，贝尔公司关于这项发明的出版物和新闻稿中却遗漏了拉塞尔·奥尔的名字。参见查平、富勒和皮尔逊（1955）。
219.Calvin Fuller and Gerald Pearson . . . : Fuller and Pearson were responsible for the diffusion of boron into silicon to make the large-area P-N junctions used in the first Bell Solar Battery. Another person, Dwight Chapin, developed the required contacts and circuitry. The name of Russell Ohl was curiously omitted from Bell’s publications and press releases on the invention. See Chapin, Fuller, and Pearson (1955).
220.太阳的巨大力量……”: 《纽约时报》，1954 年 4 月 26 日，第 1 页。
220.“Vast Power of the Sun . . .”:New York Times, 26 April 1954, p. 1.
220.关于扩散基极晶体管，请参阅 Hornbeck (1985)，第 43-57 页。
220.On diffused-base transistors, see Hornbeck (1985), pp. 43–57.
221.“晶体将会…… ”：Holonyak (1996b)。
221.“The crystals would . . .”: Holonyak (1996b).
221.“就像煤渣一样…… ”：Holonyak（1996a）。
221.“just like cinders . . .”: Holonyak (1996a).
221.关于贝尔对电子交换的兴趣，请参阅 Anderson 和 Ryder（未注明日期），第 47-50 页。
221.On Bell’s interest in electronic switching, consult Anderson and Ryder (n.d.), pp. 47–50.
221.“我写了一篇…… ”: Moll (1992)，第 6 页。
221.“I wrote a . . .”: Moll (1992), p. 6.
221.“如果你正在制作…… ”：同上，第 16 页。
221.“If you’re making . . .”: ibid., p. 16.
221.“还有另一个……”同上，第 7 页。
221.“And there was another . . .”: ibid., p. 7.
222.“好吧，我们做到了…… ”：弗罗施引自霍洛尼亚克（1996b），第12页
222.“Well, we did it . . .”: Frosch quoted by Holonyak (1996b), p. 12
222.“美丽而绿色…… ”：同上，第 12 页。
222.“nice and green . . .”: ibid., p. 12.
223.Morris Tanenbaum . . . : 有关第一个扩散基硅晶体管的更多信息，请参阅 Tanenbaum 和 Thomas (1956)。
223.Morris Tanenbaum . . . : For more information about the first diffused-base silicon transistor, see Tanenbaum and Thomas (1956).
223.“作为存在性证明，…… ”：Anderson 和 Ryder（无日期），第 50 页。
223.“As an existence proof, . . .”: Anderson and Ryder (n.d.), p. 50.
223.当莫顿得知……：关于硅的影响关于 Morton 的决定，扩散基极晶体管取得了突破，参见ibid.，第 50-51 页。
223.When Morton learned . . . : On the impact of the silicon diffused-base transistor breakthrough on Morton’s decision, see ibid., pp. 50–51.
223.“下雪的，糟糕的一天”和“注定如此……”：同上，第 51 页。
223.“snowy, miserable day” and “it was to be . . .”: ibid., p. 51.
223.“ diddle ”：同上，第 50 页，注 50。
223.“diddling”: ibid., p. 50, n. 50.
第十一章 加州梦
Chapter 11. California Dreaming
225.20世纪50年代中期……：W·肖克利在20世纪50年代初的个人生活事件主要记录在他的日记和写给梅·肖克利的信件中，这些信件保存至今。STAN，第 2B 盒和第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹，编号 95-153。
225.During the mid-1950s, . . . : The events in W. Shockley’s personal life in the early 1950s are documented mainly in his diaries and in letters to May Shockley preserved in STAN, Box 2B, and Box 7, Folder 3, Accn. 95-153.
225.“我已见过…… ”：W. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1952 年 12 月 9 日，STAN。
225.“I have seen . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, 9 December 1952, STAN.
226.“这是其中之一…… ”：W. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1954 年 3 月 29 日，STAN。
226.“This is one of . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, 29 March 1954, STAN.
226.销售数据仍然有问题……而且是“公司机密”：R. Bown 致 W. Shockley，1954 年 4 月 12 日，以及 AR Thompson 致 R. Bown 的备忘录，1954 年 4 月 9 日，STAN，Accn。90-117，第 2 盒。
226.sales figures were still problematical . . . and “company confidential”: R. Bown to W. Shockley, 12 April 1954, and attached memo from A. R. Thompson to R. Bown, 9 April 1954, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 2.
226.雷神公司高管……：NB Krim 致 W. Shockley，1954 年 4 月 9 日，以及随附的油印件“雷神晶体管和半导体应用进展报告”，未发表，1954 年 3 月 18 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117，第 2 盒。该报告第 5 页指出：“我们研究部门正在制造在 350°F 下性能令人满意的实验性硅结晶体管。”有趣的是，这比德州仪器公司制造出第一台硅结晶体管早了一个月。
226.Executives at Raytheon . . . : N. B. Krim to W. Shockley, 9 April 1954, and attached mimeograph, “A Progress Report on Raytheon Transistor and Semiconductor Applications,” unpublished, 18 March 1954, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 2. On page 5, this report states, “Experimental silicon junction transistors giving satisfactory performance at 350°F are being made in our Research Division.” Curiously, this was a month before Texas Instruments made its first silicon junction transistor.
227.在那年三月访问华盛顿期间……：肖克利和兰宁初次会面的记述，包括引语：“嗯，如果我是……”，“人是我的事业……”，“你结婚了吗……”和“嗯，是的……”，摘自 E. 肖克利 (1994)，第 3-4 页。
227.On a visit to Washington that March . . . : account of the initial meeting between Shockley and Lanning, including quotes, “Well, if I were . . . ,” “People are my business . . . ,” “Are you married . . . ,” and “Well yes, . . . ,” from E. Shockley (1994), pp. 3–4.
228.驾驶“捷豹”进行一次横跨美国的旅行……：W. Shockley 致 E. Shockley，1954 年 6 月 20 日，E. Shockley 的个人收藏，加利福尼亚州斯坦福。
228.a cross-country jaunt in “the Jag”. . . : W. Shockley to E. Shockley, 20 June 1954, personal collection of E. Shockley, Stanford, Calif.
228.“关于统计…… ”：论文最终发表于 IRE 会议录 45，第 3 期（1957 年 3 月），第 279-90 页。
228.“On the Statistics . . .”: paper eventually published in Proceedings of the IRE 45, no. 3 (March 1957), pp. 279–90.
229.“今天我告诉了…… ”：W·肖克利致梅·肖克利，1954年12月20日，斯坦。夸尔斯先生是唐纳德·A·夸尔斯，贝尔实验室副总裁兼惠帕尼分部负责人，当时曾任艾森豪威尔政府国防部助理部长，目前休假中。
229.“Today I told . . . ”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, 20 December 1954, STAN. Mr. Quarles is Donald A. Quarles, a Bell Labs vice president and head of its Whippany division, then on leave as assistant secretary of defense in the Eisenhower administration.
229.关于耐克-大力神导弹及其反导防御的改进，请参阅 Fagen (1978)，第 388-419 页。
229.On the Nike-Hercules missile and its adaptation for antimissile defense, see Fagen (1978), pp. 388–419.
229.“安德森将…… ”和“帐篷……”：出自W·肖克利（1955-56年）。“安德森”指的是WSEG董事塞缪尔·E·安德森。“基利安”指的是麻省理工学院校长詹姆斯·R·基利安，他于1957年成为首位总统候选人。科学顾问。
229.“Anderson to put . . .” and “The tent . . .”: from W. Shockley (1955–56). “Anderson” is WSEG director General Samuel E. Anderson. “Killian” is MIT president James R. Killian, who in 1957 became the first presidential science adviser.
230.“俄亥俄州的这位女士…… ”和“联系……”：1996 年 4 月 24 日，Marion Softky 和 M. Riordan 之间的电话对话。
230.“this woman in Ohio . . .” and “getting in touch . . .”: telephone conversation between Marion Softky and M. Riordan, 24 April 1996.
230.“最近有证据表明…… ”：W. Shockley，“硅计划的紧急建议——案例 38139-7”，1955 年 3 月 21 日，STAN，档案 90-117，第 2 盒。Shockley 在这份备忘录的后文中评论道：“锗在以下方面的局限性……”高温和高阻抗限制了它在电子开关交叉点等应用以及许多最重要的军事需求中的使用。
230.“Evidence has recently . . .”: W. Shockley, “An Urgent Recommendation for the Silicon Program—Case 38139-7,” 21, March 1955, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 2. Later in this memo Shockley comments, “The limitations of germanium with respect to temperature and high impedance has precluded its use in such applications as cross-points for electronic switching and many of the most important military needs.”
230.“ AHW说莫里·坦恩…… ”： W.肖克利（1955-56）。“莫里·坦恩[原文如此]”指的是莫里斯·坦南鲍姆，他利用富勒提供的硅和莫尔开发的铝键合技术，制造了第一个成功的扩散基极晶体管。组（见第 10 章）。
230.“AHW says Morrie Tann . . .”:W. Shockley (1955–56). “Morrie Tann [sic]” is Morris Tanenbaum, who made the first successful diffused-base transistor using silicon provided by Fuller and aluminum-bonding techniques developed by Moll’s group (see ch. 10).
231.“Imp. of lack . . .” and “Idea of setting . . .”: ibid.
231.“我越看越觉得…… ”：W. Shockley 致 E. Lanning，1954 年 6 月 20 日，E. Shockley 收藏。
231.“The more I see . . .”: W. Shockley to E. Lanning, 20 June 1954, collection of E. Shockley.
231.他想开始……：W. Shockley 致 E. Lanning，约 1955 年 3 月，E. Shockley 的收藏。
231.He thought of starting . . . : W. Shockley to E. Lanning, c. March 1955, collection of E. Shockley.
231.还有一件令人不安的事……：3月2日，W·肖克利向E·兰宁透露了有关吉恩手术的信息。1955 年，E. Shockley 的收藏；W. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1955 年 3 月 13 日，STAN，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹；J. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1955 年 3 月 28 日，STAN，第 7 盒，第 1 文件夹；W. Shockley 的笔记（1955–56 年）。
231.And a disturbing event . . . : Information on Jean’s operation gleaned from W. Shockley to E. Lanning, 2 March 1955, collection of E. Shockley; W. Shockley to May Shockley, 13 March 1955, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3; J. Shockley to May Shockley, 28 March 1955, STAN, Box 7, Folder 1; notes in W. Shockley (1955–56).
232.离开前一天……：关于肖克利1955年4月19日致电E.兰宁的电话记录，E.肖克利收藏。他写道：“已致电RCA（Zworykin）和雷神公司。”此外，我还通过我二战时期在五角大楼的前任上司E.L. Bowles联系了麻省理工学院，询问他们能否提供一份有吸引力的条件。”
232.The day before leaving . . . : Information on Shockley’s phone calls in W. Shockley to E. Lanning, 19 April 1955, collection of E. Shockley. He notes, “Have called RCA (Zworykin) and Raytheon plus MIT via my former Pentagon WWII boss E. L. Bowles to ask can they make attractive offer.”
232.“心理温度”：W. Shockley，《1954年11月22日准备的扩展简报》，是他在美国运筹学学会演讲的摘要，随附于他1954年11月23日写给May Shockley的信中。在第一页，他指出：“人们发现，这些巨大的变化……”通过引入一个名为“心理温度”的定量概念，可以简单地将个人创造力联系起来。”另见《新闻周刊》 1954 年 12 月 6 日第 72-73 页的“心灵的秘密”。
232.“mental temperature”: W. Shockley, “Extended Brief Prepared 22 November 1954,” summary of his lecture before the Operations Research Society of America, enclosed with his letter of 23 November 1954 to May Shockley. On its first page, he observes, “It has been found that these large variations in individual creativity can be correlated in a simple way by introducing a quantitative concept called ‘mental temperature.’” See also “Secrets of the Mind,” Newsweek, 6 December 1954, pp. 72–73.
232.“我想我会…… ”：W. Shockley 致 E. Lanning，1955 年 6 月 1 日，E. Shockley 收藏。
232.“Think I shall . . .”: W. Shockley to E. Lanning, 1 June 1955, collection of E. Shockley.
232.有关与雷神公司、伍尔德里奇公司和哈格蒂公司讨论的信息，包括德州仪器公司的生产数据，出自 W. Shockley (1955–56)。
232.Information about discussions with Raytheon, Wooldridge, and Haggerty, including TI’s production figures, from W. Shockley (1955–56).
233.“嗯，我告诉了肖克利…… ”：凯利在塞茨（1992）中引用。
233.“Well, I told Shockley . . .”: Kelly quoted in Seitz (1992).
233.凯利打电话给劳伦斯……：有关洛克菲勒家族在W.肖克利致 M. 肖克利，1955 年 6 月 17 日，STAN，其中他表示：“目前我打算创办自己的公司。MJ 凯利知道这一点，并主动提出打电话给劳伦斯·洛克菲勒，为我引荐。他今天做了这件事，我计划明天给洛克菲勒打电话。”与布拉坦的互动是从W. Shockley（1955-56）在“6月20日费城机场”的笔记中推断出来的，笔记中写道：“见到了WH Brattain，并告诉他关于MJK和洛克菲勒的事情。 ”
233.Kelly phoned Laurence . . . : Information about the Rockefeller connection in W. Shockley to M. Shockley, 17 June 1955, STAN, wherein he states, “Currently it is my intention to start a company of my own. M. J. Kelly knows this and offered to call Lawrence [sic] Rockefeller to give me an introduction. He did this today and I plan to call Rockefeller tomorrow.” Interaction with Brattain deduced from W. Shockley (1955–56) note on “20 Jun Phila Airport,” which states, “Saw W. H. Brattain & told him about MJK & Rockefellers.”
233.“我正在经历…… ”：W. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1955 年 6 月 23 日，STAN。
233.“I am having . . .”: W. Shockley to May Shockley, 23 June 1955, STAN.
233.“我原本计划…… ”：J. Shockley 致 May Shockley，1955 年 8 月 5 日，STAN，第 7 盒，第 1 文件夹。
233.“I had planned . . .”: J. Shockley to May Shockley, 5 August 1955, STAN, Box 7, Folder 1.
233.“给阿诺德·贝克曼打电话”： W.肖克利（1955-56）。
233.“Call Arnold Beckman,”: W. Shockley (1955–56).
233.在就职宴会期间……：关于商会会议，请参阅 W. Shockley 致 A. Beckman 的信，1955 年 1 月 25 日，以及《洛杉矶时报》1955 年 2 月 3 日刊登的“商会任命领导人；赞扬两位科学家”，该刊物收录于 STAN 档案馆，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹。
233.during the installation banquet . . . : On the Chamber of Commerce meeting, see W. Shockley to A. Beckman, 25 January 1955, and “C of C Seats Chiefs; Hails 2 Scientists,” Los Angeles Times, 3 February 1955, in STAN, Box 7, Folder 3.
233.贝克曼既是……：有关贝克曼仪器的信息来自1956年2月9日STAN的新闻稿，Accn. 90-117，第 14 箱，第 22 文件夹。
233.Beckman was both . . . : Information about Beckman Instruments from 9 February 1956 press release in STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 14, Folder 22.
234.肖克利飞往洛杉矶……：有关贝克曼和肖克利会面的信息来自肖克利在 1955 年 9 月第一周所写的手写笔记，现藏于 STAN，档案号 95-153。
234.Shockley flew to Los Angeles . . . : Information about the Beckman and Shockley meeting from handwritten notes made by Shockley during the first week in September 1955, now in STAN, Accn. 95-153.
234.“我们打算参与……”以及随后引自一封信的草稿：A. Beckman 致 W. Shockley，1955 年 9 月 3 日，现藏于 STAN，Accn. 95-153。
234.“We propose to engage . . .” and subsequent quotes from draft of a letter: A. Beckman to W. Shockley, 3 September 1955, now in STAN, Accn. 95-153.
234.100股贝克曼股票：梅·肖克利日记，1995 年 9 月 9 日，STAN，第 2 盒。
234.100 shares of Beckman stock: May Shockley diary, 9 September, 1995, STAN, Box 2.
234.驾驶捷豹疾驰而去……：1996 年 5 月 1 日 M. Riordan 与 E. Shockley 的对话中，详细讲述了横跨全国的旅行。
234.sped off in the Jag . . . : details of cross-country trip from M. Riordan conversation with E. Shockley, 1 May 1996.
235.“你的计划是…… ”：F. Terman 致 W. Shockley，1955 年 9 月 20 日，Terman 文稿，斯坦福大学特藏部，第 48 箱，第 8 文件夹。我们感谢 Stuart Leslie 让我们注意到这封信。该文件夹中特曼的其他手写笔记包括“高频晶体管自动化的首要目标……肖克利-贝克曼公司正在孤注一掷……12 个月内每月 30,000 美元。”
235.“Your plans for . . .”: F. Terman to W. Shockley, 20 September 1955, Terman Papers, Stanford University Special Collections, Box 48, Folder 8. We are indebted to Stuart Leslie for bringing this letter to our attention. Other handwritten notes of Terman in this folder include “No 1 objective automation of HF transistor . . . Shockley–Beckman playing for big stakes . . . 30,000/mo in 12 months.”
235.“建造尖顶……”和“最好…… ”：亨利·洛伍德为斯坦福大学特藏馆的特曼文集所作的引言。
235.“building steeples . . .” and “It’s better to . . .”: introduction to the Terman Papers, by Henry Lowood, Stanford University Special Collections.
236.然而，特曼却深深地……：更多信息关于特曼，请参见同上。
236.Terman nevertheless became deeply . . . : For more information about Terman, see ibid.
236.“你相信…… ”：A. Beckman 致 W. Shockley，1955 年 10 月 31 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117，第 14 盒，第 19 文件夹。
236.“Do you believe . . .”: A. Beckman to W. Shockley, 31 October 1955, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 14, Folder 19.
236.“如果一个顶尖的……”以及肖克利的招聘理念：B. Moskowitz，“备忘录：肖克利博士关于生产力和薪酬的演讲”，《化学周刊》文章草稿，1955 年 11 月，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 2。
236.“If a top . . . ” and Shockley’s recruiting philosophy: B. Moskowitz, “Memo: Dr. Shockley’s speech on productivity and salaries,” draft of article for Chemical Week, November 1955, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 2.
236.肖克利成功了……：E.肖克利（1994）。
236.And Shockley managed to succeed . . . : E. Shockley (1994).
237.“在指导下…… ”：贝克曼仪器公司 1956 年 2 月 14 日发布的新闻稿，STAN，Accn. 90-117，Box 14，Folder 22。
237.“With the guidance . . .”: Beckman Instruments press release dated 14 February 1956, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 14, Folder 22.
237.有关斯坦福工业园的奎恩塞特小屋及其规划的信息，请参阅 W. Shockley (1956–58)，“记录”，第 40、42 页，1956 年 1 月 9 日。Shockley 写道：“决定选择圣安东尼奥，并联系了凯里，提出了325美元/月的方案，前12个月，之后每9个月支付一次，可以续租12个月。”每月 500 美元。”
237.For information about Quonset hut and plans at Stanford Industrial Park, see W. Shockley (1956–58), “Record,” pp. 40, 42, 9 January 1956. Shockley wrote, “Decided on San Antonio & called Carey with proposal 325 first 12 mo, @ 9 mo. can extend 12 mo. at 500.”
237.罗伯特·诺伊斯，29岁……：1955年10月10日，W·肖克利（1955-56）的日记中写道：“诺伊斯——菲尔科公司；他对表面晶体管的见解很有见地；厄尔利也希望他加入罗斯公司。菲尔科公司没有其他好人了。” 1956年1月19日，他在“记录”栏里潦草地写道：“致电诺伊斯”。在一本标有“1956年1月-2月”的螺旋笔记本中，他写道：“想住在WC……兄弟。”在伯克利任教。离开 Philco？——管理层没有 R 的思维。”这三件事都出自 STAN，Accn. 95-153，Box 2B。
237.Robert Noyce, a twenty-nine-year-old . . . : An October 10, 1955, entry in W. Shockley (1955–56) states “Noyce—Philco; has talked sense about surface transistor; Early would like him also Ross. No other good man at Philco.” On 19 January 1956, he scribbled in “Record,” “Called Noyce.” In spiral notebook labeled “Jan—Feb 1956,” he noted, “Would like to live in WC . . . brother teaching at Berkeley. Leaving Philco?—management not R. minded.” All three in STAN, Accn. 95-153, Box 2B.
237.“就像捡起…… ”：Reid（1984），第 73 页。
237.“It was like picking up . . .”: Reid (1984), p. 73.
239.“晶体管之父”和“所有离子都风……”：与诺伊斯的录像带，收录于《硅谷》第二卷：“繁荣小镇：新淘金热”，由胡里奥·莫林制作（加利福尼亚州圣何塞：KTEH-TV 54频道，1986年）。我们对此深表感谢。感谢亨利·洛伍德让我们注意到这段录音带。
239.“the father of the transistor” and “All ions wind . . .”: videotape with Noyce, in “Silicon Valley,” vol. 2: “Boomtown: The New Gold Rush,” produced by Julio Moline (San Jose, Calif.: KTEH-TV Channel 54, 1986). We are indebted to Henry Lowood for bringing this tape to our attention.
239.“我想…… ”以及有关 Moore 与 Shockley 初次相遇的信息，摘自 Moore (1996a)，第 2-3 页。
239.“I wanted to . . . ” and information about Moore’s initial encounter with Shockley from Moore (1996a), pp. 2–3.
239.Moore 飞往旧金山湾区……，以及 Shockley 的访谈技巧、魔术技巧和心理测试：Gibbons (1995)、Moore (1996a) 和 Sello (1995, 1996)。
239.Moore flew out to the Bay Area . . . , and Shockley’s interviewing techniques, magic tricks, and psychological tests: Gibbons (1995), Moore (1996a), and Sello (1995, 1996).
240.1956年5月至6月，肖克利半导体实验室成立出自 Shockley (1956-58)，第 81-82 页。
240.Organization of Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory in May–June 1956 from Shockley (1956-58), pp. 81–82.
240.“真是…… ”：Moore（1996a），第 3 页。
240.“It was really . . .”: Moore (1996a), p. 3.
240.Happ、Valdes 和 Noyce 出席晶体管研讨会的消息来自AT&T 于 1956 年 1 月 16 日至 17 日发布的“扩散半导体器件研讨会暂定日程”。
240.Happ, Valdes, and Noyce’s attendance at transistor symposium from listing in “Tentative Program for Symposium on Diffused Semiconductor Devices, January 16–17, 1956,” AT&T.
240.司法之斧……：1956 年同意令解决反垄断诉讼，详见 Goulden (1968)，第 90-103 页。
240.the judicial axe . . . : resolution of antitrust suit by 1956 consent decree covered in Goulden (1968), pp. 90–103.
241.“我们本来可以……””: Moore (1996a)，第 6 页。
241.“We could just . . .”: Moore (1996a), p. 6.
241.“与肖克利共事……”和“但他有……”以及肖克利与他的员工互动的例子：同上，第 5 页。
241.“Working with Shockley . . .” and “But he had . . .” plus the examples of Shockley’s interactions with his staff: ibid., p. 5.
241.“这不是…… ”：同上。
241.“It wasn’t a . . .”: ibid.
241.1956 年 M. Shockley 日记中记录了 1956 年 11 月 1 日至 2 日发生的事件，STAN，第 2 盒。
241.Record of events on 1–2 November 1956 in 1956 diary of M. Shockley, STAN, Box 2.
242.“诺贝尔奖授予 3 位美国人”和“团队队长”：《纽约时报》，1956 年 11 月 2 日，第 1 页。
242.“Nobel Prize Goes to 3 Americans” and “team captain”: New York Times, 2 November, 1956, p. 1.
242.“为了更好的运气……””：附于梅·肖克利 1956 年日记的财富，STAN，第 2 盒。
242.“For better luck . . .”: fortune attached to 1956 diary of May Shockley, STAN, Box 2.
242.简·巴丁和家人 (1992 年) 以及拉扎勒斯 (1992 年)讲述了巴丁和诺贝尔奖的故事。
242.Account of Bardeen and Nobel prize from Jane Bardeen and family (1992) and Lazarus (1992).
242.关于布拉坦和诺贝尔奖的记载主要来自 WH 布拉坦（无日期），“传奇”。
242.Account of Brattain and Nobel prize largely from W. H. Brattain (n.d.), “Saga.”
242.“一位有进取心的记者…… ”：同上，第 2 页。
242.“One enterprising reporter . . .”: ibid., p. 2.
242.“我只是有时间…… ”：同上。
242.“I just had time . . .”: ibid.
243.“那里发生了什么事…… ”：同上，第 3 页。
243.“What happened there . . .”: ibid., p. 3.
243.“可以这样描述……”同上，第 6 页。
243.“can best be described . . .”: ibid., p. 6.
243.“在中间…… ”：同上。
243.“in the middle . . .”: ibid.
244.“今年的奖项…… ”：《新闻周刊》，1956 年 11 月 12 日，第 90 页。
244.“This year the prize . . .”: Newsweek, 12, November , 1956, p. 90.
244.约翰起初有些犹豫……：P. Anderson (1992) 提到巴丁不愿离开伊利诺伊州太久。巴丁一家在前往斯德哥尔摩之前，住在新泽西州的安德森家。他们当时在新泽西州参加一个盛大的派对，邀请了三位……贝尔实验室抛掷的桂冠（WH Brattain [nd]，“传奇”中也有提及）。
244.John was at first reluctant . . . : Bardeen’s reluctance to spend too much time away from Illinois is mentioned in P. Anderson (1992). The Bardeens stayed with the Andersons in New Jersey before leaving for Stockholm. They were in New Jersey for a big party for the three laureates thrown by Bell Labs (also mentioned in W. H. Brattain [n.d.], “Saga”).
244.“我们不得不…… ”：WH Brattain（无日期），“传奇”，第 15 页。
244.“We had to . . .”: W. H. Brattain (n.d.), “Saga,” p. 15.
244.斯德哥尔摩和诺贝尔奖颁奖典礼的描述来自同上，以及作者之一（MR）参加 1990 年颁奖典礼的印象。
244.Descriptions of Stockholm and the Nobel ceremonies from ibid. and from impressions of one of the authors (MR), who attended 1990 ceremonies.
244.肖克利于星期六抵达……：肖克利一家迟到的记述，见同上，第 22、24 页；E.Shockley (1996)；M. Riordan 和 E. Shockley 于 1996 年 5 月 16 日的电话谈话。
244.Shockley arrived on Saturday . . . : account of the Shockleys’ late arrival from ibid., pp. 22, 24; E. Shockley (1996); phone conversation between M. Riordan and E. Shockley, 16 May 1996.
245.“珠穆朗玛峰的顶峰…… ”：KM Siegbahn 等人编辑，Les Prix Nobel en 1956（斯德哥尔摩：PA Nordstedt & Sons，1957 年），第 17 页。 20.
245.“The summit of Everest . . .”: K. M. Siegbahn et al., eds., Les Prix Nobel en 1956 (Stockholm: P. A. Nordstedt & Sons, 1957), p. 20.
246.“那是一个美好的时代…… ”：WH Brattain（无日期），“传奇”，第 39 页。
246.“It was a grand time . . .”: W. H. Brattain (n.d.), “Saga,” p. 39.
246.诺伊斯和摩尔的告诫指出，人们普遍存在“怨恨情绪”和“精神停滞”的问题，此外还有……琼斯的辞职信出自 W. Shockley 的手写笔记（1956-57 年），第 26 页。
246.“general feeling of resentment” and “mental stagnation,” Noyce and Moore’s admonitions, plus the resignation of Jones from handwritten notes of W. Shockley (1956–57), p. 26.
247.“周三上午谈话…… ”： 同上，第 32 页。“ RNN ”是罗伯特·诺伊斯，“ CSR ”是谢尔顿·罗伯茨，“ JH ”是让·霍尼，一位瑞士物理学家，于 1956 年年中加入肖克利半导体实验室。“霍斯利”是斯穆特·霍斯利，他是最早加入的人之一，于 1956 年 1 月从摩托罗拉公司加入。
247.“Wed AM talk . . .”: ibid., p. 32. “RNN” is Robert Noyce, “CSR” is Sheldon Roberts, and “JH” is Jean Hoerni, a Swiss physicist who joined Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory in mid-1956. “Horsley” is Smoot Horsely, who was one of the first to enlist, coming from Motorola in January 1956.
247.“但我想…… ”Moore（1996a），第 6 页。
247.“But I suppose . . .”: Moore (1996a), p. 6.
247.Moore (1996a) 和 Sello (1995) 的记载详细描述了“门上的别针”事件，W. Shockley (1956–57) 第 41 页中 1957 年 4 月 26 日至 28 日的记录以及 Shockley (1956–58) 第 139–40 页中 1957 年 4 月 26 日至 30 日的记录也证实了这一点。
247.Details of the “pin in the door” incident from Moore (1996a) and Sello (1995), corroborated by entries dated 26–28 April 1957 in W. Shockley (1956–57), p. 41, and 26–30 April 1957 in Shockley (1956–58), pp. 139–40.
247.“他骑上了一匹…… ”：Moore（1996a），第 6-7 页。
247.“He mounted an . . .”: Moore (1996a), pp. 6–7.
247.关于肖克利对这两位技术人员的怀疑，参见W.肖克利（1956-57），第36-37页、第41页，其中包含备注：“凯·雅各布森谈到了RW和桑妮的问题……J先生说瓦格纳谈论过自己的性能力。后来阿尔·普雷策说，RW在女士面前用了脏话——他还谈到自己床上功夫有多好……奥兹问过，他说RW在一位女孩走过时说道：‘每次她走过，我的——就硬了。’” “ RW ”指的是罗伯·瓦格纳，一名技术人员。
247.On Shockley’s suspicions of the two technicians, see W. Shockley (1956–57), pp. 36–37, 41, which contain notes: “Kay Jacobsen talks of problems of RW and Sanny. . . . Mr. J says Wagner spoke of sexual prowess. Later Al Pretzer says RW in presence of ladies used word f——k also spoke of how good he was in bed. . . Asked Ozzie, who said RW remarked as one of girls walked by ‘Every time she goes by my —— gets hard.’” “RW” is Rob Wagner, one of the technicians.
247.“午夜电话铃声…… ”W. Shockley（1956-57 年），第 37 页。
247.“Midnight telephone ringing . . .”: W. Shockley (1956–57), p. 37.
247.“谢尔顿看着…… ”：摩尔（1996a），第 7 页。
247.“Sheldon looked at . . .”: Moore (1996a), p. 7.
247.事情进展不太顺利……：贝克曼 5 月 1 日的来访可从 W. Shockley (1956–57) 第 42 页推断得出，Shockley 在其中写道：“5 月 1 日星期三，AOB 来访。费用——打字机，报告太多。” Shockley 随后的重组计划见第 42-43 页。
247.things were not going very well . . . : Beckman’s May 1 visit deduced from W. Shockley (1956–57), p. 42, in which Shockley wrote, “Wed. 1 May AOB visit. Expenses—Typewriters, too many reports.” Shockley’s subsequent reorganization plans on pp. 42–43.
248.5月16日在Spinco举行的会议上……：会议纪要STAN Accn. 90-117，第 14 箱，第 22 文件夹，Spinco 会议记录。第 1 页列出了 1954 年至 1957 年的研发费用，以及“贝克曼博士指出，我们的研发费用应该更接近实际支出”的说明。销售额的8.6%，并要求所有部门在销售额增长到一定水平之前，控制研发支出。开发费用约占8.6%。
248.In a May 16 meeting at Spinco . . . : minutes of the meeting at Spinco in STAN Accn. 90-117, Box 14, Folder 22. On p. 1, these include research and engineering expenses for 1954–1957, plus the statement, “Dr. Beckman pointed out that our Research and Engineering expenditures should more closely approximate 8.6% of sales, and requested all Divisions to hold the line on Research and Engineering expenditures until sales have built up to a level where development expense represents closer to 8.6%.”
248.“贝克曼的销售情况…… ”：摘自 W. Shockley (1956–57) 第 44 页装订的文章，并附有注释：“《纪事报》，5 月 16 日星期四，15 日星期三收盘价 39-3/4，16 日星期四收盘价 37-3/4。”
248.“Sales of Beckman . . .”: from article stapled into W. Shockley (1956–57) on p. 44, with the notation, “Chronical [sic], Thurs 16 May, 15 Wed Close 39-3/4 16 Thurs Close 37-3/4.”
248.Moore (1996) 和 Sello (1995, 1996) 中记述了Beckman、Shockley 和高级职员的会面，W. Shockley (1956–57) 的电话记录也对此有所记载。49：“我给W=S制定了新的网络规则，于是我威胁要离开并带走一些人。我离开了，但他们没有走。”
248.Meeting of Beckman, Shockley, and senior staff recounted in Moore (1996) and Sello (1995, 1996), as well as notes of telephone call in W. Shockley (1956–57), p. 49: “Gave W=S new net ground rules, whereupon I threatened to leave & take people with me. Left and they did not go.”
248.“如果你不…… ”：Moore (1996a)，第 7 页。在 1996 年 5 月 21 日与 M. Riordan 的谈话中，Sello 独立地回忆起，Shockley 确实怒气冲冲地离开了房间。
248.“If you don’t . . .”: Moore (1996a), p. 7. In a 21 May 1996 conversation with M. Riordan, Sello independently recalled that Shockley indeed stormed out of the room.
248.“事情进展不顺利…… ”：摩尔（1996a）中对贝克曼和摩尔之间电话对话的描述，第7页。
248.“Things aren’t going . . .”: account of phone conversation between Beckman and Moore in Moore (1996a), p. 7.
248.“我们一起吃了晚餐…… ”以及同上第 7-8 页和 Sello (1995, 1996)中的接下来的两段文字。
248.“We had dinners . . .” and events of following two paragraphs from ibid., pp. 7–8, and Sello (1995, 1996).
249.“我们当时正在尝试…… ”：Moore（1996a），第 7-8 页。
249.“We were trying . . .”: Moore (1996a), pp. 7–8.
249.“我们当时真的…… ”：贝克曼回忆起与肖克利一家共进晚餐的情景，见 E. Shockley (1996)，第 10-13 页。
249.“We were really . . .”: and recollection of Beckman’s dinner with the Shockleys in E. Shockley (1996), pp. 10–13.
249.“他躺了下来…… ”：同上，第 16 页。
249.“He laid down . . .”: ibid., p. 16.
250.贝克曼与肖克利会面……：贝克曼与肖克利会面以及W. Shockley (1956–57)第52页中提到的工作人员：“6月10日星期一与AOB和小组进行了磋商，并制定了计划。”新的管理结构来自1957年6月17日的组织结构图，见W. Shockley (1956–58)第140-141页。关于Noyce对临时委员会的领导，参见Moore (1996a)和Sello (1995, 1996)。
250.Beckman met with Shockley . . . : meeting among Beckman, Shockley and the staff from W. Shockley (1956–57), p. 52: “On Monday 10 Jun had conf with AOB & group & worked up plan.” The new management structure from organizational chart dated 17 June 1957, found in W. Shockley (1956–58), pp. 140–41. For Noyce’s leadership of Interim Committee see Moore (1996a) and Sello (1995, 1996).
250.Sello四层二极管生产线详情（1995 年、1996 年）。
250.Details of four-layer diode production line in Sello (1995, 1996).
250.“肖克利是老板……””：贝克曼态度的转变在 Moore (1996a) 第 8 页中有所描述。W. Shockley (1956–57) 第 55–56 页中 1957 年 7 月 23 日的条目中也有提及。
250.“Shockley’s the boss . . .”: Beckman’s change of heart described in Moore (1996a), p. 8. Also noted in entries dated 23 July 1957 in W. Shockley (1956–57), pp. 55–56.
250.“我们感觉我们…… ”：Moore（1996a），第 8 页。
250.“We felt we . . .”: Moore (1996a), p. 8.
251.美国国家科学院暑期研究……：W. Shockley、H. Och 和 DB Langmuir，“关于将计算机性能外推到未来”，NAS-ARDC 特别研究 COM-4-T-15，修订版，1957 年 9 月 25 日，STAN Accn. 95-153，Box 2B。
251.National Academy of Sciences summer study . . . : W. Shockley, H. Och, and D. B. Langmuir, “On Extrapolating Computer Performance into the Future,” NAS-ARDC Special Study COM-4-T-15, rev. 25 September 1957, in STAN Accn. 95-153, Box 2B.
251.关于四层二极管生产线的生产数据，请参阅 Elmer Brown 于 1957 年 8 月 20 日致 W. Shockley 的信，现存于 STAN，档案号 95-153，第 2B 盒。
251.On the production figures on the four-layer diode production line, see Elmer Brown to W. Shockley, 20 August 1957, now in STAN, Accn. 95-153, Box 2B.
251.“ 9 月 18 日星期三…… ”：肖克利返回帕洛阿尔托的详情，摘自 W. 肖克利 (1956–57)，第 57–58 页。
251.“Wed 18 Sep . . .”: details of Shockley’s return to Palo Alto from W. Shockley (1956–57), pp. 57–58.
252.“你真的不…… ”：Moore（1996a），第 14 页。
252.“You really don’t . . .”: Moore (1996a), p. 14.
252.“叛国八人组”：参见（除其他许多来源外），Don C. Hoefler，“美国硅谷”，《电子新闻》，1971年1月11日，第1页；以及“固态时代”，《电子学》（1980年4月17日），第249页。然而，对Emmy Shockley的采访，H. Sello 和当时的其他亲密伙伴并没有证实这种说法，这很可能是后来捏造的。
252.“traitorous eight”: see, among many other sources, Don C. Hoefler, “Silicon Valley U.S.A.,” Electronics News, 11 January 1971, p. 1, and “The Solid-State Era,” Electronics (17 April 1980), p. 249. However, interviews with Emmy Shockley, H. Sello, and other close associates of the time do not bear out this contention, which may well be a subsequent fabrication.
252.世界震惊了……关于人造卫星发射的细节以及公众的反应对他们来说，包括引自约翰逊的引言，见 Gaskin (1994)，第 341 页。
252.the world was stunned . . . , details of Sputnik launches, and the public reaction to them, including the quote attributed to Johnson, in Gaskin (1994), p. 341.
第十二章 单一整体的观念
Chapter 12. The Monolithic Idea
254.“今天我们站在这里…… ”：J. Morton，“关于未来的一些思考”，未发表的手稿，1958 年 6 月 17 日，AT&T，第 4 页。
254.“Today we stand . . .”: J. Morton, “Some Thoughts about the Future,” unpublished manuscript, 17 June 1958, AT&T, p. 4.
254.“我们现在…… ”：MJ Kelly，“半导体电子学：一项新技术——一个新兴产业”，未发表的手稿，1958年6月17日演讲稿AT&T新闻发布会，第5页。
254.“We are now . . .”: M. J. Kelly, “Semiconductor Electronics: A New Technology—A New Industry,” unpublished manuscript, text of presentation to 17 June 1958 press conference, AT&T, p. 5.
254.除了便携式收音机……：有关 1957 年半导体行业和固态器件在电子系统中的应用的信息，请参阅ibid.；另请参阅 Morton 和 Pietenpol (1958)。
254.Besides portable radios . . . : For information on the semiconductor industry in 1957 and use of solid-state devices in electronic systems, see ibid.; also Morton and Pietenpol (1958).
254.“大型系统永远不会…… ”：WJ Pietenpol，“贝尔系统和晶体管的商业应用”，未发表的手稿，1958 年 6 月 17 日，AT&T，第 11 页。
254.“Large systems never . . .”: W. J. Pietenpol, “Bell System and Commercial Applications of Transistors,” unpublished manuscript, 17 June 1958, AT&T, p. 11.
255.“很有可能……””: Morton，“一些想法”，第 13 页；另见 Morton 和 Pietenpol (1958)，第 959 页。
255.“It may well . . .”: Morton, “Some Thoughts,” p. 13 ; also Morton and Pietenpol (1958), p. 959.
255.关于“数字的暴政”，例如，请参阅 Morton 和 Pietenpol (1958)，第 955 页。
255.On the “tyranny of numbers,” see, for example, Morton and Pietenpol (1958), p. 955.
255.Kilby (1976) 第 648 页和 Wolff (1976) 第 45 页提到了Tinkertoy 项目、微模块计划和分子电子学。
255.Project Tinkertoy, Micro-Module program, and Molecular Electronics are mentioned in Kilby (1976), p. 648, and in Wolff (1976), p. 45.
256.“随着……的出现…… ”：杜默的引言及其后续作品，引自 Wolff (1976)，第 45 页。
256.“With the advent . . .”: Dummer quote and his subsequent work from Wolff (1976), p. 45.
256.“在那些日子里…… ”：沃尔夫对基尔比的采访，引自同上，第 47 页。
256.“In those days . . .”: Kilby interview by Wolff, quoted ibid., p. 47.
256.一个身材魁梧、骨骼粗壮的……：有关基尔比童年的信息主要来自 Reid (1984)，第 58 页。
256.A hulking, raw-boned . . . : Information about Kilby’s boyhood largely from Reid (1984), p. 58.
257.Kilby离开Centralab并加入德州仪器，参见Wolff (1976)，第46页。Kilby被列为1956年1月16日至17日“扩散半导体器件研讨会暂定计划”的参与者。AT&T。
257.Kilby’s departure from Centralab and arrival at Texas Instruments from Wolff (1976), p. 46. Kilby is listed as a participant in the “Tentative Program for Symposium on Diffused Semiconductor Devices,” 16–17 January 1956, AT&T.
258.“极度小型化…… ”：J. Kilby 的实验记录本，1958 年 7 月 24 日，第 8 页，转载于 Merryman (1988) 的附录 I 中。
258.“Extreme miniaturization of . . .”: lab notebook of J. Kilby, 24 July 1958, p. 8, reproduced in Appendix I of Merryman (1988).
259.“没有人会…… ”：基尔比引自里德（1984 年），第 65 页。
259.“Nobody would have . . .”: Kilby quoted in Reid (1984), p. 65.
259.“它看起来很粗糙…… ”: Wolff (1976)，第 48 页。有关前两个集成电路的描述，请参见同上，以及 Kilby 笔记本第 20-21 页，该笔记本已在 Merryman (1988) 的附录 1 中复制。
259.“It looked crude . . .”: Wolff (1976), p. 48. For a description of the first two integrated circuits, see ibid., and pp. 20–21 of Kilby notebook, reproduced in Merryman (1988), App. 1.
260.那年秋天，Kilby . . . : Kilby (1976) 第 651 页讨论了集成电路的后续发展工作。
260.That fall Kilby . . . : follow-up development work on integrated circuit discussed in Kilby (1976), p. 651.
260.RCA 的传闻以及 TI 对此的反应，参见 Reid (1984)，第 79-88 页。
260.RCA rumor and TI’s reaction to it from Reid (1984), pp. 79–88.
261.“与……相反”：J. Kilby，“小型化电子电路”，美国专利号 3,138,743，1964 年 7 月 23 日（美国专利局），第 1-2 栏。
261.“In contrast to . . .”: J. Kilby, “Miniaturized Electronic Circuits,” U.S. Patent No. 3,138,743, 23 July 1964 (U.S. Patent Office), cols. 1–2.
261.“我认为…… ”：Kilby（1976），第 652 页。
261.“I consider this . . .”: Kilby (1976), p. 652.
262.诺伊斯的集成电路概念主要改编自 Wolff (1976) 第 49-53 页和 Reid (1984) 第 76-78 页。
262.Noyce’s conception of the integrated circuit adapted largely from Wolff (1976), pp. 49–53, and Reid (1984), pp. 76–78
262.超过 50 万美元……：费尔柴尔德 1958 年的销售额和营业利润，引自 Wolff (1976)，第 50 页。
262.over $500,000 . . . : Fairchild’s 1958 sales and operating profit from Wolff (1976), p. 50.
263.贝尔实验室的一份备忘录……：CJ Frosch 和 L. Derick 的《硅扩散过程中的表面保护和选择性掩蔽》一文在 1956 年 12 月 14 日 Western Electric 的 AT David 写给 STAN 的 W. Shockley 的一封信中被引用。档案编号 90-117，第 12 盒。该信函附有一份转递清单，收件人包括 Noyce、Moore、Last、Hoerni 和其他高级职员；阅读过该备忘录的人员均在清单上签名，其中包括上述四人。Frosch 和 Derick 的论文于九个月后发表在《电化学学会杂志》第 104 卷（1957 年 9 月）第 547-552 页。
263.a Bell Labs memo . . . : C. J. Frosch and L. Derick, “Surface Protection and Selective Masking during Diffusion in Silicon,” is cited in a 14 December 1956 letter from A. T. David of Western Electric to W. Shockley, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 12. Attached to that letter is a routing list to Noyce, Moore, Last, Hoerni, and other senior staff; it is initialed by those who read the memo, including these four. The Frosch and Derick paper was published nine months later in the Journal of the Electrochemical Society 104 (September 1957), pp. 547–52.
263.“当这一切发生的时候…… ”：诺伊斯引自沃尔夫（1976 年），第 51 页。
263.“When this was . . .”: Noyce quoted in Wolff (1976), p. 51.
263.“在茧里……””: Noyce 引自 Reid (1984)，第 76 页。
263.“inside a cocoon . . .”: Noyce quoted in Reid (1984), p. 76.
263.结合光刻技术……：详见 TA Prugh、JR Nall 和 NJ Doctor 合著的《DOFL 微电子学计划》，IRE 会议录 47（1959 年 5 月），第 882-94 页，尤其是第 882-84 页。另见 J. Andrus 等人撰写的 BTL 备忘录《硅氧化层中复杂图案蚀刻公式》，1956 年 10 月 16 日，副本存于 STAN。Accn. 90-117，第 14 盒，第 23 文件夹（“贝尔实验室”）。
263.Combined with photolithographic . . . : Techniques described in T. A. Prugh, J. R. Nall, and N. J. Doctor, “The DOFL Microelectronics Program,” Proceedings. of the IRE 47 (May 1959), pp. 882–94, esp. pp. 882–84. See also a BTL memo by J. Andrus et al., “Formulae for Etching Intricate Patterns in Oxide Layers on Silicon,” 16 October 1956, copy in STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 14, Folder 23 (“Bell Labs”).
264.“所有的碎片…… ”：诺伊斯引自沃尔夫（1976 年），第 50 页。
264.“All the bits . . .”: Noyce quoted in Wolff (1976), p. 50.
264.“在许多应用中…… ”：R. Noyce 的实验记录本，1959 年 1 月 23 日，引自 Reid (1984)，第 78 页。
264.“In many applications . . .”: lab notebook of R. Noyce, 23 January 1959, cited in Reid (1984), p. 78.
264.“但是人们……”和“然后我们会…… ”：沃尔夫（1976），第 50 页。
264.“But then people . . .” and “Then we would . . . ”: Wolff (1976), p. 50.
265.“提供改进…… ”：RN Noyce，“半导体器件和引线结构”，美国专利第 2,981,877 号专利，1959 年 7 月 30 日提交，1961 年 4 月 21 日授予（美国专利局），第 1 栏。
265.“to provide improved . . .”: R. N. Noyce, “Semiconductor Device-and-Lead Structure,” U.S. Patent No. 2,981,877, filed July 30, 1959, awarded April 21, 1961 (U.S Patent Office), col. 1.
265.“毫无疑问…… ”：诺伊斯引自沃尔夫（1976 年），第 51 页。
265.“There is no doubt . . .”: Noyce quoted in Wolff (1976), p. 51.
266.Beckman 已投入……：根据 Dean Whitter & Co. 于 1958 年 9 月 8 日编写的《Beckman Instruments, Inc.——机构投资报告》推断 Shockley Transistor Corporation 的财务状况，副本见 STAN，Accn. 90-117，第 14 箱，第 16 文件夹。
266.Beckman had poured . . . : Fiscal status of the Shockley Transistor Corporation inferred from “Beckman Instruments, Inc.—an Investment Report for Institutions,” prepared by Dean Whitter & Co., 8 September 1958, copy in STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 14, Folder 16.
266.“精确控制……”和“也就是说，它是…… ”：WJ Pietenpol（1958 年），第 205 页。
266.“precise control of . . .” and “That is, it is . . .”: W. J. Pietenpol (1958), p. 205.
266.肖克利二极管的推广……：1956 年 6 月 14 日与哈里·塞洛的谈话中提到的四层二极管的问题。另见 CA Lovell 于 1958 年 9 月 22 日致 W. Shockley 的信，载于 STAN，Accn. 90-117，第 14 盒，第 23 文件夹。
266.the Shockley Diodes rolling out . . . : Problems with four-layer diodes from conversation with Harry Sello, 14 June 1956. See also C. A. Lovell to W. Shockley, 22 September 1958, in STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 14, Folder 23.
267.“这样的二极管可以…… ”：W. Shockley（1958 年），第 23 页。
267.“Such diodes can . . .”: W. Shockley (1958), p. 23.
267.“事情不会这样发展……”和“他从来没有…… ”：Sello（1995），第 31 和 35 页。Gibbons（1995）也表达了类似的观点。
267.“It wasn’t going . . .” and “He was never . . .”: Sello (1995), pp. 31 and 35. Similar sentiments are echoed in Gibbons (1995).
268.“这到底是怎么回事…… ”：最后引用于 Sello (1995) 第 32 页和 Sello (1996) 第 9-10 页。
268.“What the hell . . .”: Last quoted in Sello (1995), p. 32, and Sello (1996), pp. 9–10.
268.“我进来了…… ”：Sello（1996），第 10 页。
268.“I came in . . .”: Sello (1996), p. 10.
268.现金流依然严重不足……：关于贝克曼的财务状况，请参阅“贝克曼仪器公司——机构投资报告”。在本页第1页报告指出：
268.still hemorrhaging cash . . . : On Beckman’s fiscal condition, see “Beckman Instruments, Inc.—an Investment Report for Institutions,” On p. 1 of this report, it states:
1958财年，该公司的历史增长模式中断……预计1958财年将宣布的赤字运营反映了军备采购的削减……其某些产品竞争日益激烈，高达400万美元的巨额研发支出，以及建立数据处理设备的成本等等。半导体行业及其他因素。
An interruption of its historic growth pattern occurred in fiscal 1958. . . . Deficit operations expected to be announced for fiscal 1958 reflect cutbacks in military procurement . . . increasingly competitive conditions for certain of its products, large research expenditures in the range of $4 million, costs of establishing its data processing equipment and semiconductor businesses, and other factors.
268.“这很重要…… ”：LN Duryea 致 MC Hanafin，1957 年 10 月 23 日，STAN，档案 90-117，第 14 盒，第 18 文件夹。
268.“It is important . . .”: L. N. Duryea to M. C. Hanafin, 23 October 1957, STAN, Accn. 90-117, Box 14, Folder 18.
268.“该小组承认…… ”：LN Duryea 致 R. Erickson 等人，“费尔柴尔德调查”，1959 年 5 月 28 日，贝克曼仪器公司备忘录，载于 STAN，Accn. 95-153，第 1-2 页。
268.“The group acknowledged . . .”: L. N. Duryea to R. Erickson et al., “Fairchild Investigation,” 28 May 1959, Beckman Instruments memorandum, in STAN, Accn. 95-153, pp. 1–2.
268.“除 Fairchild 以外的所有制造商…… ”：同上，第 11 页。3.
268.“All manufacturers except Fairchild . . .”: ibid., p. 3.
269.“我们当时正在使用…… ”：Moore（1996a），第 17 页。
269.“We were using . . .”: Moore (1996a), p. 17.
269.“德国博士拥有…… ”：吉本斯（1995），第 13 页。
269.“German Ph.D.’s have . . .”: Gibbons (1995), p. 13.
269.“肖克利的损失……”和“这不应该…… ”：“克莱维特公司报告称，第一季度利润创历史新高，销售额达 2500 万美元”，《华尔街日报》，1960 年 4 月 5 日，剪报在 STAN，第 1 盒，第 13 文件夹。
269.“Losses from Shockley . . .” and “This should not . . .”: “Clevite Reports Profits Set Record in First Quarter on Sales of $25 Million,” Wall Street Journal, 5 April 1960, clipping in STAN, Box 1, Folder 13.
269.那里更注重“功能性设备”，……：Ross（1996b）。
269.The emphasis there was more on “functional devices,” . . . : Ross (1996b).
269.“我们知道我们能做到…… ”：同上。
269.“We knew we could make . . .”: ibid.
270.例如，RM Warner (1983) 第 58 页讨论了数字的专制和集成电路的不完善性。
270.The tyranny of numbers and patchiness of integrated circuits are discussed, for example, in R. M. Warner (1983), p. 58.
270.“我们当时正在吠叫……”：罗斯（1996b）。
270.“We were barking . . . : Ross (1996b).
270.“但贝尔实验室制造了……：D. Kahng 所著《MOS晶体管发展史》中关于场效应晶体管成功制造的事件概述以及相关器件”，IEEE 电子器件汇刊 ED-23第 7 期（1976 年 7 月），第 655-57 页；另见 Ross（1996a）。
270.“But Bell Labs made . . . : Events leading up to the successful fabrication of the field-effect transistor from D. Kahng, “A Historical Perspective on the Development of MOS Transistors and Related Devices,” IEEE Transactions on Electron Devices ED-23 no. 7 (July 1976), pp. 655–57; also Ross (1996a).
270.Brattain 继续……：例如，参见 CGB Garrett 和 WH Brattain，“半导体表面的物理理论”，《物理评论》 99，第 2 期（1955 年 7 月 15 日），第 376-87 页。
270.Brattain continued . . . : See, e.g., C. G. B. Garrett and W. H. Brattain, “The Physical Theory of Semiconductor Surfaces,” Physical Review 99, no. 2 (15 July 1955), pp. 376–87.
270.玻璃态氧化层……：氧化层的制备及其对表面的影响有关国家的情况，请参阅 MM Atalla、E. Tannenbaum 和 EJ Schiebner 的文章“通过热生长氧化物稳定硅表面”，贝尔系统技术期刊38 (1959)，第 749-83 页。
270.the glassy oxide layer . . . : On preparation of the oxide layer and its impact on the surface states, see M. M. Atalla, E. Tannenbaum, and E. J. Schiebner, “Stabilization of Silicon Surfaces by Thermally Grown Oxides,” Bell System Technical Journal 38 (1959), pp. 749–83.
271.“我们本可以…… ”：Bardeen (1980b)，第 25 页。有关克服表面态的观察，请参见同上，第 26 页。
271.“We’d have had . . .”: Bardeen (1980b), p. 25. For observations on overcoming the surface states, see ibid., p. 26.
271.阿塔拉和一位同事……：在康氏制造出第一个MOS晶体管，“历史性的”视角”，以及罗斯（1996a）。
271.Atalla and a colleague . . . : Fabrication of the first MOS transistor from Kahng, “Historical Perspective,” and Ross (1996a).
271.美国专利局……：里德（1984 年）第 79-95 页描述了 Fairchild 和德州仪器之间就集成电路展开的专利诉讼。
271.the U. S. Patent Office . . . : The ensuing patent litigation between Fairchild and Texas Instruments over the integrated circuit is described in Reid (1984), pp. 79–95.
271.Fairchild推出了一系列产品…… ：摘自《商业周刊》 1961年10月28日第45-46页“超越晶体管的下一步”一文，介绍了Micrologic元件和51系列固态电路。另见《电子工程时报》第 503A 期（1988 年 9 月）第 14-24 页的“寻找起点” 。
271.Fairchild introduced a series . . . : Introduction of Micrologic Elements and Series 51 Solid Circuits from “Next Step beyond Transistor,” Business Week, 28 October 1961, pp. 45–46. See also “Finding a Beginning,” Electronic Engineeering Times, issue 503A (September 1988), pp. 14–24.
272.一台微型固态计算机……：在“下一步”一书中提到，同上，第45页，并出现在德州仪器公司 1961 年 10 月 19 日未发布的新闻稿中。
272.a midget solid-state computer . . . : mentioned in “Next Step,” op. cit., p. 45, and featured in a Texas Instruments press release, unpublished, 19 October 1961, TI.
273.“即将到来的革命…… ”: “晶体管之后的下一步”，同上，第 45 页。
273.“The impending revolution . . .”: “Next Step beyond Transistor,” op. cit., p. 45.
273.其零部件销售额……：数据半导体行业的销售额在 1957 年约为 1 亿美元（Kelly，“半导体电子”，同上，第 5 页），1958 年为 2.28 亿美元，1959 年超过 4 亿美元（“半导体”，《商业周刊》，1960 年 3 月 26 日，第 5 页）。
273.Its sales of components . . . : Figures for semiconductor industry sales include about $100 million in 1957 (Kelly, “Semiconductor Electronics,” op. cit., p. 5), and $228 million in 1958 and over $400 million in 1959 (“Semiconductors,” Business Week, 26 March 1960, p. 5).
274.“一点儿也没有…… ”：莫顿在《半导体》一书中引用，第 16 页。
274.“There’s not a shred . . .”: Morton quoted in “Semiconductors,” op. cit., p. 16.
274.“增长最快的……”和“使之成为可能…… ”：同上，封面和第6页。
274.“the fastest growing . . .” and “make it possible . . .”: ibid., cover and p. 6.
274.贝尔实验室和西电公司……：关于贝尔实验室对采用集成电路的缓慢反应，请参阅 Warner (1983)，第 31-32 页和第 58-59 页。
274.Bell Labs and Western Electric . . . : On the slow reaction of Bell Labs to adopting the integrated circuit, see Warner (1983), pp. 31–32 and 58–59.
275.“复合结构”：W. Shockley（1957 年），第 165 页。
275.“composite structure”: W. Shockley (1957), p. 165.
275.“组成结构”：刊登于《科学美国人》（1961 年 1 月）第 208-209 页的广告。
275.“compositional structure”: advertisement in Scientific American (January 1961), pp. 208–9.
275.20世纪60年代初，RCA公司……：关于MOS晶体管和集成电路的发展电路，参见“固态时代”，电子学53，第 9 期（1980 年 4 月 17 日），第 263-266 页；另见 Sah（1988）。
275.In the early 1960s RCA . . . : On the development of MOS transistors and integrated circuits, see “The Solid-State Era,” Electronics 53, no. 9 (17 April 1980), pp. 263–66; also Sah (1988).
275.“硅谷的摩西”：塞茨（1992）。我们非常感谢塞茨的这个恰当比喻，它对本书的写作帮助极大。
275.“The Moses of Silicon Valley”: Seitz (1992). We are deeply indebted to Seitz for this apt metaphor, which has helped enormously in writing this book.
结语
Epilogue
276.突然，一辆迎面驶来的汽车……：肖克利一家遭遇车祸及住院治疗的详情。肖克利致奥古斯都Castro，1961 年 7 月 31 日；W. Shockley 致 Jeanne Gadsby，1961 年 8 月 11 日；W. Shockley 致 Morgan Sparks，1961 年 8 月 11 日；W. Shockley 致 JC Placek, Jr.，1961 年 8 月 14 日，STAN，Accn. 90-117。
276.Suddenly an oncoming car . . . : Details of the Shockleys’ accident and their hospitalization in W. Shockley to Augustus Castro, 31 July 1961; W. Shockley to Jeanne Gadsby, 11 August 1961; W. Shockley to Morgan Sparks, 11 August 1961; W. Shockley to J. C. Placek, Jr., 14 August 1961, STAN, Accn. 90-117.
277.关于科学创造力的研究……：W. Shockley（1972b）。
277.research on scientific creativity . . . : W. Shockley (1972b).
277.他的遗传学思想……：关于肖克利关于遗传学和智力的思想的进一步讨论，请参见J. Shurkin，《破碎的天才》（纽约：麦克米伦出版社，2006 年）。
277.his genetic ideas . . . : For further discussion of Shockley’s ideas on genetics and intelligence, see J. Shurkin, Broken Genius, (New York: Macmillan, 2006).
278.“理想的神经细胞”：1949 年 12 月 21 日，W. Shockley 在纽约州斯克内克塔迪 WGYN 电台主持的“晶体管”节目的文字记录，STAN，第 7 盒，第 3 文件夹，第 3 页。
278.“ideal nerve cell”: transcript of “The Transistor,” with W. Shockley on radio station WGYN, Schenectady, New York, 21 December 1949, STAN, Box 7, Folder 3, p. 3.
278.“计算机与计算机之间的协同作用……”和“计算机是…… ”：Noyce（1977），第 63 页。
278.“The synergy between . . .” and “The computer was . . .”: Noyce (1977), p. 63.
278.“世界上任何人……”：G·坎贝尔，《晶体管的诺贝尔发现者谴责其在摇滚乐中的作用》，《奥克兰论坛报》（1980年1月21日），页码不详，由罗伯特·布拉顿提供。沃尔特在多处都发表过类似的评论。
278.“anyone in the world . . . : G. Campbell, “Nobel Discoverer of Transistor Decries Its Role in Rock Music,” Oakland Tribune (21 January 1980), page unknown, courtesy Robert Brattain. Walter made a similar comment in several places.
279.“唯一的遗憾……”和“我仍然…… ”：同上。
279.“The only regret . . .” and “I still have . . .”: ibid.
279.“它已经…… ”：Bardeen、Brattain 和 Shockley (1972)，第 2-3 页。
279.“It’s gone a . . .”: Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley (1972), pp. 2–3.
279.搬到厄巴纳之后…… ：关于巴丁离开贝尔实验室后的更多细节，请参阅《今日物理》（1972年4月）特刊。另见霍德森和 Daitch (2002)。
279.After moving to Urbana . . . : Further details on Bardeen after he left Bell Labs in special issue of Physics Today (April 1972). See also Hoddeson and Daitch (2002).
280.“先尝试最简单的案例”和“思考的意愿”：W. Shockley（1976 年），尤其是第 599-601 页。
280.“trying simplest cases first” and “the will to think”: W. Shockley (1976), esp. pp. 599–601.
281.“这些大的单晶体…… ”：Bardeen、Brattain 和 Shockley (1972)，第 11 页。
281.“these large single crystals . . .”: Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley (1972), p. 11.
281.“从未有机会工作…… ”：吉本斯（1995），第 15 页。
281.“never got to work . . .”: Gibbons (1995), p. 15.
282.“线性模型…… ”：Moore（1996a），第 30 页。
282.“The linear model . . .”: Moore (1996a), p. 30.
282.“尊重科学…… ”：Bardeen、Brattain 和 Shockley (1972)，第 117 页。17.
282.“Respect for the scientific . . .”: Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley (1972), p. 17.
282.成熟的门槛……：关于大公司保守主义的进一步讨论，例如参见 Hughes (1989b)，第 58-66 页、73-76 页。
282.the threshold of maturity . . . : For further discussion of the conservatism of large companies, see, for example, Hughes (1989b), pp. 58–66, 73–76.
283.每年都翻一番……：有关摩尔定律的起源，请参阅摩尔（1965），第 114-17 页。有关未来预测，请参阅摩尔（1995）。
283.had been doubling every year . . . : For the origins of Moore’s law, see Moore (1965), pp. 114–17. For future projections, see Moore (1995).
283.“未来……”及后续评论：同上，第 114-115 页。
283.“The future of . . .” and subsequent comments: ibid., pp. 114–15.
284.到20世纪70年代中期，……：关于 20 世纪 70 年代中期半导体行业的详细信息，请参阅 Noyce (1977)。另请参阅 Moore (1996b)。
284.By the mid-1970s, . . . : Details of the semiconductor industry in the mid-1970s are from Noyce (1977). See also Moore (1996b).
284.正如摩尔所观察到的，……：戈登·摩尔的私人通信，1997 年 1 月。
284.As Moore observed, . . .: private communication from Gordon Moore, January 1997.
以下公司、个人、机构和出版物慷慨地为《水晶之火》电子版提供了照片、插图、图表和其他艺术作品。每项内容在本书印刷版中出现的页码列于来源之后。
The following companies, individuals, institutions, and publications graciously provided photographs, illustrations, diagrams and other artwork for the electronic edition of Crystal Fire. The page number on which each item appears (in the print editions of the book) is listed after the source.
图片由AT & T档案馆提供：3、5、49、57、59、61、69、83、91、94、133、136、140、149、154、160，165，166，170，172，183，188，189，192，193，198，203，258
Courtesy of AT&T Archives: 3, 5, 49, 57, 59, 61, 69, 83, 91, 94, 133, 136, 140, 149, 154, 160, 165, 166, 170, 172, 183, 188, 189, 192, 193, 198, 203, 258
艾米莉·肖克利：23、113、121
斯坦福大学特藏及斯坦福档案馆：25、235、243、245、251
Stanford University Special Collections and Stanford Archives: 25, 235, 243, 245, 251
慕尼黑德意志博物馆：31
Deutsches Museum, München: 31
欧洲核子研究中心档案：43
CERN Archives: 43
AIP尼尔斯·玻尔图书馆/埃米利奥·塞格雷视觉档案馆：46
AIP Niels Bohr Library/Emilio Segrė Visual Archives: 46
自然：51
Nature: 51
英国皇家学会会刊伦敦：68
Proceedings of the Royal Society, London: 68
弗雷德里克·塞茨：73
Frederick Seitz: 73
Torrey 和 Whitmer，《晶体整流器》：105
Torrey and Whitmer, Crystal Rectifiers: 105
普渡大学物理系：123
Purdue University Physics Department: 123
美国专利局：145、155、184、265
U.S. Patent Office: 145, 155, 184, 265
德戈耶图书馆，SMU /德州仪器藏品：210、212、260、261
DeGolyer Library, SMU/Texas Instruments Collection: 210, 212, 260, 261
汉斯·奎瑟：238
Hans Queisser: 238
安森美/仙童半导体公司：263、272、273
所列页码与本书印刷版一致。您可以使用设备的搜索功能在文本中查找特定词语。
Page numbers listed correspond to the print edition of this book. You can use your device’s search function to locate particular terms in the text.
斜体字页码指的是插图页码。
Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations.
Acousticon，205
Acousticon, 205
阿德科克、威利斯、208、223、259
Adcock, Willis, 208, 223, 259
海军上将公司，213
Admiral company, 213
美国空军，270，272，273
Air Force, U.S., 270, 272, 273
分子电子学项目，255
Molecular Electronics program of, 255
合金结晶体管，199–200，208，213，223，224
alloy-junction transistor, 199–200, 208, 213, 223, 224
α粒子，39，48
alpha particles, 39, 48
Amelco，273
Amelco, 273
美国物理学会，55，151–52，176，237
American Physical Society, 55, 151–52, 176, 237
美国电话电报公司，56-57、58、109、168、169、205、221、224、226、266、275
American Telephone & Telegraph Company, 56–57, 58, 109, 168, 169, 205, 221, 224, 226, 266, 275
针对第 181、196、204、240 号案件的反垄断诉讼
antitrust suit against, 181, 196, 204, 240
信息革命和，285
information revolution and, 285
新技术，204
new technologies as viewed by, 204
RCA 和，181
RCA and, 181
横贯大陆线，59–60
transcontinental line of, 59–60
另见贝尔电话实验室
see also Bell Telephone Laboratories
American Television, Inc., 165
安德森，卡尔，81岁
Anderson, Carl, 81
角动量, 28–29, 41, 42
angular momentum, 28–29, 41, 42
反潜作战研究小组，104
Anti-Submarine Warfare Operations Research Group, 104
AN/TSQ 系列，203–4
AN/TSQ series, 203–4
阿波罗计划，283
Apollo project, 283
“电子是波吗？”（戴维森），50
“Are Electrons Waves?” (Davisson), 50
美国陆军，201
Army, U.S., 201
另见美国陆军信号兵团
see also Signal Corps, U.S. Army
阿诺德，哈罗德，58–59，60，109–10
Arnold, Harold, 58–59, 60, 109–10
阿诺德，亨利·H.《哈普》，107
Arnold, Henry H. “Hap,” 107
阿塔拉，MM《约翰》，270，271
Atalla, M. M. “John,” 270, 271
原子弹，114
atomic bomb, 114
原子能委员会，186
Atomic Energy Commission, 186
玻尔模型，40
Bohr’s model of, 40
电导率和，36–37
conductivity and, 36–37
共价键和，91
covalent bonds and, 91
电子的发现，34-35
discovery of electrons and, 34–35
分子的形成，91-92
formation of molecules and, 91–92
中子数，74
neutrons in, 74
细胞核，39–40
nucleus of, 39–40
泡利不相容原理，43-44
Pauli’s exclusion principle and, 43–44
薛定谔的观点，52
Schrödinger’s view of, 52
“试镜”58-59、92、158、254
“audion,” 58–59, 92, 158, 254
鲍德温，埃德，268、269、270
Baldwin, Ed, 268, 269, 270
能带理论，66–68，70，74–75
band theory, 66–68, 70, 74–75
阿尔西娅·哈默·巴丁，15–17
Bardeen, Althea Harmer, 15–17
巴丁，比利，118
Bardeen, Billy, 118
查尔斯·拉塞尔·巴丁，15, 16, 17, 32
Bardeen, Charles Russell, 15, 16, 17, 32
查尔斯·威廉·巴丁，15, 16, 17, 18
Bardeen, Charles William, 15, 16, 17, 18
巴丁，海伦，15岁
Bardeen, Helen, 15
简·麦克斯韦·巴丁，80、118、134、157、163–64、205、242、245、280
Bardeen, Jane Maxwell, 80, 118, 134, 157, 163–64, 205, 242, 245, 280
巴丁，吉米，118
Bardeen, Jimmy, 118
约翰·巴丁, 1, 4, 5, 6, 7–8, 9, 10, 16, 52, 80, 81, 104, 125, 129, 138–39, 141, 142, 143, 151, 152, 158, 160, 162, 164, 166、167、168、170、171、173、178、223、257、263、270、271、274、280、282、284
Bardeen, John, 1, 4, 5, 6, 7–8, 9, 10, 16, 52, 80, 81, 104, 125, 129, 138–39, 141, 142, 143, 151, 152, 158, 160, 162, 164, 166, 167, 168, 170, 171, 173, 178, 223, 257, 263, 270, 271, 274, 280, 282, 284
阿尔西娅之死，以及17-18
Althea’s death and, 17–18
背景，2-3
background of, 2–3
贝尔实验室招聘，119–20
Bell Labs hiring of, 119–20
出生日期，15
birth of, 15
童年时期，16
boyhood of, 16
布拉坦与……的关系，120
Brattain’s relationship with, 120
死亡人数：280
death of, 280
与贝尔实验室不同，190–93，225–26
in departure from Bell Labs, 190–93, 225–26
博士论文，78-79，120
doctoral dissertation of, 78–79, 120
早期职业生涯，76–79
early career of, 76–79
教育程度，17，18
education of, 17, 18
爱因斯坦与……的谈话，119
Einstein’s talk with, 119
在《财富》杂志的文章中，第206页
in Fortune article, 206
在哈佛大学，79-80
at Harvard, 79–80
结婚，80
marriage of, 80
获得诺贝尔奖的人数：242–46、245、279
Nobel Prizes won by, 242–46, 245, 279
专利争议，第144-48页、第155页、第157页
patents controversy and, 144–48, 155, 157
性格，17
personality of, 17
点接触实验，136–37
point–contact experiments and, 136–37
肖克利的放大器理念，以及，155
Shockley’s amplifier idea and, 155
肖克利与……的裂痕日益加深，155–56，175–76，185–86，190–93
Shockley’s deepening rift with, 155–56, 175–76, 185–86, 190–93
超导研究，185–86，190，278
superconductivity research of, 185–86, 190, 278
表面态理论，120–22，126，128
surface state theory of, 120–22, 126, 128
战时研究，118–19
wartime research of, 118–19
巴丁，汤姆，15岁
Bardeen, Tom, 15
巴丁，威廉，15、16、17
Bardeen, William, 15, 16, 17
贝克尔，约瑟夫，55–56、61、62–65、67、68、70、84–85、86、88–89、93、95、96、98、104、110、117、123、152–53、169
Becker, Joseph, 55–56, 61, 62–65, 67, 68, 70, 84–85, 86, 88–89, 93, 95, 96, 98, 104, 110, 117, 123, 152–53, 169
贝克曼，阿诺德·O.，234、246、247、249、250、266、268、269
Beckman, Arnold O., 234, 246, 247, 249, 250, 266, 268, 269
肖克利的合作关系，233–36，248
Shockley’s partnership with, 233–36, 248
Beckman Instruments，234、248、268
Beckman Instruments, 234, 248, 268
贝尔，亚历山大·格雷厄姆，4，57，59-60，59，139，205
Bell, Alexander Graham, 4, 57, 59–60, 59, 139, 205
贝尔实验室记录，195
Bell Laboratories Record, 195
Bell System Technical Journal, 44, 61, 178, 223
贝尔电话实验室，1、2-5、3、7、8、9、57、57、68、93、98、114、124、156、158、159-61、162、166-67、173、185、216、224、229、230、240、241、254、266、274、277、280、281
Bell Telephone Laboratories, 1, 2–5, 3, 7, 8, 9, 57, 57, 68, 93, 98, 114, 124, 156, 158, 159–61, 162, 166–67, 173, 185, 216, 224, 229, 230, 240, 241, 254, 266, 274, 277, 280, 281
巴丁受雇于，119–20
Bardeen hired by, 119–20
巴丁的离开，190–93，225–26
Bardeen’s departure from, 190–93, 225–26
布拉坦受雇于，55-56
Brattain hired by, 55–56
卡片翻译器和，204–5
card translator and, 204–5
计算机开发和，200
computer development and, 200
创建于 60
creation of, 60
Davisson’s Nobel Prize and, 83–84
抑郁症和，63，70，77，90
Depression and, 63, 70, 77, 90
基于扩散的晶体管，以及 223
diffusion–based transistor and, 223
扩散过程和，218
diffusion process and, 218
最早的晶体管应用，206
earliest transistor application by, 206
由 270 开发的场效应晶体管
field-effect transistor developed by, 270
集成电路，269–70，275，282–83
integrated circuit and, 269–70, 275, 282–83
凯利的战后规划，108-11，116
Kelly’s postwar planning for, 108–11, 116
台地技术和，262
mesa technology and, 262
专利权政策，第146、147页
patent rights policy of, 146, 147
印刷电路板和，255
printed-circuit boards and, 255
radar bombsight research of, 105–7
雷达计划，100–101，102
radar program of, 100–101, 102
研究部重组，116–17
Research Division reorganized by, 116–17
肖克利受雇于，81-82
Shockley hired by, 81–82
肖克利的离开，225-26
Shockley’s departure from, 225–26
太阳能电池，219–20，227
Solar Battery of, 219–20, 227
Teal 的离开，206–7
Teal’s departure from, 206–7
晶体管演示，139–40
transistor demonstration by, 139–40
晶体管研讨会，195–96、197、204、210、257
transistor symposiums of, 195–96, 197, 204, 210, 257
西摩·本泽，123–24、151–52、165–66
Benzer, Seymour, 123–24, 151–52, 165–66
贝特，汉斯，69，81
Bethe, Hans, 69, 81
黑体辐射，37
black-body radiation, 37
布兰克，朱利叶斯，251-52
Blank, Julius, 251–52
布莱克尼、沃克、29、51、120
Bleakney, Walker, 29, 51, 120
布洛赫，费利克斯，66、67、69-70、81、112、274
Bloch, Felix, 66, 67, 69–70, 81, 112, 274
尼尔斯·玻尔，40、41–42、43、44、46、51、52、74、244
Bohr, Niels, 40, 41–42, 43, 44, 46, 51, 52, 74, 244
波粒二象性之争，45-47
wave-particle debate and, 45–47
鲍尔斯，爱德华，187
Bowles, Edward, 187
拉尔夫·鲍恩, 3–4, 8, 88, 100, 104, 111, 116, 128, 138, 139–40, 141, 156, 158, 159, 163, 176, 184, 186, 190, 192–93, 201, 225, 226
Bown, Ralph, 3–4, 8, 88, 100, 104, 111, 116, 128, 138, 139–40, 141, 156, 158, 159, 163, 176, 184, 186, 190, 192–93, 201, 225, 226
transistor demonstrations and, 161–62, 164, 165, 165
布拉德福德，西摩，21
Bradford, Seymour, 21
布拉格，威廉·亨利，34，40-41，73
Bragg, William Henry, 34, 40–41, 73
布拉格，威廉·劳伦斯，34，40-41
Bragg, William Lawrence, 34, 40–41
布拉格定律，34
Bragg’s law, 34
布拉坦，比尔，244，245
Brattain, Bill, 244, 245
布拉顿、克伦、103、164、245、279
Brattain, Keren, 103, 164, 245, 279
布拉坦，玛丽，12岁
Brattain, Mari, 12
奥蒂莉·豪瑟·布拉顿，11–13
Brattain, Ottilie Houser, 11–13
布拉坦，保罗，11
Brattain, Paul, 11
罗伯特·布拉顿，12–13, 14, 78
Brattain, Robert, 12–13, 14, 78
布拉坦，罗斯，11-12
Brattain, Ross, 11–12
布拉顿、沃尔特、1–2、3、4、5–6、5、7–10、13、27、61、67、69、77、83、84、85、86、87、96-97、98、101、107、110、117、122、125、126-127、138-139、141、142、143、151、152、158、161、162、164、165、166、167、168、170、178、185、222、223、233、263、270、271、280、282、284
Brattain, Walter, 1–2, 3, 4, 5–6, 5, 7–10, 13, 27, 61, 67, 69, 77, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 96–97, 98, 101, 107, 110, 117, 122, 125, 126–27, 138–39, 141, 142, 143, 151, 152, 158, 161, 162, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 178, 185, 222, 223, 233, 263, 270, 271, 280, 282, 284
巴丁离开贝尔实验室，以及，190–92
Bardeen’s departure from Bell Labs and, 190–92
巴丁与……的关系，120
Bardeen’s relationship with, 120
贝尔实验室的招聘，55-56
Bell Labs’s hiring of, 55–56
出生日期，12
birth of, 12
童年时期，13-14
boyhood of, 13–14
copper-oxide rectifier research of, 63–64, 68, 70, 84, 94
死亡人数：279
death of, 279
教育，12-13，14
education of, 12–13, 14
“成型”技术，180
“forming” technique of, 180
在《财富》杂志的文章中，第206页
in Fortune article, 206
Kelly 和，95–96
Kelly and, 95–96
后期，278–79
later years of, 278–79
军事研究，103–4
military research by, 103–4
晶体管的命名，159
naming of transistor and, 159
诺贝尔奖得主，242–46
Nobel Prize won by, 242–46
欧姆的演示，88-89
Ohm’s demonstration and, 88–89
专利争议，第144-48页、第155页、第157页
patents controversy and, 144–48, 155, 157
光伏效应实验和，128–30
photovoltaic effect experiments and, 128–30
光伏效应的观察，95–96
photovoltaic effect observed by, 95–96
point-contact experiments and, 130–37
量子理论，44，50–52
quantum theory and, 44, 50–52
肖克利的放大器理念，以及，155
Shockley’s amplifier idea and, 155
肖克利与……的裂痕日益加深，155–56，175–76，185–86
Shockley’s deepening rift with, 155–56, 175–76, 185–86
在惠特曼学院，28-29
at Whitman College, 28–29
工作功能研究，62-63
work function research of, 62–63
布拉坦，威廉，11岁
Brattain, William, 11
费迪南德·布劳恩, 20–21, 33, 34, 85
Braun, Ferdinand, 20–21, 33, 34, 85
布雷，拉尔夫，152，157
Bray, Ralph, 152, 157
“击穿电压”，266
“breakdown voltage,” 266
布里奇曼，珀西，79岁
Bridgman, Percy, 79
布朗，本杰明，28岁，44岁
Brown, Benjamin, 28, 44
Buckley, Oliver, 70, 104, 161, 162, 164
厄尼·布勒, 180, 183, 185, 197, 207
Buehler, Ernie, 180, 183, 185, 197, 207
Bush, Vannevar, 100, 101, 103–4, 127, 227, 228
Bush, Vannevar, 100, 101, 103–4, 127, 227, 228
里程碑式报告，115–16
landmark report of, 115–16
商业周刊，第273、274页
Business Week, 273, 274
卡片翻译器，204–5
card translator, 204–5
阴极射线管，30，34–35
cathode-ray tubes, 30, 34–35
腔磁控管，99–100，172
cavity magnetron, 99–100, 172
CBS世界新闻综述，第242期
CBS World News Roundup, 242
Centralab，257，259
Centralab, 257, 259
塞尚，保罗，37
Cézanne, Paul, 37
查德威克，詹姆斯，74岁
Chadwick, James, 74
卓别林，查理，26岁
Chaplin, Charlie, 26
中国，中华人民共和国，187
China, People’s Republic of, 187
Clevite Transistor 公司，269、276、277
Clevite Transistor company, 269, 276, 277
云室，47
cloud chamber, 47
冷战，9、10、187、224、285
Cold War, 9, 10, 187, 224, 285
“太空时代”，252-53
“space age” and, 252–53
康普顿，亚瑟·H.，46-47，54，76
Compton, Arthur H., 46–47, 54, 76
康普顿，卡尔·T.，76，101
Compton, Karl T., 76, 101
计算机，9，278，283，285
computers, 9, 278, 283, 285
用于合金结晶体管，200
alloy-junction transistors for, 200
二进制数和，202
binary numbers and, 202
第一个完全固态的，204
first completely solid-state, 204
第一个大号，200
first large, 200
集成电路，283
integrated circuits in, 283
军事应用，201，203–4
military applications of, 201, 203–4
小型化和，272
miniaturization and, 272
速度和，202
speed and, 202
开关电路，201–3
switching circuits in, 201–3
晶体管及其发展，200–201，254，255
transistors and development of, 200–201, 254, 255
真空管和，202–3
vacuum tubes and, 202–3
康斯托克奖，226-27
Comstock Prize, 226–27
康登，爱德华，123
Condon, Edward, 123
导电性、原子和，36–37
conductivity, atoms and, 36–37
《消费者报告》，181
Consumer Reports, 181
库珀，莱昂，279
Cooper, Leon, 279
氧化铜，125
copper oxide, 125
氧化铜整流器，63–65、70、84、94
copper-oxide rectifier, 63–65, 70, 84, 94
能带理论，67–68
band theory and, 67–68
创意化学，18
Creative Chemistry, 18
克鲁克斯，威廉，30岁
Crookes, William, 30
克鲁克斯管，30、34、35
Crookes tubes, 30, 34, 35
晶体整流器，99、101–3、105、123–24
crystal rectifier, 99, 101–3, 105, 123–24
晶体：
crystals:
扩散技术和，219
diffusion technology and, 219
双掺杂技术，182–85
double-doping technique and, 182–85
电子流入，67
electrons’ flow in, 67
锗，173–75
germanium, 173–75
晶界处，173
grain boundaries in, 173
Wigner-Seitz 方法，74–75
Wigner-Seitz method and, 74–75
晶体套装，19–21、20、58
crystal sets, 19–21, 20, 58
Czochralski，J.，174
Czochralski, J., 174
达罗，卡尔，44、45、50、56、61、62、73、82
Darrow, Karl, 44, 45, 50, 56, 61, 62, 73, 82
戴维森，克林顿，48–50，49，54，56，60，82
Davisson, Clinton, 48–50, 49, 54, 56, 60, 82
“死亡金属”，219
“deathnium,” 219
德布罗意，路易，47–50
de Broglie, Louis, 47–50
德布罗意，莫里斯，47岁
de Broglie, Maurice, 47
美国国防部，161、187、225、240
Defense Department, U.S., 161, 187, 225, 240
李德福雷斯特, 19, 58, 83, 92, 111, 165, 233, 254
de Forest, Lee, 19, 58, 83, 92, 111, 165, 233, 254
大萧条，71，72，80
Depression, Great, 71, 72, 80
笛卡尔，勒内，45
Descartes, René, 45
放弃者，111
desisters, 111
远距离预警线（DEW Line），224，229
DEW (Distant Early Warning) Line, 224, 229
扩散基区晶体管，218、222、262
diffused-base transistors, 218, 222, 262
贝尔实验室和，223
Bell labs and, 223
电子开关和，230–31
electronic switching and, 230–31
扩散，259，264
diffusion, 259, 264
电子数，150
of electrons, 150
物理过程，218–19
physical process of, 218–19
作为首选技术，222–23
as preferred technology, 222–23
狄拉克，保罗，61岁，74岁，77岁
Dirac, Paul, 61, 74, 77
双掺杂技术，182–85，188
double-doping technique, 182–85, 188
漂移速度，171
drift velocity, 171
杰弗里·哑巴，255–56, 264
Dummer, Geoffrey, 255–56, 264
杜邦公司, 102, 106, 208
du Pont Company, 102, 106, 208
杜里亚，刘易斯，268–69
Duryea, Lewis, 268–69
爱迪生，托马斯·阿尔瓦，58岁，111
Edison, Thomas Alva, 58, 111
爱迪生效应，58
Edison effect, 58
爱因斯坦，阿尔伯特，29，38，39，40，41，44，46，52，69、74、76、81
Einstein, Albert, 29, 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 46, 52, 69, 74, 76, 81
巴丁与……的谈话，119
Bardeen’s talk with, 119
波粒二象性之争，45-47
wave-particle debate and, 45–47
艾森豪威尔，德怀特·D.，224
Eisenhower, Dwight D., 224
艾森豪威尔政府，第240、252、279页
Eisenhower administration, 240, 252, 279
电力，35–36
electricity, 35–36
爱迪生效应，以及 58
Edison effect and, 58
欧姆定律和，36
Ohm’s law and, 36
电阻和，36
resistance and, 36
电冶金公司，93，97
Electro Metallurgical Company, 93, 97
电子学，166，166，257，283
Electronics, 166, 166, 257, 283
电子，78
electrons, 78
扩散，150
diffusion of, 150
发现，34–35
discovery of, 34–35
双重性质，42–43
dual nature of, 42–43
金属和，36–39，56
metals and, 36–39, 56
分子形成和，91–92
molecule formation and, 91–92
泡利不相容原理，43-44，61
Pauli’s exclusion principle and, 43–44, 61
在量子力学中，60-61
in quantum mechanics, 60–61
“旋量”理论，62
“spinor” theory of, 62
表面态，121
surface states of, 121
热电子发射，以及，58–59，61–62
thermionic emissions and, 58–59, 61–62
“价”，91
“valence,” 91
波粒二象性之争，以及，45–48，50
wave-particle debate and, 45–48, 50
工作函数，62–63
work function and, 62–63
半导体中的电子和空穴（Shockley），178，197
Electrons and Holes in Semiconductors (Shockley), 178, 197
“Electron Theory of Metals, The” (Bethe and Sommerfeld), 69
ENIAC（电子数值积分计算机），200
ENIAC (Electronic Numerical Integrator and Computer), 200
埃瓦尔德，彼得·保罗，33岁
Ewald, Peter Paul, 33
探险者卫星，254
Explorer satellite, 254
费尔柴尔德相机和仪器，252
Fairchild Camera and Instruments, 252
仙童半导体，270、273、274
Fairchild Semiconductor, 270, 273, 274
下降，284
decline of, 284
形成，252
formation of, 252
集成电路，262–65，271，272，273
integrated circuit and, 262–65, 271, 272, 273
台面晶体管，262，266
mesa transistor of, 262, 266
平面过程和，262–64，275
planar process and, 262–64, 275
单元电路项目，264–65
unitary circuit project of, 264–65
Western Electric’s cross-license agreement with, 282–83
美国联邦通信委员会，257
Federal Communications Commission, 257
费米，恩里科，60，61，180
Fermi, Enrico, 60, 61, 180
费米能级，60、61、62
Fermi level, 60, 61, 62
场效应，113、120–22、126–27、130、142、145–46、173、280
field effects, 113, 120–22, 126–27, 130, 142, 145–46, 173, 280
场效应晶体管，267
field-effect transistor, 267
集成电路和，270–71
integrated circuit and, 270–71
丝状晶体管，170–72，173，175
filamentary transistor, 170–72, 173, 175
吉姆·菲斯克，79、81、100、110–11、116、118、184、186、191–92、201、225
Fisk, Jim, 79, 81, 100, 110–11, 116, 118, 184, 186, 191–92, 201, 225
弗莱彻，哈维，3–4，103，116，138，139–40，141，156，191
Fletcher, Harvey, 3–4, 103, 116, 138, 139–40, 141, 156, 191
“触发器”电路，256，259–61
“flip-flop” circuit, 256, 259–61
浮区精炼，230
float zone-refining, 230
福特，亨利，27岁
Ford, Henry, 27
“成型”技术，180
“forming” technique, 180
福雷斯塔尔，詹姆斯，229
Forrestal, James, 229
《财富》杂志，第205-206页
Fortune, 205–6
四层二极管，248、250、252、267-268、269、270、275
four-layer diode, 248, 250, 252, 267–68, 269, 270, 275
菲涅尔，奥古斯丁，45
Fresnel, Augustin, 45
弗洛伊德，西格蒙德，37
Freud, Sigmund, 37
弗里德里希，瓦尔特，33岁
Friedrich, Walther, 33
哈拉尔·弗里斯，93–95, 100, 111
Friis, Harald, 93–95, 100, 111
弗罗施，卡尔，222，262–63
Frosch, Carl, 222, 262–63
镓，182，200，263
gallium, 182, 200, 263
通用电气，60、81、102、107、169、197、201、204、208、227、273、279
General Electric, 60, 81, 102, 107, 169, 197, 201, 204, 208, 227, 273, 279
合金结晶体管，199–200，199
alloy-junction transistor of, 199–200, 199
地球物理服务公司，206-7
Geophysical Services, Inc., 206–7
锗，122、124、125、126、129、138、154-155、259、271
germanium, 122, 124, 125, 126, 129, 138, 154–55, 259, 271
晶体，的，173–75
crystals, of, 173–75
丝状物，171–72
filaments of, 171–72
局限性，207–8，221
limitations of, 207–8, 221
点接触实验，133–37
point-contact experiments and, 133–37
“spreading resistance” of, 152
区域精炼，198–99，220
zone refining of, 198–99, 220
锗产品公司，205，227
Germanium Products Corporation, 205, 227
德国，纳粹，76，103，114，115
Germany, Nazi, 76, 103, 114, 115
知识分子外流，69-70，81
exodus of intellectuals from, 69–70, 81
莱斯特·格尔默，48–49, 50, 60
Germer, Lester, 48–49, 50, 60
吉本斯，吉姆，269，281
Gibbons, Jim, 269, 281
Gibney, Robert, 118, 125–26, 134–35, 137, 139–40, 142, 143, 147, 155, 156, 163, 176, 177, 185, 239, 263, 271
Gibney, Robert, 118, 125–26, 134–35, 137, 139–40, 142, 143, 147, 155, 156, 163, 176, 177, 185, 239, 263, 271
布拉坦的光伏实验，129-30
Brattain’s photovoltaic experiments and, 129–30
吉什，莉莲，26岁
Gish, Lillian, 26
环球联合公司，197，256
Globe-Union, Inc., 197, 256
晶界，173
grain boundaries, 173
重力，41
gravity, 41
英国，9，69，99，101，114，125，256
Great Britain, 9, 69, 99, 101, 114, 125, 256
格里尼奇，维克多，251-52
Grinich, Victor, 251–52
格里索姆，格斯，276
Grissom, Gus, 276
生长结晶体管，208、220、223、224
grown-junction transistor, 208, 220, 223, 224
Guenther, Rudolph, 160–61, 185, 220
Guenther, Rudolph, 160–61, 185, 220
瑞典国王古斯塔夫六世·阿道夫，公元245年、 246年
Gustav VI Adolph, King of Sweden, 245, 246
哈格蒂，帕特，206-7、208、210-11、212、232
Haggerty, Pat, 206–7, 208, 210–11, 212, 232
哈纳芬，莫里斯，250，268
Hanafin, Maurice, 250, 268
《物理学手册》，第69页
Handbuch der Physik, 69
哈普，威廉，240
Happ, William, 240
哈特，哈里，144、146、147、155
Hart, Harry, 144, 146, 147, 155
哈特，沃尔特，17岁
Hart, Walter, 17
海恩斯，理查德，143、151、172、175、177、178、179、191
Haynes, Richard, 143, 151, 172, 175, 177, 178, 179, 191
由……开发的灯丝晶体管，170–72，173
filament transistor developed by, 170–72, 173
助听器，205、210、226、257
hearing aids, 205, 210, 226, 257
海森堡，维尔纳，42，51，66，69，74，145
Heisenberg, Werner, 42, 51, 66, 69, 74, 145
《先驱论坛报》，第165页
Herald Tribune, 165
赫兹，海因里希，18，21，35
Hertz, Heinrich, 18, 21, 35
“大功率大面积半导体阀”（肖克利），148-150
“High Power Large Area Semi-Conductor Valve” (Shockley), 148–50
日立，215
Hitachi, 215
希特勒、阿道夫、42、69、76、81、99
Hitler, Adolf, 42, 69, 76, 81, 99
希托夫管，30，35
Hittorf tubes, 30, 35
让·霍尔尼, 251–52, 262–63, 273
Hoerni, Jean, 251–52, 262–63, 273
霍洛尼亚克，尼克，221，222
Holonyak, Nick, 221, 222
胡佛，赫伯特，56岁，71岁
Hoover, Herbert, 56, 71
霍珀，爱德华，21岁
Hopper, Edward, 21
Horsley、Smoot，237、243、247-48、251、252
Horsley, Smoot, 237, 243, 247–48, 251, 252
豪瑟，伯莎，14岁
Houser, Bertha, 14
豪瑟，约翰，11
Houser, John, 11
众议院非美活动特别委员会，187
House Select Committee on Un-American Activities, 187
休斯顿，威廉，73岁
Houston, William, 73
休斯飞机公司，231，232
Hughes Aircraft, 231, 232
匈牙利革命，246
Hungarian Revolution, 246
惠更斯，克里斯蒂安，45岁
Huygens, Christian, 45
IBM，197，213，262，285
IBM, 197, 213, 262, 285
井深大，213–17
Ibuka, Masaru, 213–17
伊利诺伊大学，190–93、242、244、257
Illinois, University of, 190–93, 242, 244, 257
铟，200
indium, 200
工业发展工程协会（IDEA），211–12
Industrial Development Engineering Associates (IDEA), 211–12
“伦琴射线对涡虫再生能力的抑制作用”（巴丁），32
“Inhibitive Action of the Röntgen Rays on Regeneration in Planarians, The” (Bardeen), 32
普林斯顿高等研究院，76，78
Institute for Advanced Study, 76, 78
金属研究所，143
Institute for the Study of Metals, 143
Institute of Radio Engineers, 208, 223, 261
绝缘体，65–67，274
insulators, 65–67, 274
集成电路，254–75
integrated circuit, 254–75
评估，283–86
assessment of, 283–86
贝尔实验室，269–70，275，282–83
Bell labs and, 269–70, 275, 282–83
计算机和，283
computers and, 283
哑巴的声明，255–56
Dummer’s statement on, 255–56
爆炸式增长的复杂性，283–84
exploding complexity of, 283–84
基于爆炸式增长的行业，272–74
exploding industry based on, 272–74
制造，256，264，270
fabrication of, 256, 264, 270
Fairchild 和，262–65，271–72，272，273
Fairchild and, 262–65, 271–72, 272, 273
场效应晶体管，270–71
field-effect transistor and, 270–71
信息革命，284–86
information revolution and, 284–86
initial production and sales of, 271–72
肯尼迪的太空计划，以及，272-73
JFK’s space program and, 272–73
基尔比的电路，256–60，260，261
Kilby’s circuit and, 256–60, 260, 261
台地技术和，262
mesa technology and, 262
在军事系统中，283
in military systems, 283
小型化问题，255，257–61，284
miniaturization problem and, 255, 257–61, 284
MOS晶体管和，271，275
MOS transistor and, 271, 275
专利和，260–61，271
patents and, 260–61, 271
光刻技术，259、260、263-64、271
photolithography and, 259, 260, 263–64, 271
平面制造工艺，262–65，265，275
planar manufacturing process and, 262–65, 265, 275
政治变革和，285
political changes and, 285
肖克利二极管，266–67
Shockley Diodes and, 266–67
固态电路和，261
Solid Circuit and, 261
英特尔，283–84，285
Intel, 283–84, 285
国际遥测，231
International Telemeter, 231
互联网，10，284
Internet, 10, 284
《梦的解析》（弗洛伊德），第37页
Interpretation of Dreams, The (Freud), 37
1955 年 IRE 半导体器件会议，第 223、233 页
IRE Semiconductor Device Conference of 1955, 223, 233
铁幕，187
Iron Curtain, 187
意大利，103
Italy, 103
岩间一夫, 215, 216, 223
Iwama, Kazuo, 215, 216, 223
詹姆斯，威廉，27岁
James, William, 27
日本，10，103，213–14，285
Japan, 10, 103, 213–14, 285
原子弹轰炸，114
atomic bombing of, 114
日本放送公司，214
Japan Broadcasting Company, 214
Jewett, Frank, 60, 61, 82, 100, 109–10
Jewett, Frank, 60, 61, 82, 100, 109–10
参谋长联席会议，196，229
Joint Chiefs of Staff, 196, 229
联合研究与发展委员会，127，151
Joint Research and Development Board, 127, 151
琼斯，哈里，83岁
Jones, Harry, 83
琼斯，维克多，240，241，243，246
Jones, Victor, 240, 241, 243, 246
乔伊斯，詹姆斯，29岁
Joyce, James, 29
结型晶体管，6、186、188、216
junction transistors, 6, 186, 188, 216
合金-，199–200，208，213，223，224
alloy-, 199–200, 208, 213, 223, 224
双掺杂技术，182–85
double-doping technology and, 182–85
制造，177–78，196–97，204
fabrication of, 177–78, 196–97, 204
海恩斯的实验，170–71
Haynes’s experiment on, 170–71
军事分类，196–97
military classification of, 196–97
与点接触晶体管相比，180–81，188–89
point-contact transistor compared with, 180–81, 188–89
新闻发布会，193–94
press conference on, 193–94
近炸引信和，188，202
proximity fuzes and, 188, 202
研讨会，195–96
symposium on, 195–96
美国司法部，181，204
Justice Department, U.S., 181, 204
Kelly, Mervin, 5, 70, 81, 83, 85, 88–89, 95–96, 98, 104, 107, 147, 156, 158, 161, 162, 164, 168, 185–86, 192, 195, 201, 204, 225–26, 231, 232, 233, 250, 254, 267, 281
Kelly, Mervin, 5, 70, 81, 83, 85, 88–89, 95–96, 98, 104, 107, 147, 156, 158, 161, 162, 164, 168, 185–86, 192, 195, 201, 204, 225–26, 231, 232, 233, 250, 254, 267, 281
Bell Lab’s postwar plans and, 108–11, 114, 116
贝尔实验室的雷达计划，以及，100-101，103
Bell Lab’s radar program and, 100–101, 103
布拉坦等人，95-96
Brattain and, 95–96
由168-69人组成的“基础发展”小组
“fundamental development” group formed by, 168–69
研究部重组，116–17
Research Division reorganized by, 116–17
肖克利和，82
Shockley and, 82
晶体管突破，以及，140–41，144
transistor breakthrough and, 140–41, 144
晶体管项目，152–53
transistor project and, 152–53
开尔文讲座，232
Kelvin Lecture, 232
肯尼迪，约翰·F.，272–73
Kennedy, John F., 272–73
肯尼迪政府，279
Kennedy Administration, 279
克尔斯特，唐纳德，123
Kerst, Donald, 123
KFQZ，26
KFQZ, 26
KFWB，26
KFWB, 26
Kilby, Jack, 256–60, 258, 264, 271, 283
克莱纳，吉恩，251-52
Kleiner, Gene, 251–52
Knapic，Dean，247，252
Knapic, Dean, 247, 252
克尼平，保罗，33岁
Knipping, Paul, 33
朝鲜战争，187–88、196、210、224
Korean War, 187–88, 196, 210, 224
拉福莱特，罗伯特，15
La Follette, Robert, 15
兰登，阿尔弗雷德，81岁
Landon, Alfred, 81
兰宁，艾美，参见肖克利，艾美·兰宁
Lanning, Emmy, see Shockley, Emmy Lanning
Lark-Horovitz，Karl，122–25，123，151，162，165–66，169，172–73
Lark-Horovitz, Karl, 122–25, 123, 151, 162, 165–66, 169, 172–73
Shockley 等人，156–57
Shockley and, 156–57
最后，Jay，240，241，243，251，262，268，271，273
Last, Jay, 240, 241, 243, 251, 262, 268, 271, 273
劳伦斯·利弗莫尔实验室，239
Lawrence Livermore Laboratory, 239
勒梅，柯蒂斯，107
Le May, Curtis, 107
朱利叶斯·E·利林菲尔德, 145, 160, 176–77, 185, 271
Lilienfeld, Julius E., 145, 160, 176–77, 185, 271
林白，查尔斯，27岁
Lindbergh, Charles, 27
约翰·利特尔，174–75，178–80，181
Little, John, 174–75, 178–80, 181
逻辑电路，202
logic circuits, 202
路易斯，乔，162
Louis, Joe, 162
麦克阿瑟，道格拉斯，187
MacArthur, Douglas, 187
麦卡锡，约瑟夫，187，224
McCarthy, Joseph, 187, 224
Maico公司，205
Maico Company, 205
马可尼，古列尔莫，18，21
Marconi, Guglielmo, 18, 21
Marion（肖克利的朋友），229-30，232
Marion (Shockley’s friend), 229–30, 232
马斯登，欧内斯特，39岁
Marsden, Ernest, 39
马蒂斯，亨利，37岁
Matisse, Henri, 37
“矩阵力学”，51
“matrix mechanics,” 51
物质，36
matter, 36
电子态，274
electronic states of, 274
量子，37–39
quantum, 37–39
波动性质，47–48，60
wave nature of, 47–48, 60
麦克斯韦尔，詹姆斯·克拉克，40、45、46
Maxwell, James Clerk, 40, 45, 46
功绩勋章，127
Medal of Merit, 127
门捷列夫，德米特里，44岁，90岁
Mendeleev, Dmitri, 44, 90
水星，276
Mercury, 276
台面晶体管，262，266
mesa transistor, 262, 266
金属：
metals:
电导率分别为 36–37、67
conductivity of, 36–37, 67
热能，38–39
heat energy of, 38–39
微芯片，7，282
microchips, 7, 282
微观元素，271–72，273
Micrologic Elements, 271–72, 273
“微型操纵器”，147
“micromanipulator,” 147
微模块程序，255–58
Micro-Module program, 255–58
微软，285
Microsoft, 285
微波炉，89，102
microwaves, 89, 102
米库利亚克，罗伯特，178，182
Mikulyak, Robert, 178, 182
军工复合体，224
military-industrial complex, 224
米利肯，罗伯特·A.，45、54、58、59、82
Millikan, Robert A., 45, 54, 58, 59, 82
小型化：
miniaturization:
计算机和，272
computers and, 272
集成电路和，255，257–61，284
integrated circuits and, 255, 257–61, 284
军事应用和，255
military applications and, 255
德州仪器公司，257–61
Texas Instruments and, 257–61
国际贸易及工业部（MITI），215
Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI), 215
少数载体注入，154
minority carrier injection, 154
三菱，215
Mitsubishi, 215
现代电器，19
Modern Electrics, 19
现代主义，感性，29
modernism, sensibility of, 29
“表面变化对半导体薄膜电导率的调制”（Shockley 和 Pearson），163
“Modulation of Conductance of Thin Films of Semi-Conductors by Surface Changes” (Shockley and Pearson), 163
分子电子学程序，255–56，270
Molecular Electronics program, 255–56, 270
分子，91–92
molecules, 91–92
莫尔，约翰，221–22
Moll, John, 221–22
单片式概念，参见集成电路
monolithic idea, see integrated circuit
Moore, Gordon, 239–40, 241, 243, 246, 247–48, 249, 250, 251, 262, 264, 267, 269, 282, 283–84
Moore, Gordon, 239–40, 241, 243, 246, 247–48, 249, 250, 251, 262, 264, 267, 269, 282, 283–84
摩尔，希尔伯特，117，126，129，130，132，139，140，156，191
Moore, Hilbert, 117, 126, 129, 130, 132, 139, 140, 156, 191
摩根，斯坦利，116，117，119-20，124，144，191
Morgan, Stanley, 116, 117, 119–20, 124, 144, 191
森田昭夫，213–17
Morita, Akio, 213–17
莫尔斯，菲利普，74岁，76岁，104岁
Morse, Philip, 74, 76, 104
莫顿，杰克，169–70，170，174，175，178，180，184，186，194，195，197，201，206，221，230，240，254–55，258，269–70，274，281，282
Morton, Jack, 169–70, 170, 174, 175, 178, 180, 184, 186, 194, 195, 197, 201, 206, 221, 230, 240, 254–55, 258, 269–70, 274, 281, 282
MOS（金属-氧化物-硅）晶体管，271，275
MOS (metal-oxide-silicon) transistor, 271, 275
摩托罗拉，169、213、236、237、262、273
Motorola, 169, 213, 236, 237, 262, 273
Mott, Nevill, 83, 84–85, 95, 120, 126, 128
默罗，爱德华·R.，9
Murrow, Edward R., 9
墨索里尼，贝尼托，81岁
Mussolini, Benito, 81
美国国家航空航天局（NASA），271，273
NASA (National Aeronautics and Space Administration), 271, 273
美国国家科学院院刊，175–76、190、236、251、277
National Academy of Sciences, 175–76, 190, 236, 251, 277
康斯托克奖，226–27
Comstock prize of, 226–27
美国国家标准局，55，64
National Bureau of Standards, 55, 64
全国机载电子学会议，208
National Conference on Airborne Electronics, 208
美国国防研究委员会，100
National Defense Research Committee, 100
全国电子会议，176
National Electronics Conference, 176
“锗点接触中正向电流的性质”（Brattain 和 Bardeen），163
“Nature of the Forward Current in Germanium Point Contacts, The” (Brattain and Bardeen), 163
海军军械实验室，118，119
Naval Ordnance Laboratory, 118, 119
海军研究实验室，162，169
Naval Research Laboratory, 162, 169
美国海军
Navy, U.S.:
点接触放大器，144–46
point-contact amplifier and, 144–46
Tinkertoy 项目，255
Tinkertoy Project of, 255
中子，74
neutron, 74
新政，81
New Deal, 81
《新闻周刊》，228，243-44
Newsweek, 228, 243–44
牛顿，艾萨克，45岁
Newton, Isaac, 45
《纽约时报》第8、114、143、165、206、220、227、242页
New York Times, 8, 114, 143, 165, 206, 220, 227, 242
Nike missiles, 203–4, 203, 229
尼克斯、福斯特，84、85
Nix, Foster, 84, 85
尼克松，理查德，187，224
Nixon, Richard, 187, 224
诺贝尔，阿尔弗雷德，32，244
Nobel, Alfred, 32, 244
第226届诺贝尔物理学奖
Nobel Prize in Physics, 226
1901年，31
of 1901, 31
1909 年，21
of 1909, 21
1914年，34
of 1914, 34
1918 年，44
of 1918, 44
1921年，第44-45页
of 1921, 44–45
1922年，45
of 1922, 45
1936年，81
of 1936, 81
1937 年，第 60 卷，第 83-84 页
of 1937, 60, 83–84
1956 年，第 6 卷，第 241-46 页，第 245 页
of 1956, 6, 241–46, 245
1972年，279
of 1972, 279
诺伊斯，罗伯特，237–39、240、241、243、246、247–48、250、251、262、263–65、267、271、278、283–84
Noyce, Robert, 237–39, 240, 241, 243, 246, 247–48, 250, 251, 262, 263–65, 267, 271, 278, 283–84
N-P-N sandwich amplifier, see P-N junction transistor
N型硅，96–98，106–7，112
N-type silicon, 96–98, 106–7, 112
不平衡，120–21
imbalance in, 120–21
橡树岭国家实验室，176，186
Oak Ridge National Laboratory, 176, 186
Ohl, Russell, 88–90, 91, 97, 100, 107, 109, 128, 132, 177, 186, 218, 219
Ohl, Russell, 88–90, 91, 97, 100, 107, 109, 128, 132, 177, 186, 218, 219
由 111 开发的停止者
desisters developed by, 111
硅研究，92–96，93
silicon research of, 92–96, 93
欧姆，格奥尔格·西蒙，36岁
Ohm, Georg Simon, 36
欧姆定律，36
Ohm’s law, 36
昂内斯，海克·卡末林，185
Onnes, Heike Kamerlingh, 185
“关于科研实验室生产力个体差异的统计分析”（肖克利），228
“On the Statistics of Individual Variations of Productivity in Research Laboratories” (Shockley), 228
美国运筹学学会，228，232
Operations Research Society of America, 228, 232
奥本海默，J.罗伯特，63岁
Oppenheimer, J. Robert, 63
光学（牛顿），45
Opticks (Newton), 45
奥威尔，乔治，285
Orwell, George, 285
巴拿马太平洋国际博览会，59-60
Panama-Pacific International Exposition, 59–60
美国专利局，155、160、260、265
Patent Office, U.S., 155, 160, 260, 265
Bardeen-Brattain申请被驳回，176–77
Bardeen-Brattain applications rejected by, 176–77
集成电路专利，编号 271
integrated circuit patent issued by, 271
专利号：177、185、240
patents, 177, 185, 240
Bardeen-Brattain-Shockley controversy over, 144–48, 155, 157
贝尔实验室关于第146、147条政策
Bell Labs policy on, 146, 147
集成电路，260–61，271
for integrated circuit, 260–61, 271
对于结型晶体管，176，197
for junction transistor, 176, 197
在PN结晶体管上，160–61，240
on P-N junction transistor, 160–61, 240
帕特森，罗伯特·P.，127
Patterson, Robert P., 127
沃尔夫冈·泡利，42–43, 43, 61, 62, 69, 74, 123
Pauli, Wolfgang, 42–43, 43, 61, 62, 69, 74, 123
泡利不相容原理，43–44、61、78
Pauli exclusion principle, 43–44, 61, 78
鲍林，莱纳斯，73，118
Pauling, Linus, 73, 118
Pearson, Gerald, 117, 119, 122, 125, 126, 132–33, 139–40, 142, 143, 144–45, 150, 156, 161, 163, 171–72,172、175、177、185、191、195、227
Pearson, Gerald, 117, 119, 122, 125, 126, 132–33, 139–40, 142, 143, 144–45, 150, 156, 161, 163, 171–72, 172, 175, 177, 185, 191, 195, 227
太阳能电池和，219–20
Solar Battery and, 219–20
佩尔斯，鲁道夫，66、67、69-70、74
Peierls, Rudolf, 66, 67, 69–70, 74
元素周期表，44，97-98，98
periodic table, 44, 97–98, 98
第四列，90–92
fourth column of, 90–92
佩里，马修，15岁
Perry, Matthew, 15
彼得斯，利奥，77岁
Peters, Leo, 77
Pfann，Bill，96，124，152，156，157-58，159，177，178，180，189，198，219，230
Pfann, Bill, 96, 124, 152, 156, 157–58, 159, 177, 178, 180, 189, 198, 219, 230
区域精炼技术由……发明，198–99 年
zone refining invented by, 198–99
Philco，239
Philco, 239
《哲学杂志》，第39、40页
Philosophical Magazine, 39, 40
光电效应，38，45
photoelectric effect, 38, 45
photolithography, 259, 260, 263–64, 271
光子，38，128，219，220
photon, 38, 128, 219, 220
光电晶体管，205
phototransistor, 205
光伏效应，111，152
photovoltaic effect, 111, 152
布拉坦的实验，128–30
Brattain’s experiments on, 128–30
布拉坦的观察，95-96
Brattain’s observation of, 95–96
硅和，95–96
silicon and, 95–96
《物理评论》55、128、129、147、163、176、178、190、193、232、279
Physical Review, 55, 128, 129, 147, 163, 176, 178, 190, 193, 232, 279
物理学、现代主义和，29-30，37
physics, modernism and, 29–30, 37
美国与欧洲的做法，74
American vs. European practice of, 74
毕加索，巴勃罗，29岁，37岁
Picasso, Pablo, 29, 37
皮卡德，格林利夫·惠蒂尔，92
Pickard, Greenleaf Whittier, 92
Pierce, John, 82, 101, 159, 236
平面过程，262–65，275，283
planar process, 262–65, 275, 283
普朗克，马克斯，37–38，40，44，47
Planck, Max, 37–38, 40, 44, 47
普朗克常数，37，41，47
Planck’s constant, 37, 41, 47
PN 交汇处，111、112、128、129、132、174、177、178、259、262
P-N junction, 111, 112, 128, 129, 132, 174, 177, 178, 259, 262
晶体生长技术，181–82
crystal-growing technique and, 181–82
扩散过程和，218
diffusion process and, 218
双掺杂技术，182–85
double-doping technique and, 182–85
MOS晶体管和，275
MOS transistor and, 275
肖克利的放大器理念，以及，144
Shockley’s amplifier idea and, 144
硅和，96–98，103
silicon and, 96–98, 103
太阳能电池和，219
solar cell and, 219
专利号，160–61，240
patent on, 160–61, 240
Shive 的双面放大器，153–54
Shive’s double-sided amplifier and, 153–54
肖克利的想法，144、148-51、149、154-55
Shockley’s idea for, 144, 148–51, 149, 154–55
另见结型晶体管
see also junction transistor
袖珍计算器，9，283
pocket calculator, 9, 283
点接触放大器，133、136、138、140、144、147、155-56、155
point-contact amplifier, 133, 136, 138, 140, 144, 147, 155–56, 155
巴丁-布里坦突破性实验，128-37
Bardeen-Brittain breakthrough experiments on, 128–37
卡带版本，157–58、159、160
cartridge version of, 157–58, 159, 160
光伏实验和，128–30
photovoltaic experiments and, 128–30
surface state theory and, 120–22
点接触晶体管，175、183-84、186、188、203、216
point-contact transistor, 175, 183–84, 186, 188, 203, 216
卡片翻译器和，205
card translator and, 205
商业市场和，194
commercial market and, 194
成本为 204
cost of, 204
制造，180，194，196–97
fabrication of, 180, 194, 196–97
“成型”技术，180–81
“forming” technique and, 180–81
与第 180–81、188–89 页相比，结型晶体管
junction transistor compared with, 180–81, 188–89
专利申请，190
patent application for, 190
缺点，169–70，180–81，193–94
shortcomings of, 169–70, 180–81, 193–94
开关电路和，201–2
switching circuits and, 201–2
另见A型晶体管
see also type A transistor
北极星导弹，283
Polaris missile, 283
正电子，81
positron, 81
总统科学顾问委员会，279
President’s Science Advisory Committee, 279
普林斯顿大学，75-76
Princeton University, 75–76
印刷电路板，255
printed-circuit boards, 255
布劳恩教授的电报公司，21
Professor Braun’s Telegraph Company, 21
近炸引信，187–88、202、221、226
proximity fuzes, 187–88, 202, 221, 226
P型硅，96–98，102，106–7，112，131–32，147
P-type silicon, 96–98, 102, 106–7, 112, 131–32, 147
普渡大学，122、123-124、151-152、157、162、166、173、176
Purdue University, 122, 123–24, 151–52, 157, 162, 166, 173, 176
热解薄膜，173
pyrolitic films, 173
量子力学，理论，29，37–39
quantum mechanics, theory of, 29, 37–39
原子核和，39–40
atom’s nucleus and, 39–40
Brattain 和，44，50–52
Brattain and, 44, 50–52
电子进入，60–61
electrons in, 60–61
泡利不相容原理，43-44
Pauli’s exclusion principle and, 43–44
物质的波动性，47-48，52
wave nature of matter and, 47–48, 52
波粒二象性之争，以及，45–47，52
wave-particle debate and, 45–47, 52
《辐射的量子理论》（玻尔、克拉默斯和斯莱特著），第47页
“Quantum Theory of Radiation, The” (Bohr, Kramers and Slater), 47
雷达，87，98，114，115，125，200
radar, 87, 98, 114, 115, 125, 200
轰炸瞄准器，以及，107–8
bombsights and, 107–8
“倦怠”和，123
“burn-out” and, 123
晶体探测器，99–103
crystal detectors and, 99–103
DEW 线和 224
DEW Line and, 224
奥尔的研究，89-90
Ohl’s research and, 89–90
近炸引信和，187–88
proximity fuzes and, 187–88
“S波段”，105
“S-band,” 105
硅和，101–2
silicon and, 101–2
蒂扎德任务和，99-100
Tizard mission and, 99–100
“X波段”，105
“X-band,” 105
麻省理工学院辐射实验室，100、102、105-106、114、117、122、173
Radiation Laboratory (at MIT), 100, 102, 105–6, 114, 117, 122, 173
收音机，278
radio, 278
广播，19
broadcasting of, 19
晶体组和，19–20
crystal sets and, 19–20
发展，18–19
development of, 18–19
整改和，20-21
rectification and, 20–21
晶体管，211–13、212、216–18
transistor, 211–13, 212, 216–18
超短波，89–90
ultra short-wave, 89–90
无线电公司美国（RCA），19、81、169、200、204、211、213、215、227、256
Radio Corporation of America (RCA), 19, 81, 169, 200, 204, 211, 213, 215, 227, 256
AT&T 和，181
AT&T and, 181
集成电路和，260，262
integrated circuits and, 260, 262
雷神公司，106、204、205、208、209、226、227、232、236、237
Raytheon company, 106, 204, 205, 208, 209, 226, 227, 232, 236, 237
里根，罗纳德，279
Reagan, Ronald, 279
校正，20–21，85，95
rectification, 20–21, 85, 95
整流器理论，64–65，67–68，85
rectifier theory, 64–65, 67–68, 85
另见表面态理论
see also surface states theory
Regency TR1 袖珍收音机，211–13、212、217、232
Regency TR1 pocket radio, 211–13, 212, 217, 232
相对论，理论，29，38，41，45
relativity, theory of, 29, 38, 41, 45
罗伯茨，谢尔顿，240、241、243、247、251、273
Roberts, Sheldon, 240, 241, 243, 247, 251, 273
罗宾逊，丹尼斯，102
Robinson, Denis, 102
洛克菲勒，劳伦斯，233
Rockefeller, Laurence, 233
罗扬斯基，弗拉基米尔，29岁，51岁
Rojansky, Vladimir, 29, 51
威廉·康拉德·伦琴，30–31, 33, 35
Röntgen, Wilhelm Conrad, 30–31, 33, 35
罗斯福，富兰克林·D.，71、81、103、257
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 71, 81, 103, 257
罗斯，贝齐，24岁
Ross, Betsy, 24
罗斯，伊恩，270，271
Ross, Ian, 270, 271
罗斯、珀利，24-25、47、73
Ross, Perley, 24–25, 47, 73
罗斯，露丝，24岁
Ross, Ruth, 24
皇家雷达研究所，256
Royal Radar Establishment, 256
瑞典皇家科学院，32，243
Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, 32, 243
鲁德伯格，埃里克，245
Rudberg, Erik, 245
Rutherford, Ernest, 29, 39–40, 48
莱德，罗伯特，170
Ryder, Robert, 170
萨比，约翰，199–200
Saby, John, 199–200
Sah, Chih-Tang, 267–68
Sah, Chih-Tang, 267–68
萨利斯伯里，伯纳德，162–63
Salisbury, Bernard, 162–63
《旧金山纪事报》，第248页
San Francisco Chronicle, 248
萨诺夫，大卫，19岁
Sarnoff, David, 19
S波段雷达，105
S-band radar, 105
斯卡夫，杰克，93、95、96-97、107、109、110、112、124、132、133、152、156、198、218
Scaff, Jack, 93, 95, 96–97, 107, 109, 110, 112, 124, 132, 133, 152, 156, 198, 218
Schade, HA, 162–63
Schade, H. A., 162–63
肖特基，沃尔特，62、64、67、68、84-85、95、120、126
Schottky, Walter, 62, 64, 67, 68, 84–85, 95, 120, 126
Schrieffer，J. Robert，279
Schrieffer, J. Robert, 279
薛定谔，埃尔温，50，52，74
Schrödinger, Erwin, 50, 52, 74
Schrödinger wave equation, 29, 50, 51, 75
施温格，朱利安，123
Schwinger, Julian, 123
《科学：无尽的前沿》（布什），115-116页
“Science: The Endless Frontier” (Bush), 115–16
科学论坛（广播节目），201
Science Forum (radio program), 201
《科学美国人》，283
Scientific American, 283
塞茨，弗雷德里克，71、72、74-76、78、92、102、103-4、112、127、144、169、190-91、232-33、275、277、280
Seitz, Frederick, 71, 72, 74–76, 78, 92, 102, 103–4, 112, 127, 144, 169, 190–91, 232–33, 275, 277, 280
塞洛，哈里，267–68
Sello, Harry, 267–68
半导体，1，3，5-6，68，106-7，112
semiconductors, 1, 3, 5–6, 68, 106–7, 112
氧化铜，125
copper oxide as, 125
Lilienfeld 的专利，145–46
Lilienfeld’s patent on, 145–46
“导弹差距”，以及，252–53
“missile gap” and, 252–53
特性，65–67
properties of, 65–67
肖克利的阀门构想，111-14
Shockley’s valve idea for, 111–14
硅、锗等，125
silicon, germanium as, 125
表面态理论，120–22，126
surface state theory and, 120–22, 126
Shepherd, Mark, 197, 206–7, 210, 259, 261
Shepherd, Mark, 197, 206–7, 210, 259, 261
背景，209–10
background of, 209–10
晶体管收音机和，211，213
transistor radio and, 211, 213
谢泼德，玛丽·爱丽丝，211
Shepherd, Mary Alice, 211
约翰·席夫，153–54, 159, 169, 171, 196
Shive, John, 153–54, 159, 169, 171, 196
双面放大器，153–54，154
double-sided amplifier of, 153–54, 154
光电晶体管由……发明，205
phototransistor invented by, 205
肖克利，艾莉森，81，110，114，127，225，228
Shockley, Alison, 81, 110, 114, 127, 225, 228
肖克利，比利，110，163，233
Shockley, Billy, 110, 163, 233
肖克利，科拉·梅·布拉德福德，21、23、163-164、233、234、242、244、245
Shockley, Cora May Bradford, 21, 23, 163–64, 233, 234, 242, 244, 245
Shockley, Dicky, 163, 233, 276–77
Shockley, Dicky, 163, 233, 276–77
Shockley，Emmy Lanning，227–28、229、230、231、232、234、242、245、246、249、251、276–77
Shockley, Emmy Lanning, 227–28, 229, 230, 231, 232, 234, 242, 245, 246, 249, 251, 276–77
肖克利与……的第一次会面，227-28
Shockley’s first meeting with, 227–28
肖克利的婚姻，236–37
Shockley’s marriage to, 236–37
肖克利，简·贝利，81，110，114，143，148，163-64，225
Shockley, Jean Bailey, 81, 110, 114, 143, 148, 163–64, 225
肖克利，威廉·布拉德福德，1，3–8，5，9，10，23，24，25，33，47，52，71–72，73，76，84，87，94，116，125，129，130，138，139–40，141，142，159–60，162–63，164，166，167，170，173，177，178，180，184，185，192，201，205，206，219，220，221，237，240，243，245，263， 267、268、271、274、275、280
Shockley, William Bradford, 1, 3–8, 5, 9, 10, 23, 24, 25, 33, 47, 52, 71–72, 73, 76, 84, 87, 94, 116, 125, 129, 130, 138, 139–40, 141, 142, 159–60, 162–63, 164, 166, 167, 170, 173, 177, 178, 180, 184, 185, 192, 201, 205, 206, 219, 220, 221, 237, 240, 243, 245, 263, 267, 268, 271, 274, 275, 280
评估，277–78，280–82，284
assessment of, 277–78, 280–82, 284
在汽车碰撞事故中，276–77
in auto collision, 276–77
巴丁的布拉坦与……的裂痕日益加深，155–56，175–76，185–86，190–93
Bardeen’s and Brattain’s deepening rift with, 155–56, 175–76, 185–86, 190–93
巴丁离开贝尔实验室，以及，190–93
Bardeen’s departure from Bell Labs and, 190–93
贝克曼的合作关系，233–36，248
Beckman’s partnership with, 233–36, 248
贝尔实验室的招聘，81-82
Bell Labs’s hiring of, 81–82
贝尔实验室的战后计划，以及，109-14
Bell Labs’s postwar plans and, 109–14
出生年份：22–23
birth of, 22–23
童年时期，24-25
boyhood of, 24–25
芝加哥之行，143–44
Chicago visit of, 143–44
康斯托克奖授予，226–27，228
Comstock Prize awarded to, 226–27, 228
死亡人数：277
death of, 277
与贝尔实验室不同，225–26
in departure from Bell Labs, 225–26
disintegrating marriage of, 228
教育程度，24–27
education of, 24–27
灯丝晶体管，171–72
filament transistor and, 171–72
浮区精炼备忘录，230
float zone-refining memo of, 230
四层二极管，参见四层二极管
four-layer diode of, see four-layer diode
遗传学观点，277
genetic ideas of, 277
政府工作，127–28
government work of, 127–28
智力产出，178
intellectual output of, 178
“期刊”俱乐部，83
“journal” club of, 83
Kelly 等人，82，226，232–33
Kelly and, 82, 226, 232–33
Lark-Horovitz 等人，156–57
Lark-Horovitz and, 156–57
管理风格，226、241、247-50、269
management style of, 226, 241, 247–50, 269
婚姻记录，81，236–37
marriages of, 81, 236–37
授予功绩勋章，127
Medal of Merit awarded to, 127
军事研究，104，107-8，186-88
military research of, 104, 107–8, 186–88
在麻省理工学院，73–75，79
at MIT, 73–75, 79
诺贝尔奖得主，241–46，245
Nobel Prize won by, 241–46, 245
诺伊斯受雇于，237–39，240
Noyce hired by, 237–39, 240
专利争议，第144-46、148、155、157页
patents controversy and, 144–46, 148, 155, 157
门上别针事件，247–48
pin-in-the-door incident and, 247–48
PN结放大器概念，144、148-51、149、154-55
P-N junction amplifier concept of, 144, 148–51, 149, 154–55
近炸引信和，187–88
proximity fuzes and, 187–88
普渡大学访问，124–25
Purdue visit by, 124–25
雷达轰炸瞄准器和，107–8
radar bombsights and, 107–8
招聘理念，235-36
recruiting philosophy of, 235–36
semiconductor research of, 85–86
Shive 的双面放大器，以及，154–55
Shive’s double-sided amplifier and, 154–55
斯莱特和，75
Slater and, 75
作为固态物理组组长，116–18
as Solid State Physics group head, 116–18
固态阀的构想，111–14
solid-state valve idea of, 111–14
在斯坦福大学，73，277
at Stanford, 73, 277
蒂尔的晶体生长项目，以及，175、179、182
Teal’s crystal-growing project and, 175, 179, 182
在 WSEG、225、227、229、231、233
at WSEG, 225, 227, 229, 231, 233
肖克利，威廉·希尔曼，22、23、24-26
Shockley, William Hillman, 22, 23, 24–26
“肖克利二极管”，248
“Shockley Diode,” 248
缺点，266–67
shortcomings of, 266–67
另见四层二极管
see also four-layer diode
Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory, 7, 237, 238, 275, 277
Clevite收购了269
Clevite’s purchase of, 269
持不同政见的员工离职，第246-47页，第249-52页
dissident staff’s departure from, 246–47, 249–52
管理难题，266–69
management difficulties of, 266–69
重组，247–48，266
reorganizations of, 247–48, 266
人员配备，237–40
staffing of, 237–40
肖克利晶体管公司，266
Shockley Transistor Corporation, 266
西门子，维尔纳，20
Siemens, Werner, 20
美国陆军信号兵团，162、169、204
Signal Corps, U.S. Army, 162, 169, 204
电子实验室，201
Electronic Laboratory of, 201
微模块程序，255
Micro-Module program of, 255
硅，88–89，120，122，125，129，133、223、271
silicon, 88–89, 120, 122, 125, 129, 133, 223, 271
晶体探测器，92–93
in crystal detector, 92–93
基于扩散的晶体管，221–22，224
diffusion-based transistor and, 221–22, 224
浮区精炼，230
float zone-refining of, 230
N型，96–98，106–7，120–21
N-type, 96–98, 106–7, 120–21
奥尔的作品，92–96
Ohl’s work with, 92–96
在元素周期表中，90–92
in periodic table, 90–92
光伏效应，95-96
photovoltaic effect and, 95–96
PN 连接点和，96–98，103
P-N junction and, 96–98, 103
P型，96–98，102，106–7
P-type, 96–98, 102, 106–7
雷达发展及，101-2
radar development and, 101–2
太阳能电池和220
Solar Battery and, 220
Teal 的晶体管发展自 207–8。
Teal’s transistor developed from, 207–8
硅谷，7,275
Silicon Valley, 7, 275
斯金纳，赫伯特·WB，102
Skinner, Herbert W. B., 102
斯莱特，约翰，70、74、75、76、79、81、103-104、169
Slater, John, 70, 74, 75, 76, 79, 81, 103–4, 169
太阳能电池，219–20，227
Solar Battery, 219–20, 227
太阳能电池，219–20
solar cell, 219–20
固态电路，261，272
Solid Circuit, 261, 272
固态放大器，参见PN结放大器；点接触放大器；晶体管
solid-state amplifier, see P-N junction amplifier; point-contact amplifier; transistor
固态物理学，74，84，109
solid-state physics, 74, 84, 109
出现，68–69
emergence of, 68–69
《物理学的一些当代进展》（达罗），44
“Some Contemporary Advances in Physics” (Darrow), 44
“Some Recent Developments in Silicon and Germanium Materials and Devices” (Teal), 209
阿诺德·索末菲，41–42、43、43、51、52、61、62、63、69、73、83
Sommerfeld, Arnold, 41–42, 43, 43, 51, 52, 61, 62, 63, 69, 73, 83
Sonotone公司，169，205
Sonotone company, 169, 205
索尼，7，285
Sony, 7, 285
命名，217
naming of, 217
另见 Totsuko
see also Totsuko
索斯沃思，乔治，89-90，92，100
Southworth, George, 89–90, 92, 100
苏联，9–10，187，204，224
Soviet Union, 9–10, 187, 204, 224
崩溃，285
collapse of, 285
252颗人造卫星
Sputnik satellites of, 252
“太空时代”，252-53页
“space age,” 252–53
“无火花电报”，21
“sparkless telegraphy,” 21
斯帕克斯，贝蒂·麦克沃伊，177
Sparks, Betty MacEvoy, 177
Sparks、Morgan，156、173、179、183、185、190、193、195-196、230、236、237、240
Sparks, Morgan, 156, 173, 179, 183, 185, 190, 193, 195–96, 230, 236, 237, 240
晶体生长技术，181–82
crystal-growing technique and, 181–82
双掺杂技术，182–83，188
double-doping technique and, 182–83, 188
结型晶体管的制造，177–78
fabrication of junction transistor and, 177–78
斯佩里陀螺仪公司，122
Sperry Gyroscope Company, 122
Spinco，237、248、250–51
Spinco, 237, 248, 250–51
“旋量”理论，62
“spinor” theory, 62
圣路易斯精神号，27
Spirit of St. Louis, 27
人造卫星，252颗
Sputnik satellites, 252
斯坦福大学，21、24、71、73、235、277
Stanford University, 21, 24, 71, 73, 235, 277
星球大战，279
Star Wars, 279
《物质、辐射和电的统计理论》（达罗），第61页
“Statistical Theories of Matter, Radiation and Electricity” (Darrow), 61
斯坦因，格特鲁德，21岁
Stein, Gertrude, 21
斯蒂姆森，亨利·L.，107
Stimson, Henry L., 107
苏伊士运河危机，246
Suez Crisis, 246
超导性，185，244
superconductivity, 185, 244
“金属半导体接触处的表面态和整流”（Bardeen），128
“Surface States and Rectification at a Metal Semi-Conductor Contact” (Bardeen), 128
表面状态项目，152–53
Surface States Project, 152–53
表面态理论，120–22，121，126，128，270
surface states theory, 120–22, 121, 126, 128, 270
开关电路，201–3
switching circuits, 201–3
Sylvania company, 124, 204, 236
塔嫩鲍姆、莫里斯，223、236、240
Tanenbaum, Morris, 223, 236, 240
录音机，214
tape recorders, 214
泰特，约翰，52，55，64，103，128，163
Tate, John, 52, 55, 64, 103, 128, 163
Teal、Gordon、172、183、185、190、193、196、197、198、199、219、282
Teal, Gordon, 172, 183, 185, 190, 193, 196, 197, 198, 199, 219, 282
晶体生长项目，173–75、178–80、181、184、281
crystal-growing project of, 173–75, 178–80, 181, 184, 281
与贝尔实验室不同，206-7
in departure from Bell Labs, 206–7
双掺杂技术，182–83
double-doping technique and, 182–83
由 173 开发的热解薄膜
pyrolitic film developed by, 173
由……开发的硅晶体管，207–9
silicon transistor developed by, 207–9
电信研究机构，102
Telecommunications Research Establishment, 102
泰莱达因，273
Teledyne, 273
电视，169
television, 169
晶体管和，216–17
transistors and, 216–17
特曼，弗雷德里克，235–36，277
Terman, Frederick, 235–36, 277
“半导体三极管术语”，160
“Terminology for Semiconductor Triodes,” 160
德州仪器，7，197，209-10，232，256，262，264-65，270，271，273，274，280
Texas Instruments, 7, 197, 209–10, 232, 256, 262, 264–65, 270, 271, 273, 274, 280
第一个生长结硅晶体管由……制造，220
first grown-junction silicon transistor made by, 220
历史，206–7
history of, 206–7
IBM 和 213
IBM and, 213
integrated circuit invented by, 256–61, 260, 261
由 272 开发的微型固态计算机
midget solid-state computer developed by, 272
小型化，257–61
miniaturization and, 257–61
由……开发的硅晶体管，207–9
silicon transistor developed by, 207–9
固态电路，261，272
Solid Circuit of, 261, 272
晶体管收音机由……开发，211–13
transistor radio developed by, 211–13
西部电气公司许可证，207
Western Electric license of, 207
金属和合金的理论与性质（莫特和琼斯），83
Theory and Properties of Metals and Alloys, The (Mott and Jones), 83
《晶体整流器理论》（莫特），85
“Theory of Crystal Rectifiers, The” (Mott), 85
“Theory of Electronic Semi-Conductors, The” (Wilson), 66
《半导体和PN结晶体管中的PN结理论》（肖克利），178
“Theory of P-N Junctions in Semiconductors and P-N Junction Transistors, The” (Shockley), 178
《超导理论》（巴丁、库珀和施里弗著），第279页
“Theory of Superconductivity” (Bardeen, Cooper and Schrieffer), 279
热电子发射，58–59，61–62
thermionic emission, 58–59, 61–62
Theuerer，Henry，93，95，97，110，112，124，133，156，177，218，230
Theuerer, Henry, 93, 95, 97, 110, 112, 124, 133, 156, 177, 218, 230
汤普森-休斯顿公司，102
Thompson-Houston Company, 102
汤姆森，约瑟夫·约翰，34-35、36、38、39、40、58、61
Thomson, Joseph John, 34–35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 58, 61
三电极电路利用半导体材料的元件”（Bardeen 和 Brattain），155
“Three-Electrode Circuit Element Utilizing Semiconductive Materials” (Bardeen and Brattain), 155
时间，9，165，243
Time, 9, 165, 243
Tinkertoy，项目，255
Tinkertoy, Project, 255
蒂扎德，亨利，99岁
Tizard, Henry, 99
托克维尔，亚历克西·德，27
Tocqueville, Alexis de, 27
东芝，215，285
Toshiba, 215, 285
户津子（东京通信工业），213–17
Totsuko (Tokyo Tsushin Kogyo), 213–17
TR-52晶体管收音机，216–17
TR-52 transistor radio of, 216–17
另见索尼
see also Sony
TRADIC（晶体管数字计算机），204
TRADIC (Transistorized Digital Computer), 204
晶体管：
transistor:
应用，201，203–6，223–24，226–27，254–55
applications of, 201, 203–6, 223–24, 226–27, 254–55
Bell Labs’s demonstrations of, 139–40, 161–62, 165–66
首先，创建，130–37
first, creation of, 130–37
作为增长型产业，226–27
as growth industry, 226–27
互连和，255
interconnections and, 255
大规模生产，204
mass production of, 204
媒体对165号事件的反应
media reaction to, 165
命名，158–60
naming of, 158–60
公开声明，163–64，165
public announcement of, 163–64, 165
公众认知度，8-10
public perception of, 8–10
意义和影响，6–7，255
significance and impact of, 6–7, 255
硅与锗的比较，221–22
silicon vs. germanium in, 221–22
“Transistor, The: A Semi-Conductor Triode” (Bardeen and Brattain), 163
晶体管技术，197，215
Transistor Technology, 197, 215
1952年晶体管技术研讨会，第197、204、210、257、258页
Transistor Technology Symposium of 1952, 197, 204, 210, 257, 258
Transitron Electronics，227，273
Transitron Electronics, 227, 273
TR-52晶体管收音机，216–17
TR-52 transistor radio, 216–17
“三极管效应”，153
“triode effect,” 153
杜鲁门，哈里·S.，115
Truman, Harry S., 115
TRW，232
TRW, 232
A型晶体管，159、160、168
type A transistor, 159, 160, 168
需求量为 169
demand for, 169
制造，180
fabrication of, 180
缺点，169–70
shortcomings of, 169–70
紫外线灾难，37–38
ultraviolet catastrophe, 37–38
合众社，242
United Press, 242
Vail, Theodore N., 57, 59, 59, 60
瓦尔德斯，利奥，240
Valdes, Leo, 240
“价电子”，91
“valence electrons,” 91
先锋I型导弹，252
Vanguard I missile, 252
先锋卫星，254
Vanguard satellite, 254
范·海斯，查尔斯，15岁
Van Hise, Charles, 15
约翰·范弗莱克，51–52, 74, 77, 78–79, 80
Van Vleck, John, 51–52, 74, 77, 78–79, 80
压敏电阻，68
varistors, 68
维多利亚，英国女王，37岁
Victoria, Queen of England, 37
冯·劳厄，马克斯，33–34, 41, 45, 49
von Laue, Max, 33–34, 41, 45, 49
冯·诺伊曼，约翰，76岁，81岁
von Neumann, John, 76, 81
沃尔科特，泽西乔，162
Walcott, Jersey Joe, 162
华莱士，鲍勃，188–90，196，236
Wallace, Bob, 188–90, 196, 236
《华尔街日报》第220、227、232、242页
Wall Street Journal, 220, 227, 232, 242
War Research Committee, Japanese, 213–14
沃森，托马斯，59-60，59
Watson, Thomas, 59–60, 59
沃森，托马斯·J.，213
Watson, Thomas J., 213
“波函数”，50
“wave function,” 50
波粒二象性之争，31–33，45–46
wave-particle debate, 31–33, 45–46
电子的发现，34–35
discovery of electron and, 34–35
二元性，47–48，52
duality and, 47–48, 52
武器系统评估组（WSEG）225、227、229、231、233
Weapons Systems Evaluation Group (WSEG) 225, 227, 229, 231, 233
西部电气公司，48、58、68、82、100、102、103、106、107、109、114、124、158、159、168、194、195、196-197、204、223、240、247、274
Western Electric Company, 48, 58, 68, 82, 100, 102, 103, 106, 107, 109, 114, 124, 158, 159, 168, 194, 195, 196–97, 204, 223, 240, 247, 274
Fairchild 的交叉许可协议，282–83
Fairchild’s cross-license agreement with, 282–83
德州仪器授权，207
Texas Instruments licensed by, 207
东津子授权，214–15
Totsuko licensed by, 214–15
西屋公司，19、169、254、256、273
Westinghouse company, 19, 169, 254, 256, 273
怀特，艾迪生，206，230
White, Addison, 206, 230
怀特黑德，阿尔弗雷德·诺斯，79岁
Whitehead, Alfred North, 79
白宫科学委员会，279
White House Science Council, 279
惠特曼，马库斯，28岁
Whitman, Marcus, 28
惠特曼学院，27，29
Whitman College, 27, 29
维格纳，尤金，70、74、76、78、81
Wigner, Eugene, 70, 74, 76, 78, 81
威尔逊，艾伦，66–68、74、85、112、274
Wilson, Alan, 66–68, 74, 85, 112, 274
温克勒，克莱门斯，90
Winkler, Clemens, 90
无线时代，19
Wireless Age, 19
伍尔德里奇，迪恩，84、86、116、206、232
Wooldridge, Dean, 84, 86, 116, 206, 232
工作函数，85，120
work function, 85, 120
巴丁的计算结果为78-79，79
Bardeen’s calculation of, 78–79, 79
布拉坦的研究，62-63
Brattain’s research on, 62–63
第一次世界大战，29，40
World War I, 29, 40
第二次世界大战，86-87、98、99、125
World War II, 86–87, 98, 99, 125
结束，114
end of, 114
发病年龄，86–87
onset of, 86–87
珍珠港事件，以及103
Pearl Harbor attack and, 103
X波段雷达，105–6，107
X-band radar, 105–6, 107
施乐公司，279，280
Xerox Corporation, 279, 280
X射线，29、31、50
X-rays, 29, 31, 50
布拉格定律和，34
Bragg’s law and, 34
波粒二象性之争，以及，31–35，45–47
wave-particle debate and, 31–35, 45–47
耶茨，塞西尔，14岁
Yates, Cecil, 14
《晶体管之年》，205-206页
“Year of the Transistor, The,” 205–6
杨，托马斯，45岁
Young, Thomas, 45
Zahl，Harold，162，201
Zahl, Harold, 162, 201
《物理学杂志》，43
Zeitschrift für Physik, 43
Zenith，213
Zenith, 213
区域精炼，198–99，198，208，219，220
zone refining, 198–99, 198, 208, 219, 220
更多赞誉献给水晶之火
More Praise for Crystal Fire
“我曾与《水晶之火》中的三位主人公有过密切的接触，因此发现这本书格外引人入胜，让人爱不释手。但任何对现代科技起源感兴趣，又喜欢精彩故事的人，都会同样喜欢这本书。”——菲利普·W·安德森，普林斯顿大学，《泰晤士高等教育增刊》（伦敦）
“Having been closely involved with Crystal Fire’s three protagonists, I found the book especially hard to put down. But anyone who is curious about the origins of modern technology and likes a cracking good story should enjoy it just as much.”—Philip W. Anderson, Princeton University, in The Times Higher Education Supplement [London]
“里奥丹和霍德森技艺精湛本书将科学与个人经历以及引领半导体时代到来的更广泛的社会问题相结合……本书既适合普通读者，也适合技术专家，生动地展现了那些研究人员的办公室政治、职业竞争以及他们为改变世界所付出的奉献精神。——《出版商周刊》
“Riordan and Hoddeson expertly integrate science with the personal histories and larger social issues that ushered in the age of the semiconductor. . . . Thoroughly accessible to lay readers as well as the techno-savvy, this fine book vivifies the office politics, professional rivalries and dedication exhibited by the researchers whose work literally—and virtually—transformed the planet.”—Publishers Weekly
“完美无瑕”本书学术严谨，研究细致，涵盖了从电子发现到首块集成电路的宏大历史……堪称半导体产业诞生的权威之作。——《伦敦每日电讯报》
“With impeccable scholarship and meticulous research, this book covers an impressive sweep of history from the discovery of the electron to the first integrated circuit. . . . A definitive account of the birth of the semiconductor industry.”—London Daily Telegraph
里奥丹和霍德森以简洁明快的笔触，描述了三位才华横溢、性格迥异的人物如何走到一起，共同驾驭电力特性。一类被称为半导体的神秘元素……对一项重要发明及其背后的故事进行了生动的描述。——《新泽西星报》
“In a clean, fast-paced style, Riordan and Hodeson describe the three brilliant, diverse personalities brought together to harness the electrical properties of a mysterious class of elements called semiconductors. . . . A lively account of an important invention and the people behind it.”—Newark Star-Ledger
“里奥丹和霍德森以丰富的细节，展开了晶体管的发展历程以及三位主要发现者——约翰·巴丁、沃尔特·布拉顿和威廉·肖克利——的生平……站在巨人的肩膀上，收获着……”凭借他们惊人的研究成果，晶体管三巨头创造出了彻底改变当今生活的装置，使电视、电脑和其他电子设备成为可能。——《图书馆杂志》
“In rich detail, Riordan and Hodeson unfurl the development of the transistor and the lives of its three principal discoverers—John Bardeen, Walter Brattain, and William Shockley. . . . Standing on the shoulders of giants while harvesting the fruits of their own astonishing research, the triumvirate of the transistor created the device that has revolutionized life today, making possible television, computers, and other electronic devices.”—Library Journal
“本书的资料取材严谨，既参考了原始资料，也采访了相关人士，他们提供了许多引人入胜的轶事。读者很难忘记……”“躁动不安、野心勃勃和斤斤计较都会影响科学的发展进程。”——《物理世界》
“The material has been well researched from both original sources and interviews with the participants, who provide captivating anecdotes. The reader is not allowed to forget the restlessness, aspirations, and pettiness that can affect the course of science.”—Physics World
“本书凝聚了大量细致的研究成果。尤其值得一提的是，访谈部分为本书增添了生动活泼的风格……本书的严谨性、详实的资料以及对所有相关人员一贯秉持的公平态度都给我留下了深刻的印象……这是一个引人入胜的故事。”——汉斯·奎瑟，IEEE光谱
“A tremendous amount of careful research has gone into this book. Interviews, in particular, contribute to a warm and lively style. . . . I am impressed by the precision, the documentation, and the consistent efforts to be fair to all the people involved. . . . An exciting story.”—Hans Queisser, IEEE Spectrum
版权所有 © 1997 Michael Riordan 和 Lillian Hoddeson
Copyright © 1997 by Michael Riordan and Lillian Hoddeson
版权所有
All rights reserved
本书最初于1998年以诺顿出版社平装本的形式出版。
First published as a Norton paperback in 1998
此处第3、5、49、57、59、61、69、83、91、94、133、136、140、149、154、160、165、166、170、172、183、188、189、192、193、198、203和258号照片及其他插图均为AT & T档案馆所有，经AT & T许可转载。第210、212、260和261页的插图经德州仪器公司授权转载。第 263、272 和 273 页的照片经安森美/仙童半导体公司授权转载。
The photographs and other illustrations on here 3, 5, 49, 57, 59, 61, 69, 83, 91, 94, 133, 136, 140, 149, 154, 160, 165, 166, 170, 172, 183, 188, 189, 192, 193, 198, 203, and 258 are the property of AT&T Archives. They are reprinted with permission of AT&T. The photographs and illustrations on pages 210, 212, 260, and 261 are reprinted courtesy of Texas Instruments. Photographs on pages 263, 272, and 273 are reprinted courtesy of Onsemi/Fairchild Semiconductor Corporation.
桌面合成：David Gilbert，Wildman Productions
Desktop composition by David Gilbert, Wildman Productions
书籍设计：克里斯·韦尔奇。
Book design by Chris Welch.
美国国会图书馆对印刷版的编目如下：
The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows:
里奥丹，迈克尔。
Riordan, Michael.
Crystal fire: the birth of the information age / by Michael
里奥丹和莉莲·霍德森。
Riordan and Lillian Hoddeson.
页厘米。
p.cm.
包含参考文献和索引。
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-393-04124-7
ISBN 0-393-04124-7
1. 电子学史。2. 晶体管史。I. Hoddeson，
1. Electronic—History. 2. Transistors—History. I. Hoddeson,
莉莲。二、标题。
Lillian. II. Title.
TK7809.R56 1997
TK7809.R56 1997
621.381'09—dc2196-47464
621.381'09—dc2196-47464
CIP
CIP
ISBN 0-393-31851-6 平装本。
ISBN 0-393-31851-6 pbk.
WW Norton & Company, Inc., 500 Fifth Avenue, 纽约, NY 10110
W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 500 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10110
WW Norton & Company Ltd.，地址：伦敦科普特街10号，邮编：WC1A 1PU
W. W. Norton & Company Ltd., 10 Coptic Street, London WC1A 1PU
